Chapter VII. Of the measures which should be chosen for the growth_The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 — Volume 19 of 55 1620-1621 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century.

and preservation of that kingdom.

The first thing which offers under this heading is the consideration

of the matters pertaining to the war with the Dutch, which is the

basal and fundamental question for all the rest; for the enemy is

making such efforts and using so many measures to get control of that

archipelago, and drive out the Spaniards.

Three ways and means present themselves to the mind, beside which I

find no other one, although I have considered it well.

The first, if it be possible for your Majesty, is to manage to have

an armed fleet sent. If, when Don Alonso Faxardo was already your

governor, he had taken the one which had been made ready, the time

was opportune so that he could have driven out the enemy from their

posts, together with the fleet which was in the Filipinas, which

was weakened in men and artillery by its loss at Manila. On account

of this, the natives of the island of Maluco, fearful of the power

of your Majesty, entered our service. This fleet, which I say your

Majesty should have despatched, should have been sent with a previous

warning to the governor of the Filipinas so that he could collect

there as great a force as possible, and provisions with which to

resupply the fleet which would go thither from here, the money for

this purpose to be sent him from Piru or from Nueva España.

Yet besides this, on account of the straitened circumstances of

your Majesty, and the need of attending to other pressing matters,

it is indeed true, in view of the great importance to your Majesty

of not allowing the enemy to get possession of that archipelago (for

he would infallibly become master of the whole of India, and become

more powerful than can be understood here), that there appears to

be another measure less costly in the meantime; although it will not

result in dislodging them, at least it will give them such diversion

and do so much damage that the profit which they will secure will be

dearly bought. This is, that your Majesty should command the governor

of the Filipinas to build eight galleys, and keep them in Terrenate;

I will explain what their cost would be, shortly. These would be

of great importance, as can be readily seen here, if one considers

these reasons and the letter which Don Geronimo de Silva writes to

his cousin, and another from Master-of-camp Lucas de Vergara to the

dean of Manila, and to myself--the originals of which I possess,

and which, as they explain the situation of those islands, I place

at the end of this relation.

In the first place, the enemy has no ports in those islands in which to

take refuge; and ordinarily his fleet goes about, one way and another,

among the coasts there.

Second, every day in the year (or almost every day) there are six

or eight hours of dead calm, at which time galleys never meet a

galleon under these circumstances without taking it or sending it

to the bottom; for it has been seen by experience with a galleon and

a galliot which the Spaniards possess there, what excellent results

they have produced.

Third, on account of this expedient of the galleys the enemy will not

dare to divide their forces among the factories to carry on their

negotiations; and, as they will have to go together, the cost will

be so great that they cannot support it.

Fourth, the supplies will be taken away from their fortresses;

for they have nothing wherewith to support themselves except it be

brought from other islands. This would be very easily accomplished,

and the enemy would have no means to remedy it. The natives who are

devoted to them would be so terrorized that they would be obliged

to come over to our side. If they accomplish that in this way and

through the effective plans of whomsoever shall govern there, and the

negotiations which he would conduct with them, it is quite certain

that the enemy would be ruined, and could not maintain himself a

year in his forts; for it is the natives who aid and sustain him,

and furnish the cloves for his profit.

Fifth, it would be easy to make an invasion with the galleys on all

the factories where they have not fortresses--and especially in Bantan,

which is in Greater Xava, whither they carry all the spices which are

shipped to Holland--and then to gain them all and burn them. They have

no port there for large vessels, but only a bay where vessels which

anchor there are kept at a distance from the land in the mud, aground,

so that they cannot make use of them when they wish. Accordingly

the galleys could easily burn those which lie there. If Don Juan de

Silva had adopted this measure, the enemy would already be subdued;

and your Majesty would not have spent so great sums of money, and so

exhausted the Filipinas Islands.

Sixth, the forces which your Majesty possesses in Maluco would

be maintained with much less cost than at present by means of

these galleys. For as there are no supplies in those islands it

is necessary to send them from the Filipinas, which entails three

difficulties. The first is that prices are thus made higher in

that country, and the natives thereof are oppressed; the second,

that it costs your Majesty a great deal, with the ships and men that

are needed to man them; and the third, that the enemy gets a great

deal of the aid which is sent. All this would be obviated by keeping

galleys there; for it must be understood that the island of Macaçar

is very large, rich, and abundantly supplied, and lies a two days'

journey from Maluco. The king there is desirous of friendship with

us, and has even sent to the governor of Terrenate to seek religious,

as he says in the letter which is at the end of this relation. Last

year he wrote a letter to the governor of the Filipinas, offering

to furnish him all the supplies that he might need for the forces in

Maluco; and saying that, if he had not the money to pay for them, he

might have them on trust until the money came. Things are very cheap

there, costing less than half as much as in the Filipinas, and the

said galleys could transport them easily, without the danger which

they now encounter of being taken by the enemy. Rather, on the other

hand, those which the enemy carry from there could be taken away with

ease, and they would be caused to perish with hunger. If an ordinary

amount of care were taken in negotiating with this king, he would,

as he is so well disposed to the Spaniards, be so devoted to your

Majesty that he would not allow the enemy to enter his port. Besides,

his friendship with them is already greatly strained; and there is

a great disposition among all that people to receive the gospel.

