temperance reform which is going on among us," he wrote, "deserves all
praise, and I see not what is to hinder its complete success. I believe the
movements now made will succeed, because they are in harmony with and are
seconded by the general spirit and progress of the age. Every advance in
knowledge, in refined manners, in domestic enjoyments, in habits of
foresight and economy, in regular industry, in the comforts of life, in
civilization, good morals and religion, is an aid to the cause of
temperance; and believing as we do that these are making progress, may we
not hope that drunkenness will be driven from society?"[18] He regarded
the subject from a broader point of view than many, and urged that a sound
physical education for all youth, as well as larger opportunities for
intellectual improvement on the part of workingmen, would do much to
prevent intemperance.[19] He maintained that to give men "strength within
to withstand the temptations of intemperance" is incalculably more
important than to remove merely outward temptations. Better education,
innocent amusements, a wider spirit of sympathy and brotherhood,
discouragement of the use and sale of ardent spirits, were among the means
he recommended for suppressing this evil.[20]
The Massachusetts Society for the Suppression of Intemperance was organized
at the State House in Boston on February 5, 1813, "to discountenance and
suppress the too free use of ardent spirits, and to encourage and promote
temperance and general morality." This was one of the first temperance
societies organized in the country, and its chief promoters were
Unitarians. Dr. John C. Collins, who published the records of the society,
said of the year 1827, when he became a member, that "Channing, Gannett,
and others were the most active men at that time in the temperance
cause."[21] Dr. Abiel Abbot was the first corresponding secretary of the
society, and on the council were Drs. Kirkland, Lothrop, Worcester, and
Pierce. Among the other Unitarian ministers who were active in the society
were Charles Lowell, the younger Henry Ware, John Pierpont, and John G.
Palfrey. Among the laymen were Moses Grant, Nathan Dane, Dr. John Ware,
Stephen Fairbanks, Dr. J.F. Flagg, William Sullivan, Amos Lawrence, Samuel
Dexter, and Isaac Parker.[22] Auxiliary societies were organized in Salem,
Beverly, and other towns; and these gave to the temperance cause the
activities of such Unitarians as Theophilus Parsons, Robert Rantoul, and
Samuel Hoar.[23]
Of the more recent interest of Unitarians in questions of temperance reform
there may be mentioned the thorough study made by the United States
Commissioner of Labor, and printed in 1898 under the title of Economic
Aspects of the Liquor Problem.[24] This investigation was ordered by
Congress as the result of a petition sent to that body by the Unitarian
Temperance Society. Probably few petitions have ever been sent to Congress
that contained so many prominent names of leading statesmen, presidents of
colleges and universities, bishops, clergymen, well-known literary men, and
other persons of influence. The Unitarian Temperance Society was organized
September 23, 1886, in connection with the meeting of the National
Conference at Saratoga. Its purpose is "to work for the cause of temperance
in whatever ways may seem to it wise and right; to study the social
problems of poverty, crime, and disease, in their relation to the use of
intoxicating drinks, and to diffuse whatever knowledge may be gained; to
discuss methods of temperance reform; to devise and, so far as possible, to
execute plans for practical reform; to exert by its meetings and by its
membership such influence for good as by the grace of God it may possess."
It has held annual meetings in Boston, and other meetings in connection
with the National Conference; it has published a number of important
tracts, temperance text-books, and temperance services for Sunday-schools;
and it has exerted a considerable influence on the denomination in shaping
public opinion in regard to this reform. The presidents of the society have
been Rev. Christopher R. Eliot, Rev. George H. Hosmer, and Rev. Charles F.
Dole.
The subject of temperance reform has been before the National Conference on
several occasions and in various forms. At the session of 1882 a resolution
offered by Miss Mary Grew was adopted:--
That the unutterable evils continually wrought by intemperance, the
easy descent from moderate to immoderate drinking, and the moral wrecks
strewn along that downward path, call upon Christians and patriots to
practise and advocate abstinence from the use of all intoxicating
liquors as a beverage.