Seventh, as those islands have no posts where cloves may be laded,

the Dutch send their ships far from the artillery of their own

forts, which they cannot approach; and it will be easy to secure the

vessels, or not allow them to lade anything. Considering the calms

which prevail, even if there were many ships they could not aid one

another, whatever injury the galleys were inflicting upon them--the

least being to dismantle them, so that they cannot sail, for there

is nothing there with which to make a mast or rudder.

Eighth, as they have a number of posts where they only keep

twenty-five or thirty men with a squadron commander, and the forts

have no ditches or drinking-water, they could be deprived of these at

any time with ease. Galleons would be of no use in such engagements,

as they cannot vie with galleys, which can get under cover whenever

they wish. Likewise it must be understood, as their forts are in such

danger, they will need so many men to keep them from being taken,

and so much to maintain them, that their profit will be so small

that it will be gain for them to abandon it. This would indeed be

making a pretty game of war, and cutting their throats with a wooden

sword. And I assure your Majesty that this idea is not only my own,

but that of all experienced men in Maluco There resides at this court

Juan Gomez de Cardenas, who gained considerable experience in Japon

with a Dutch factor, who never thought that this man was a vassal of

your Majesty. The latter made known to him the said reason, and said

that they feared nothing until your Majesty should send there six or

more galleys.

It now remains to tell the ease and little cost with which your

Majesty could maintain these galleys and man them; and if this is

explained for one, it holds in regard to all. The hull of a galley

of twenty-four benches, put together and fitted for sailing, costs

in the Filipinas four thousand ducats. The gang to man it must be

secured in this manner. The governor of the Filipinas should send to

Mindanao three hundred soldiers, by whom--besides setting free more

than ten thousand Christian captives, vassals of your Majesty in the

Filipinas--sufficient men could be captured to man the galleys. If

this measure be not sufficient, a frigate or two should be sent to

Malaca for cloves on your Majesty's account, which would bring back

negroes at two hundred reals, more or less, with which to man them;

these oarsmen are very satisfactory, as experience has shown. In order

to maintain the crew and replace those who die, men could be captured

continually from our enemies, on a thousand occasions, without fail.

The support of the galley slaves is inexpensive, for they live on rice,

fish, and a little jerked beef--which, besides, is often captured from

the enemy there; and is very low in price when it has to be bought,

as, at present, in the island of Macaçar.

The third and last measure is, if these two fail, such that I dure

not write it, for that is not expedient; but I will explain it to

your Majesty, if you are pleased to learn it. I shall not go into

this matter any further, nor explain the reasons more in detail,

as this is not to be long; but if your Majesty should be pleased to

carry out any of the suggestions here made, I shall explain away the

doubts which may present themselves.

In the second place the person who is to govern should have the said

requisites, for he is the soul of the undertaking; and it is he who

must execute whatever your Majesty orders and commands. Whatever he

is, such will be the rest. That this may not appear an exaggeration,

I will prove it by evidence.

There are dependent upon the governor not only the secular Spanish

residents of those islands, but the ecclesiastics; also war and peace,

and the royal Audiencia, the archbishop, the bishops, and all the

other soldiers and citizens; for it is he who must reward and honor

them with offices of peace and war. He must assign the cargoes of

the ships, the profits and advantages. The royal Audiencia, because

he appoints their relatives and constituents to offices of profit,

must needs keep in his graces. The archbishop and bishops, if they do

not conform to his will, may have their temporal support taken from

them; for if he cannot do it with good cause, he can easily do it in

other ways. In a thousand things which occur, too, they need him for

the direction of their affairs; and he can inflict on them so many

burdens and annoyances that they realize how dearly they are buying the

privilege of opposing him or contradicting his wishes. The chapter of

the church is the same, or worse; for he makes appointments, as your

Majesty is patron, and orders the stipends to be paid. Accordingly it

is necessary to be in his good graces. The cabildo of the city dare not

do anything against his will; for those who oppose him or say anything

in the sessions which is contrary to his wishes, it costs dear, and,

besides, he is aware of whatever they do there. They dare not write

to your Majesty, without taking to him the letters so that he may

examine them; and there have been times when he has had these torn

up, and ordered them to write others. Consequently, the religious who

are teaching, and those of the convents, are all dependent upon him.

The royal officials do no more than he wishes, and, besides, they

have the example of former ones, who for not acting thus were removed,

and held prisoners for three years until your Majesty learned of it,

and ordered their offices to be returned to them, and perchance the

many hardships and afflictions which the governor inflicted upon

them, and caused them to suffer, cost two of them their lives, and

lost for your Majesty, in the factor, one of the best servants whom

you had in the Filipinas. Accordingly, what I promised to prove is

well established; for the complaints were so long in arriving, and

the redress in returning, that he who awaited them was already dead.

In the third place, it is essential that he should not be excessively

grasping; and that your Majesty should give him such expectations,

if he conducts himself well, that his profit will rest more on them

than in what the government is worth to him. He should be of mature

age and great experience in handling the affairs of the commonwealth,

such as some knights possess who hold offices of corregidor on the

coasts of España, and who govern in peace and war, as they never lack

exercise for these abilities on the coasts. For if they were only

required to be expert in war, the country would be in ruins before

they became capable of governing it--as, for our sins, we have seen

in past years. They should not come burdened with debts, which are

demoralizing in a thousand ways. Notwithstanding that your Majesty

has issued decrees which prohibit them from giving offices of profit

to members of their households, rather than to the worthy persons of

the kingdom, these decrees are the least complied with; nor is there

any one who dares to interfere in this. If any one should make bold

to put the bell on the cat, as the adage says, who would make him

comply with it? By no means the royal Audiencia. At one time when I

was petitioning for the execution of a royal decree of your Majesty

there, an auditor, a friend of mine, said: "You should not do this;

for, besides not accomplishing anything by it, you will get yourself

into difficulty with him."

With this in view, it is very important to forbid these offices to

persons who are under obligations, which induce an insatiable greed

and presumption; and, to fill that yawning void, the wealth of all

the Indias is insignificant. The worst is, that they pervert a man,

and lead him astray by their influence. If I were to recount here

in detail all the difficulties which they occasion, I should have

to take twice the space. In short, everyone there is lamenting; and

these people come in smiles, and even negotiating for the honors

which belong to others, with crass insolence; and, worse yet, it

seems to the governor that his own people alone deserve all there is,

and the rest are of no account. To give color to their impudence,

one of them has dared to write to your Majesty that there was not a

person in all your kingdom who could in the least be trusted. The

mistakes of these people are never punished, nor is there any one

who dares to demand an investigation against them, even when they

have done a thousand injuries. In short, he must be such a one as

the emperor Theodosius spoke of to St. Ambrose, when he sent him to

govern Milan: "Go; and, look you, I send you not to act as governor,

but as bishop." Such must be the governors of the Filipinas, if your

Majesty would have them succeed.

And on this account I have no fault to find with Don Alonso Faxardo,

whom your Majesty has sent at present to govern. On the contrary, I

believe that he will conduct himself there as befits the service of

your Majesty and the welfare of your kingdom. For I recognized such

desires in him in the little intercourse that I had with him in Mexico,

where I was acquainted with him. I am therefore very thankful to God

to see him so desirous of serving you, and may He give him grace to

succeed. As for the persons who are sent to that Audiencia, they should

be in a degree like the governors; for your Majesty places as much

confidence in them--although I think it would be more to the purpose

to discontinue it, for the reasons which are given by most people in

that country, in which matter I will give your Majesty a memorial.

The affairs of that kingdom are in such disorder, and move in so

irregular channels, that people ask for an inspector to reform and

adjust them and put everything in its place, redressing injuries and

punishing wrong-doing. The country is much in need of this; but that

it may not be like the frogs who asked Jupiter for a king, and were

given one that devoured them, it will be best for your Majesty to

appoint some one from that country, who, through his great experience

and knowledge, cannot be deceived, and knows what must be reformed, and

who is possessed as well of the prudence and tact which are necessary

in such a new country. And on the other hand, on account of the risks

which exist in sending anyone from here who does not understand the

affairs and conditions which must be remedied, and knows not how to

proceed, it would be wiser to send no one, on account of the danger

which exists of ruining the city.

_Item_: The governor should not consent to Japanese living in that

country, as they are a great trouble and danger to the country,

and the city is continually in danger from them.

_Item_: The Chinese should be very carefully restricted, so that no

greater number of them than your Majesty has ordered be [allowed to

remain there]; for they are permitted [to enter the country] without

any exercise of caution, and we know by experience what this costs.

_Item_: Your Majesty should command the governor finally to reduce the

island of Mindanao to obedience to your Majesty; for those islands

are so infested that they hinder the carrying of reënforcements to

Maluco. And as they are in league with the Dutch, we have a perfect

right to make war upon them and subject them to slavery. All this is

easy for the governor if your Majesty command it, and is so necessary

for the security of your Majesty's vassals, as I intend to explain

to your Majesty more at length in a separate memorial.

_Item_: There is an island which lies about twenty leguas from Maluco,

called Macaçar, which measures about two hundred and fifty leguas

around; it is very rich and well supplied, and from it the forces

in Maluco could be supplied with ease and at little cost. It will

be necessary for your Majesty to order the governor to negotiate

with the king there for friendship and commerce. For the latter has

already sent and written, saying that he desires it and that he will

furnish all the supplies that are desired, and, if there is no money,

will give credit for them until it is procured; and he has sent to

ask for religious to preach the faith. They are a capable people,

of good disposition, and are disposed to receive the gospel. As this

district lies nearest to that which the fathers of the Society hold,

it would be of much importance to send a few religious assigned to

that island; and for your Majesty to be pleased to have their general

requested to give them, which is of much importance even for temporal

objects, besides the great service which they can render to God. And

the Dutch could not get supplies from there, which would take away

from them much of the previsions with which they are supported. Two

fathers of the Society have been there, and have written that they

were very well received; and it is highly expedient to encourage them.

_Item_: Your Majesty should order the governor to attend with much

diligence to the despatching of ships which go to Nueva España,

for upon this so much of the growth of that kingdom depends; and

since he is so good a sailor and prides himself upon it, he should

regulate that in the proper way, for at present it proceeds with

great disorder and even recklessness, as I shall explain to your

Majesty in a separate memorial.