In 1891 a series of resolutions recommended by the Unitarian Temperance
Society were adopted as expressing the convictions of the Conference:--
First, that the liquor saloon, as it exists to-day in the United
States, is the nation's chief school of crime, chief college of
corruption in politics, chief source of poverty and ruined homes, chief
menace to our country's future, is the standing enemy of society, and,
as such, deserves the condemnation of all good men.
Second, that, whatever be the best mode of dealing with the saloon by
law, law can avail little until those who condemn the saloon consent to
totally abstain themselves from the use of alcoholic drink for
pleasure.
Third, that we affectionately and urgently call on every minister and
all laymen and women in our denomination--our old, our young, our rich,
our poor, our leaders, and our humblest--to take this stand of total
abstinence, remembering those that are in bonds as bound with them, and
throw the solid influence of our church against the influence of the
saloon.
[Sidenote: Anti-slavery.]
In proportion to its numbers no religious body in the country did so much
to promote the anti-slavery reform as the Unitarian. No Unitarian defended
slavery from the pulpit or by means of the press, and no one was its
apologist.[25] Many, however, did not approve of the methods of the
abolitionists, and some strongly opposed the extreme measures of a part of
that body of reformers. The desire of Unitarians to be just, rational, and
open-minded, exposed many of them to the criticism of being neither for nor
against slavery. But it is certain that they were not indifferent to its
evils nor recreant to their humanitarian principles.
The period of the anti-slavery agitation was truly one that tried the souls
of men; and those who were equally conscientious, desirous of serving the
cause of justice and humanity, and solicitous for the welfare of the slave,
widely differed from one another as to what was the wise method of action.
Among those severely condemned by the anti-slavery party were several
Unitarian ministers of great force of character and of a genuinely
humanitarian spirit. Three of them may be selected as representative.
Dr. Orville Dewey had seen something of slavery, and was strongly opposed
to it. He thought the system hateful in itself and productive of nearly
unmingled evil, and yet he was not in favor of immediate emancipation. His
frequent indictments of slavery in his sermons and lectures were severe in
the extreme; but his demand for wise and patient counsel, and for a
rational method of gradual emancipation, subjected him to severe
condemnation. "And nothing else brings out the nobleness of Dr. Dewey into
such bold relief as the fact," says Rev. John W. Chadwick, "that the
immeasurable torrent of abuse that greeted his expressed opinion did not in
any least degree avail to make him one of the pro-slavery faction. He
differed from the most earnest of the anti-slavery men only as to the best
method of getting rid of the curse of human bondage."[26]
As early as 1830 Dr. E.S. Gannett said that "the greatest evil under which
our nation labors is the existence of slavery. It is the only vicious part
of our body politic, but this is a deep and disgusting sore. It must be
treated with the utmost judgment and skill." The violence of the
abolitionists he did not approve, however; for his respect for law and
constituted authority was so great that he was not ready for radical
measures. He abhorred slavery, but he was not willing to condemn the
slaveholder. He was therefore regarded by the abolitionists as more hostile
to them than any other Unitarian minister. His attitude as a peace man, his
strong regard for justice and fair dealing, as well as his earnest faith in
the gentle influence of the gospel, forbade his accepting the strenuous
methods of the abolitionists. He would not, however, permit anti-slavery
ministers to be silenced in Unitarian meetings. When he saw something of
slavery, in 1833, he expressed his convictions in regard to it in these
forcible words: "It is the attempt to degrade a human being into something
less than a man,--not the confinement, unjust as this is, nor the blows,
cruel as these are,--but the denial of his equal share in the rights,
prerogatives, and responsibilities of a human being, which brands the
institution of slavery with its peculiar and ineffaceable odiousness."[27]
Another minister who came under the condemnation of the abolitionists was
Rev. John H. Morison, and yet he preached sermons against slavery that met
with the vigorous disapproval of his congregation. "We all agree," he wrote
in 1844, "in the sad conviction that slavery in its political influence,
more than all other subjects, threatens to upturn the foundation of our
government; that in its moral and religious bearings it is a grievous wrong
to master and slave; and that, as it is in violation of the fundamental
principles of Christian duty, it must, if continued beyond the absolute
necessity of the case, be attended with consequences the most disastrous."