_Item_: Your Majesty should command that the garrisons of that

kingdom be made open, on account of the fact that experience has

shown that more men would go, if this were the case. Those in Maluco

should be exchanged with those in the Filipinas every three years,

for otherwise so many refuse to go to Maluco, and the forts there are

in such ill-repute, that those who are taken there are discontented, as

if they were being sent to the galleys; but if they are exchanged, as I

have said, they will go willingly. Beside, they would become experts,

and the soldiers from Maluco are worth more than those who have not

been there, on account of their constant exercise in war and labor.

_Item_: Your Majesty should command that the city of Manila be made

an open garrison, like San Juan de Ulua and Habana; for in this way

the men will go to the Filipinas willingly. As Don Juan de Silva has

done otherwise for years past, this country has become depopulated,

and they have fled to various parts from time to time, no one daring

to go there on this account.

_Item_: Concerning the treatment of the Indians, and what it is well to

inform your Majesty in this regard, as well in what concerns your royal

conscience as the good of the country, a separate memorial is required.

_Item_: As to the manner of governing them and collecting their

tributes, as has been seen by experience, the religious have done

a great deal of harm by preventing the Indians from paying tributes

on the fruits which they harvest; because the religious have not the

inclination or sense to leave many things free--as will be seen in

the account I shall give your Majesty in regard to this, all of which

has been taught by experience.

_Item_: Finally, it is very necessary that your Majesty should consider

that that country is very new, and that your Majesty should desire

its growth; and because, likewise, it was not so much in need of your

Majesty's protection and favor in the beginning as it is now--when so

few wish to go there on account of ill-treatment, many misfortunes,

and the fear of enemies--your Majesty should protect it so that they

may be encouraged to go there. For this your Majesty should command

your ministers to give those who wish to go a comfortable passage. For

if in early days the king our lord, the father of your Majesty, who

so greatly favored and loved that land, not only furnished a passage,

but likewise the necessaries for their journey, to those who wished to

go, and even freed them from duties and imposts, that aid is much more

necessary today; and at least they should be given some exemptions,

and should not be treated with such harshness as they now are. This

I can affirm as an eyewitness, that when we arrived at the port of

Capulco, after having been on the voyage five months, and a great many

of our people had died, and God had brought us through such boundless

hardships and dangers to the place where we were to refresh ourselves,

they treated us worse, indeed, than they did the Dutch; for to the

latter they gave food there, and sent them away satisfied, and to

us they acted as they should have done to the Dutch. Since a proper

remedy for what happened at the port of Capulco, which I am bound to

suggest to your Majesty, and for many other matters concerning your

royal service, cannot be suggested in this place, I shall give it in

other memorials.

_Item_: The encomiendas which your Majesty used to grant were formerly

for three lives; and a short time ago your Majesty ordered by a

royal decree that they should be, and it should be so understood,

for two lives. This is a great difficulty in the preservation of that

community, and especially so as your Majesty has granted the favor

to Nueva España of giving them for four lives; and as the Filipinas

have been, and continue to be thus far, the colony of Nueva España,

and almost governed by the royal Audiencia thereof, it is a great

hardship that they should enjoy no more than two lives. In the

first place, because many are discouraged from serving your Majesty,

and even from remaining in that country, when they learn that their

sons and grandsons must be reduced to the greatest poverty, the said

encomienda expiring with the holder's first son or his wife, as at

present happens; in the second place, because four lives are shorter

in the Filipinas than two in Nueva España. The reason for this is the

many occasions for war and naval expeditions, wherein men are easily

killed or drowned, leaving their successors in the hospital--as is

at present the case with many, which makes one's heart ache with pity.

In answer to the tacit objection which might be brought up that it is

better to have the encomiendas vacated quickly, so that others may

be rewarded with them, and with this hope will go to serve there, I

would say that the important matter is to make a compromise--namely

that your Majesty should concede the said encomiendas not for four

lives, as in Nueva España, nor for two as at present, but for three,

as formerly, which is a very necessary measure for the relief of some,

and the encouragement of others to the service of your Majesty.

Letter from Master-of-camp Lucas de Vergara, written to Don Francisco

Gomez de Arellano, dean of Manila, which is the last that came from

Maluco in the past year.

By the ship "San Antonio," which I despatched to that city on the

thirteenth of May last, I informed you, with other matters pertaining

to me, of my health, and my arrival at these forts safely with the

three ships in which I took the reënforcements; and of how well I

was received by everyone, and everything which had occurred to me

up to that time. What I have to say to you since that time is that,

from the persons who have come to me from the forts of the enemy, both

native and Dutch, and from other inquiries that I have made, I have

learned that of the ten Dutch ships which were at the harbor-mouth

of Marivelez only four have come back to these islands. One of them

brought the wounded men from Oton; a second one, when our fleet

went out to seek that of the enemy, was going out to sea, picking up

Sangley ships. When it saw our fleet, without going back to theirs,

it cast loose a very rich junk which it was towing astern, and took

to flight. The captain of this vessel, they tell me, the Dutch put

to death for having fled. Two other vessels arrived at the port of

Malayo on the eighth of June. These had found occasion to fight with

our fleet; and accordingly they arrived dismantled by cannon-shots,

and with many wounded men. These brought the news that only six of

their vessels had fought with eight of ours and three galleys; and

that their commander's ship and two others were lost, one going to

the bottom and the other two being burned. Their commander escaped in

a boat which they saw was being followed by two of our galleons and a

galley--although they did not know the result, since neither this one,

nor two others that are lacking from the ten, have appeared here thus

far. Of six hundred men whom they took from the forts which they have

on these islands to put in the ten boats, when they were at Manila,

only a hundred came back alive. These two damaged ships are being

put to rights, and in all they have five at present in these islands,

with few men; so that if a part of our fleet had come, and followed

up the victory, they might all have been captured. This loss has made

both the Dutch and those of Terrenate very sad and cast down, for they

were in hopes to come back rich and victorious. A few silks and other

goods were brought in the ships which escaped and they sold them to

us very dear, although not so dear as they cost them. What they are

considering now, and urge for the consolation of those of Terrenate

and the other nations friendly to them, is that they are going to

collect a great fleet which they have in Ambueno, and in the Sunda;

and with the whole fleet they are to attack the forts of his Majesty

before our fleet arrives from Castilla and from the Filipinas. This

you already know of. Beside this, they are putting their fortresses

in the best state of fortification possible, together with the posts

which they hold; for they see that the natives here are very lukewarm

in their friendship, and they fear that when they see our fleet more

powerful than theirs, the natives will drop their friendship and try

to win ours. The king of Tidore and I consider it certain, judging

from what we have heard from themselves, and particularly from those

of the island of Maquien, that that alone is richer in cloves and

native inhabitants than are all the others there. Their Sangaje,

who went there to treat of this matter, was taken and killed in the

fort at Malayo, which irritated the natives of that island very much.

By a caracoa which I sent to Ambueno, to get word of what was doing

there, I learned that the Dutch have seven ships in that island, and

that they sent one ship laden with cloves to Holland. The natives there

are, for the most part, at war with the Dutch, as are likewise those

of the islands of Banda, where there are two or three English ships

fortifying themselves with the permission and aid of the natives. The

Dutch and the English have fought over this and the Dutch hold forty

English prisoners--all of which is very good for us. It is rumored

that in the Sunda there are twenty Dutch ships, but I do not know what

truth there is in this. I am at present getting ready and fortifying,

as well as I can, the forts which his Majesty has in these islands, so

that they may be ready at any juncture; although there is a great lack

of men for the necessary work, because there went this year to Manila

more than came out, and some are sick, and there are many places to

guard. Particularly there are three situated in the island Batachina,

which, as they are in an unhealthy country, exhaust the troops more

by death and sickness. They are passably supplied with provisions at

present, owing to the care which I take to seek out what is in the

country; and thus, with the rice which I brought, and a little which

was here, I have managed to get along. I shall have enough provisions

for the whole of October, and if I am sent those that I await from

the island of Mateo I shall have enough for November. By that time

I hope to get aid from those islands, for I am very confident that

the lords there will aid me as ever; and the lord captain-general,

being a man of so much experience, as he suffered so many needs in

his own time, will aid in this with the expedition and care which are

necessary for its preservation, since everything is and continues

to be for that object. In whatever may happen which concerns this,

I beg of you to further it as far as possible, as I shall take it as

a great favor, besides being a service for God and for his Majesty,

and as you are so zealous. I beseech you to be pleased to advise me

of what may occur there and I shall do the same always here.

By the last despatch I sent you three birds of paradise, and the

bearer of this, Sergeant Romero, brings you two more. I wished that

there were more, but I assure you that they were not to be found,

as the boats which usually bring them have not arrived.

While I was writing this a Dutch trumpeter arrived from the forts of

the enemy, and gave the same report as another who came two days ago,

and whom I send by this ship, so that he may tell the whole thing

there--for, considering the news and the state of affairs, it is of

the highest importance that our fleet should come here by the month

of December. If those ships alone came which his Majesty has in those

islands, it would be superior to the enemy's fleet; for with this they

could be kept from taking to Holland this year the great quantity of

cloves which they will harvest. This is the greatest loss which can

be inflicted upon them at present; since with the profits from this

they are waging war upon his Majesty in these parts with such great

fleets. This is the opinion of those who have most at heart the service

of his Majesty in these regions. I am writing, above all, to the lords

there; and you will do me the favor which you always do in such cases.

Although I do not know what new things there may be there, I leave

it all to your good opinion and intelligence and that of Señor Canon

Garcetas, as I know, since you are such friends of mine, that you

will give the most fitting counsel. May our Lord protect you for the

greatest possible number of years. I kiss your hands. Tidore, July 5,

1617. Your humble servant,

_Lucas Vergara Gaviria_

Part Third. Wherein is Given Information of Other Matters Concerning

the Filipinas, the Islands of Maluco, and Others of the Archipelago;

of Their Riches, and of the Forts and Factories Which the Dutch Hold;

and of the Wealth Which is At Present Secured from Them.

Chapter I. Of the prelates and their districts in the islands, and

of certain curious things.