Again, when Daniel Webster made his 7th of March speech in 1850, Dr.
Morison, then the editor of The Christian Register, took the earliest
possible opportunity to express himself as strongly as he could against it.
"We at the North," he wrote, "believe that slavery is morally wrong." He
said that the government, in its attempt to defend slavery as against the
moral convictions of a large number of the people, was doing the country a
great harm.[28]
The position of these men and of others who thought and acted with them can
best be understood by recognizing the fact that they were opposed to
sectarian methods in promoting reforms as in advancing the interests of
religion. It is probable that in these heated times neither party did full
justice to the spirit and purposes of the other. Even so gentle and
charitable a man as Rev. Samuel J. May speaks of the "discreditable
pro-slavery conduct of the Unitarian denomination." "The Unitarians as a
body," he says again, "dealt with the question of slavery in anything but
an impartial, courageous, and Christian way. Continually in their public
meetings the question was staved off and driven out because of technical,
formal, verbal difficulties which were of no real importance, and ought not
to have caused a moment's hesitation. Avowing among their distinctive
doctrines the fatherly character of God and the brotherhood of man, we had
a right to expect from the Unitarians a steadfast and unqualified protest
against so unjust, tyrannical, and cruel a system as that of American
slavery. And considering their position as a body, not entangled with any
pro-slavery alliances, not hampered with any ecclesiastical organization,
it does seem to me that they were pre-eminently guilty in reference to the
enslavement of the millions in our land with its attendant wrongs,
cruelties, horrors. They refused to speak as a body, and censured,
condemned, execrated their members who did speak faithfully for the
down-trodden, and who co-operated with him whom a merciful Providence sent
as the prophet of the reform."[29]
The testimony of Rev. O.B. Frothingham is fully as condemnatory of
Unitarian timidity and conservatism, even of the moral cowardice betrayed
by many of the leaders. He says the Unitarians, as such, "were indifferent
or lukewarm; the leading classes were opposed to the agitation. Dr.
Channing was almost alone in lending countenance to the reform, though his
hesitation between the dictates of natural feeling and Christian charity
towards the masters hampered his action, and rendered him obnoxious to both
parties,--the radicals finding fault with him for not going further, the
conservatives blaming him because he went so far."[30] Mr. Frothingham
finds, however, that the transcendentalists were quite "universally
abolitionists, their faith in the natural powers of man making them zealous
promoters of the cause of the slave." He insists that as a class "the
Unitarians were not ardent disciples of any moral cause, and took pride in
being reasoners, believers in education and in general social influence, in
the progress of knowledge and the uplifting of humanity by means of ideas,"
but that they permitted these qualities to cool their ardor for reform and
to mitigate their love of humanity.[31]
The biographers of William Lloyd Garrison are never tired of condemning Dr.
Channing for what they call his timidity, his shunning any personal contact
with the great abolitionist, his failure to grapple boldly with the evils
of slavery, and his half-hearted espousal of the cause of abolition. The
Unitarians generally are by these writers regarded in the same manner.[32]
Most of the accounts mentioned were written by those who took part in the
agitation against slavery, in condemnation of those who had not kept step
with their abolition pace or in apology for those whose words and conduct
were thought to need defence. The time has come, perhaps, when it is
possible to consider, the attitude of individuals and the denomination
without a partisan wish to condemn or to defend. In this spirit the
statement of Samuel J. May is to be accepted as true and just, when he
says: "We Unitarians have given to the anti-slavery cause more preachers,
writers, lecturers, agents, poets, than any other denomination in
proportion to our numbers, if not without any comparison."[33]
Among those who listened to William Lloyd Garrison when in October, 1830,
he first presented in Boston his views in favor of immediate emancipation,
were Samuel J. May, Samuel E. Sewall, and A.B. Alcott; and these men at
once became his disciples and friends.[34] When Garrison organized the New
England Anti-slavery Society in December, 1832, he was actively supported
by Samuel E. Sewall, David Lee Child, and Ellis Gray Loring. It was to the
financial support of Sewall and Loring, though they did not at first accept
his doctrine of immediate emancipation, that Garrison owed his ability to
begin The Liberator, and to sustain it in its earliest years.[35] For many
years, Edmund Quincy was connected with The Liberator, serving as its
editor when Garrison was ill, absent on lecturing tours, or journeying in
Europe. The Massachusetts Anti-slavery Society, which in 1835 succeeded the
New England Society, had during many years Francis Jackson as its
president, Edmund Quincy as its corresponding secretary, and Robert F.
Walcutt as its recording secretary, all Unitarians.
In 1834 was formed the Cambridge Anti-slavery Society, under the leadership
of the younger Henry Ware; and the membership was largely Unitarian,
including the names of Dr. Henry Ware, Sidney Willard, Charles Follen,
William H. Charming, Artemus B. Muzzey, Barzillai Frost, Charles T. Brooks,
and Frederic H. Hedge. The purposes of the society were stated in its
constitution:--
We believe that the emancipation of all who are in bondage is the
requisition, not less of sound policy, than of justice and humanity;
and that it is the duty of those with whom the power lies at once to
remove the sanction of the law from the principle that man can be the
property of man,--a principle inconsistent with our free institutions,
subversive of the purposes for which man was made, and utterly at
variance with the plainest dictates of reason and Christianity.
In 1843 Samuel May visited England, and at Unitarian meetings described the
obstacles in the way of the abolition of slavery, and spoke of the apathy
of American Unitarians. He advised the sending a letter of fraternal
counsel to the Unitarian ministers of the United States "in behalf of the
unhappy slave." Such a letter was prepared, and signed by eighty-five
ministers. It was published in the Unitarian papers in this country, a
meeting was held to consider it, and a reply sent to England signed by one
hundred and thirty ministers. Mr. May was severely condemned for his part
in causing such a letter to be sent, and the reply was rather in the nature
of a protest than a friendly acceptance of the advice given.
A year later, however, this letter was again the subject of earnest
discussion. In anniversary week, 1845, a meeting of Unitarian ministers was
held to "discuss their duties in relation to American slavery." The call
for this meeting was signed by James Thompson, Joseph Allen, Caleb Stetson,
Samuel Ripley, Converse Francis, William Ware, Samuel J. May, Artemus B.
Muzzey, Oliver Stearns, James W. Thompson, Alonzo Hill, Andrew P. Peabody,
Henry A. Miles, Frederic H. Hedge, James F. Clarke, George W. Briggs,
Samuel May, Barzillai Frost, Nathaniel Hall, David Fosdick, and John Weiss.
At the third session, by a vote of forty-seven to seven, it was declared
"that we consider slavery to be utterly opposed to the principles and
spirit of Christianity, and that, as ministers of the gospel, we feel it
our duty to protest against it, in the name of Christ, and to do all we may
to create a public opinion to secure the overthrow of the institution." It
was also decided to appoint a committee to draw up, secure signatures to,
and publish "a protest against the institution of American slavery, as
unchristian and inhuman." Though some of those who spoke at these meetings
condemned the abolitionists, yet all of them expressed in the strongest
terms their opposition to slavery.
The committee selected to prepare this protest consisted of Caleb Stetson,
James F. Clarke, John Parkman, Stephen G. Bulfinch, A.P. Peabody, John
Pierpont, Samuel J. May, Oliver Stearns, George W. Briggs, William P.