The island called Luçon, which is the most important, has two bishops

and an archbishop. The archbishopric has jurisdiction in the vicinity

of the city of Manila, the capital of that country. Toward the east

it reaches as far as the village called Calilaya, forty leguas from

the city on the same island. It has four offices of alcalde-mayor,

which is the same thing as a corregimiento--namely those of La

Laguna de Vai, La Laguna de Bonvon, another in Valayan, and that

of Calilaya. In this there are many Indian villages administered by

religious of the Augustinian order, and still more by the discalced

of St. Francis. Toward the west of the jurisdiction is that of the

province of Pampanga, which is fertile and well-peopled, and that

of Bulacan, and the Cambales. These are not Christians and cannot be

reduced to conversion, but are negroes who go about like wild beasts

through the inaccessible parts of the mountains. They are given to

cutting the heads from other Indians, and no woman will marry a Cambal

unless he has cut off a head; accordingly, in order to be married,

he will cut one off, even though it be that of his own father when he

finds the latter in the fields. If these had been given into slavery

they would have been already reduced; but, although I have advised

it many times in the Council, no measures for this have ever been

taken. As the matter stands, they will never be pacified except by

this means. The reason for this is that, if they were given into

slavery, the Indians of Pampanga, with their great desire to hold

slaves for the managing of their crops, would have reduced them. They

do a great deal of damage, so much that no Indian dares go out alone

to work in his field, because they kill him merely for the sake of

cutting off his head. They live upon roots and fruit from the woods,

and have no houses, nor possessions, and go about naked. Toward

the east this jurisdiction takes in all the island, and toward the

west lies the sea. Several islands are joined to this jurisdiction,

as are those of Lioban and Mindoro. In these are a number of trees

resembling cinnamon [_canela_], which I have shown to our physicians,

who say that it is the Cinamomo. [51] Then there is the island of

Marenduque, where there are mines of copper; and other islands,

of little importance and sparsely peopled.

Northward from this jurisdiction begins the bishopric of Nueva

Segovia, starting from the province of Pangasinan, where end the

Combales and the province of Ilocos--wherein are situated the

mountains of the Idolotes [_sic_], and where are so rich mines, as

I have explained. They are all Christians. The Dominican religious

minister to the province of Pangasinan, and the Augustinians to that

of Ilocos. Farthest to the north lies the province of Nueva Segovia,

which is administered by Dominican friars. These three provinces are

very fertile and well peopled, and to the north of this district there

are several islands called Vabuianos, where the Indians raise swine of

remarkable size. Throughout the whole island [of Luzón] there are many

wild swine. They are not fierce, like those in España, and accordingly

are easily killed. There is a great number of large, fierce wild

buffaloes. They are killed with muskets, and on one occasion they

were unable to bring down a buffalo with twelve musketshots. If the

man who is shooting misses, and does not get quickly under cover, he

will be killed. The Indians catch them as we do partridges here, and it

is a remarkable thing, wherefore I shall now explain it. They make a

very strong stockaded enclosure [_corral_], and on either side of the

gate they move out, carrying with them palm leaves of a certain kind,

touching one another. They keep spreading out the line until it is

about a quarter of a legua long, more or less. When they find a herd,

for the animals go many together, they frighten and follow them, and,

driving them along, continue with shouts; and as they are running and

striking with the said leaves, the buffaloes will not pass through

the line of men if they are excited. Thus little by little they enter

into the narrowest part until they are compelled to enter into the

gate of the enclosure, which is then barred. There the Indians, by

their devices, catch the animals one by one, tie them, and put them

each one in a small enclosure of strong stakes so narrow that they

cannot turn around, so that they have no chance to struggle. There

they keep them without food for a fortnight, until they are so feeble

and thin that they cannot stand. Then an Indian comes with a wisp of

hay, and although angry, they needs must eat; and within twenty days

they are so tame with the person who gives them food, that they let

themselves be scratched. Iron rings are put in their noses, and they

are led anywhere with a rope, like a beast of burden. I have seen one

of these buffaloes with a negro who had fed him, seated on his head,

and he played with the negro like a dog, but was a lion for those whom

he did not know. This jurisdiction is fifty leguas long on the sea

side. The interior of the island remains unpacified, as it consists

of the said mountains. The bishopric of Las Camarinas [_sic_] is the

most easterly on this island, and extends more than sixty leguas,

including several adjacent islands, such as Burias, Ticao, Capul,

and Catanduanes. There are many nutmeg trees in this bishopric, the

fruit of which no one gathers. There is in this province a spring

from which flows hot water, and if anything is placed in it it turns

to stone. [52]

The bishopric of Cibu has the largest jurisdiction, as it includes all

the islands to the east, such as Leite, Babao, Maripi, Tinagon, Panaon,

the island of Negros, and that of Oton. Westward are Cebuyan and

Romblon; and to the south the island of Mindanao, which is almost as

large as that of Luzon. There is in it a great deal of cinnamon, rich

gold mines, and considerable civet; and so large a number of civet-cats

that they do no more than catch them with snares, take the civet out

and set them free again, and thus profit by them without furnishing

them with food. There are many other islands, and from there to the

Malucos it must be about eighty leguas. In all these islands there

is collected a great deal of wax and honey, which is produced in the

woods, and which, accordingly, the Indians do not cultivate. The bees

are small and dark-colored, and do not live in the hollows of trees and

rocks, but build their nests among the branches--using on them a dark,

coarse wax, which is so strong that, even though it rains hard, not a

drop of water enters. So much is gathered there that not only are we

all supplied cheaply, but there are sent to Nueva España, Japon, and

China more than two thousand quintals each year. There are many deer,

not so slender as are ours; and there are no other animals. There

are many wood-fowl, smaller than ordinary ones, but more palata le;

and which have breasts like partridges. There are in the forests

certain shoots called _bejucos_, which they use as we do osiers here;

but they are much better, some of them being as thick as one's thumb,

and even larger, and six or eight brazas long. When they are thirsty,

the Indians cut off a braza, and a quartillo of fluid runs out of it,

which is good and healthful. There are certain canes [_i.e._, bamboos],

some of which are as thick as one's thigh, and others smaller, and five

or six brazas long; of these the poor Indians construct their houses,

without other material--walls, floors, roofs, posts, and stairs.

There are certain palms which bear a fruit called cocoanuts (which are

ordinarily brought to España from Guinea); these are such an aid to

human life that from them, or rather from the cocoanuts, they obtain

the commonest oil of that country, which is as excellent for wounds,

even though they be deep ones, as that of _aparicio_. From this tree

they obtain wine which is the common beverage of that country; strong

vinegar, which is good for the table; and milk like that of almonds,

to serve with rice, and which curdles like real milk. When it is soft

the fruit is like green hazel-nuts in taste, and better; and there is

a serum for many ills and infirmities, which is called whey, as it

looks much like that of milk. It is there called _tuba_. They make

honey from this tree; also oakum with which to calk ships, which

lasts in the water, when that from here would rot. Likewise they

make rigging, which they call _cayro_; and they make an excellent

match for arquebuses, which, without any other attention, is never

extinguished. The shoots resemble wild artichokes while they are

tender. There is a plant with leaves after the shape and fashion of

the ivy, which is a certain species of pepper which they call buyo,

the use of which is common throughout the whole archipelago; and

it is so excellent a specific against ulcerated teeth that I do not

remember ever having heard it said that any native suffered from them,

nor do they need to have them pulled. It is a good stimulant for the

stomach, and leaves a pleasant odor in the mouth.

There is a bird which they call _tabon_, a little larger than a

partridge; and it buries its eggs, which are as large as goose eggs,

to the number of eighty or a hundred, half an estado deep in the sand

of the bays of the sea. They are all yolk, without any white, which is

an indication of their great heat. Accordingly, the mother does not sit

upon them, and they hatch, and the birds scratch their way out from the

sand. When the bird has come out it is as large as a quail, and goes

about picking up its food as other birds do after they are grown. I

have seen this with my own eyes, and there must be other eyewitnesses

of it in this court. So marvelous is the character of these birds. I

pass over many other peculiarities for fear of tiring your Majesty.

There are many good and savory wild fruits there. The ordinary food

in those islands is rice, as it is over all Asia and the neighboring

islands; and I dare assert that more people are supported in the

world by rice than by wheat. There is a great deal of sugar, which is

usually worth four reals the arroba, or less; and the Chinese bring

so much rock sugar, which they call _cande_, that it is ordinarily

worth eight reals an arroba, or less.

In that part of the island of Mindanao which faces the south, as I

have said above, the Indians are rebellious; and it is they who have

done, and still do, great damage to the others. They have taken up the

doctrine of Mahoma and are friendly with the Dutch. As they have not

been given into slavery, they are not pacified; and this is one of the

most important matters there, and deserves the application of a remedy.

Chapter II. Of the ministers and religious instruction in the islands,

and those who have been converted to our holy Catholic faith, and

those who pay tribute.

The island of Luzon, in the archbishopric and the two bishoprics, has

fifty-nine encomiendas, and in that of Nueva Segovia, which is the most

northerly, there are twenty-six; in that of Camarines, which is the

most easterly of the islands, there are thirty--in all, one hundred and

fifteen. In the bishopric of Cibù there are seventy-one, which make, in

all, one hundred and eighty-six encomiendas of Indians. They comprise

130U938 tributarios in all; each tributario includes husband and wife,

and thus at least four persons are reckoned, including children and

slaves (as they have no others to serve them except slaves); there are,

then, 523U752 Christians in these encomiendas. There are assigned to

the royal crown 33U516 tributarios, and the rest are assigned and

granted to deserving soldiers. This is exclusive of the people who

pay no tributes, that is, the chiefs. There are, in all these one

hundred and eighty-six encomiendas, the same number of monasteries

and churches. Some of them have two monasteries each as they are too

large to be administered by two religious; ordinarily, to each one

are assigned five hundred tributarios. There are other encomiendas

which have one monastery between two of them. Averaging these,

I suppose there are about three hundred and seventy-two priests,

besides the laymen. In the city there are about eighty or ninety,

in four monasteries--one of St. Dominic, another of St. Francis,

another of St. Augustine, another of the Recollect Augustinians--and

the cathedral. These places of worship have as handsome buildings as

are those of the same class in España; and the whole city is built of

cut-stone houses--almost all square, with entrance halls and modern

_patios_ [_i.e._, open courts]--and the streets are straight and

well laid out; there are none in España so extensive, or with such

buildings and fine appearance. The city has as many as five hundred

houses; but, as these ate all, or nearly all, houses which would

cost 20U or more ducados in this court, they occupy as much space

as would a city of two thousand inhabitants here. For the wall, as

measured by me, is 2U250 geometrical pasos in circumference, at five

tercias for each paso, which makes three quarters of a legua. [53]

In all these islands there are none unconverted except the Zambales,

as I have said above, and those in the mountains where the mines are,

and a few villages behind these same mountains, which are called

the province of Ituri--so called because it was discovered by Don

Luys Perez de las Marinas, in the time of his father, who sent him

there. For lack of religious, the gospel has not been preached to

them. They are a peaceable people, and make no opposition. In Nueva

Segovia, which is under the charge of the Order of St. Dominic, there

are some to be converted, who have not yet been settled peacefully,

as they are warlike and restless Indians. On the contrary, they have

rebelled several times; but it has always been on account of injuries

which the Spaniards have inflicted upon them.