Tilden, and William H. Channing. The protest was written by James Freeman
Clarke and was accepted essentially as it came from his hands. It was
signed by one hundred and seventy-three ministers,[36] the whole number of
Unitarian ministers at that time being two hundred and sixty-seven. Some of
the most prominent ministers were conspicuous by the absence of their names
from this protest. It must be understood, however, that those who did not
sign it were as much opposed to slavery as those who did. "This protest,"
said the editor of The Christian Register, in presenting it to the
public,[37] "is written with great clearness of expression and moderation
of spirit. It exhibits unequivocally and distinctly the sentiments of the
numerous and most enlightened body of clergy whose names are attached to
it, as well as many other ministers of the denomination who may be
disinclined to act conjointly, or do not feel called upon to act at all in
any prescribed way, on the subject." It was not a desire to defend slavery
that kept these ministers from signing the protest, but their excessive
individualism, and their unwillingness to commit the denomination to
opinions all might not accept. A few paragraphs from the protest will
indicate its spirit and purpose:--
"Especially do we feel that the denomination which takes for its motto
Liberty, Holiness and Love should be foremost in opposing this system. More
than others we have contended for three great principles,--individual
liberty, perfect righteousness, and human brotherhood. All of these are
grossly violated by the system of slavery. We contend for mental freedom;
shall we not denounce the system which fetters both mind and body? We have
declared righteousness to be the essence of Christianity; shall we not
oppose the system which is the sum of all wrong? We claim for all men the
right of brotherhood before a universal Father; ought we not to testify
against that which tramples so many of our brethren under foot?"
"We, therefore, ministers of the gospel of truth and love, in the name of
God the universal Father, in the name of Christ the Redeemer, in the name
of humanity and human brotherhood, do solemnly protest against the system
of slavery as unchristian, and inhuman," "because it is a violation of
right, being the sum of all unrighteousness which man can do to man,"
"violates the law of love," "degrades man, the image of God, into a thing,"
"necessarily tends to pollute the soul of the slave," "to defile the soul
of the master," "restricts education, keeps the Bible from the slave, makes
life insecure, deprives female innocence of protection, sanctions adultery,
tears children from parents and husbands from wives, violates the divine
institutions of families, and by hard and hopeless toil makes existence a
burden," "eats out the heart of nations and tends every year more and more
to sear the popular conscience and impair the virtue of the people."
"We implore all Christians and Christian preachers to unite in unceasing
prayer to God for aid against this system, to leave no opportunity of
speaking the truth and spreading the light on this subject, in faith that
the truth is strong enough to break every yoke." "And we do hereby pledge
ourselves, before God and our brethren, never to be weary of laboring in
the cause of human rights and freedom until slavery be abolished and every
slave made free."
Although many ministers and laymen took the position that the question of
slavery was not one that should receive attention in the meetings of the
Unitarian Association or other religious organizations, that these should
be kept strictly to their own special purposes, it was not possible to
exclude the one great exciting topic of the age. How persistently it
intruded itself is clearly indicated in words used by Dr. Bellows at the
annual meeting of the Association, in 1856. "Year after year this horrid
image of slavery come in here," he said, "and obtruded itself upon our
concerns. It has prevented our giving attention to any other subject; we
could not keep it out of our minds; and why is that awful crime against
humanity still known in the world, still supported and active in this age
of Christendom, but because it is in alliance with certain views of
theology with which we are at war?"[38] At the same meeting strong
resolutions of sympathy with the free settlers of Kansas, and with Charles
Sumner because "the barbarity of the slave power had attempted to silence
him by brutal outrage," were unanimously adopted.[39]
In 1857 the subject of slavery came before the Western Conference in its
session at Alton. The most uncompromising anti-slavery resolutions were
presented at the opening of the meeting, and everything else was put aside
for their consideration, a day and a half being devoted to them. The
opinion of the majority was, in the words of one of the speakers, that
slavery is a crime that "denies millions marital and parental rights,
requires ignorance as a condition, encourages licentiousness and cruelty,
scars a country all over with incidents that appall and outrage the human
world." Dr. W.G. Eliot, of St. Louis, and others, thought it not expedient
to press the subject to an issue, though he regarded slavery in much the
same way as did the other members of the conference. When the conference
finally took issue with slavery, he and his delegates withdrew from its
membership. His assistant, Rev. Carlton A. Staples, and Rev. John H.
Heywood, of Louisville, went with the majority. A committee appointed to
formulate a statement the conference could accept said that it had no right
to interfere with the freedom of action of individual churches; but it
recommended them to do all they could in opposition to slavery, and said
that the conference was of one mind in the conviction "that slavery is an
evil doomed by God to pass away." This report was accepted by the
conference with only one opposing vote.[40] When the year 1860 had
arrived, Unitarians were practically unanimous in their condemnation of
slavery.