Chapter III. Of the islands of Maluco, and others adjacent to them;

and of the spice and other articles that are contained in them.

The Malucas Islands, commonly so called, where, of the spices, cloves

are obtained, and so named from this drug, [54] are five. They

begin at that of Bachan, which is on the equinoctial line, and

extend north and south. The farthest north is that of Terrenate,

which is six or seven leguas in circumference. It consists entirely

of a very high elevation, on the summit of which is a volcano, which

sends forth fire. In the medial region of this mountain they raise the

clove-trees, which are like laurel trees, the leaves being a little

narrower and longer. This island has five fortresses; the principal

one is called Talangame, and another San Pedro. The Dutch have three:

that of Malayo, which is the principal one; another called Tacome,

and another Tolecò, which is of little importance.

The island of Tidore is distant about two leguas from this, and,

although smaller, has about the same aspect. Your Majesty has a fort

there, and the king of Tidore has another. The Dutch have two others,

which they call Great and Little Mariaco. In the island of Motiel,

farther south, the Dutch have a fort.

In that of Maquien there is a fort. Directly beyond this is another and

smaller island, called Cayoa; and that of Bachan, with several others

of little importance, lies near. To the east of all these islands

is one called Vatachina, or Gilolo, lying two or three leguas from

these--a very large island, where your Majesty has two forts. This

island extends so far that it makes a strait with the island of Nueva

Guinea on the eastern end, according to the relation of Fray Diego

de Prado, of the Order of St. Basil, who, while he was a layman,

coasted along this island on the southern side, of which nothing

was then known. This is the largest island in the world, and was

discovered from the northern side. It extends from the equinoctial

line. No one has thus far examined what is in the interior, although

it is known that it is well peopled, some of the natives being black,

and some of the ordinary color of Indians. There are indications of

much wealth. More to the east, there are the islands of Salamon near

by. The blacks are sold among the Indians, as in Guinea, and they have

fairs at set times. The Indians buy these people to cultivate their

lands. Beyond these Malucas Islands there are some to the southward,

of little importance, as far as that of Ambueno, which is seventy

leguas distant from them. The Dutch have a fort there, which they

took from the Portuguese, and a port where abundance of cloves are

gathered--which, transplanted from the Malucas, have grown in this

island alone and in no other. Eighteen leguas farther east lies the

island of Banda, where nutmeg is gathered; and the Dutch have another

fortress there.

Westward from the Malucas Islands, about twenty leguas distant,

is an island called Macasar. It is more than two hundred and fifty

leguas around, and is very fertile and rich, being inhabited by the

best people in those islands; their king is friendly, very peaceful,

and glad to trade with the Spaniards. He used to receive the Dutch,

and let them provide themselves from his country with provisions

for all their forts. He does not now admit them, and has sent to ask

for religious to preach the gospel; and two of the Society and two

Dominicans have been sent to him. The friendship of this king is very

important for the preservation of Maluco.

Next, farther to the west, lies the island of Borney. It is 400 leguas

in circumference. On the side which faces the south the Dutch maintain

trade, and through it they obtain the finest diamonds.

In Greater Java, which is the island that forms a narrow strait with

that of Samatra, they have a factory (without a fort), to which they

bring the cloves and nutmeg and pepper which they buy there, which

amounts to a large quantity. They trade there, and a few years ago the

Javans drove them out. Since the English have become their allies,

they are able to keep the natives in subjection, and are building

a fortress.

They have other factories in the kingdom of Patan, at one of which

they buy a great deal of pepper. Patan lies more to the north of

the strait of Sincapura (which others call the strait of Malaca);

and further north lies the kingdom of Sian, which is very rich in

many kinds of merchandise, and in rubies. They have another factory

there. In the kingdom of Cambosea [_sic_; _sc._ Camboja] they have

another, and still another in Cochinchina. They are not allowed

to enter China, but rather, on account of the robberies which they

have perpetrated, they are held to be enemies of the country. In the

islands of Japon they have another factory, from which they procure

supplies and military stores, and which is of much importance to

them. Of the other islands of this archipelago no mention is made,

to avoid being prolix, although there are a great number of them.

Chapter IV. Wherein are considered the riches of the spice trade of

these Malucas Islands and the others.

These Malucas Islands give from year to year four thousand four hundred

bares of cloves in clusters, which are called "selected," according

to the relation which is made and the information given by Don Juan de

Silva, knight of the habit of Santiago, when he governed the Filipinas

Islands. Others say that there are eight thousand, and still others,

six. The first statement is the most accurate, and agrees with another

note made by Captain Gregorio de Vidaña, a citizen of Manila; he was

a person very learned in manuscripts, who spent many years there,

and sought to inquire into the matter out of curiosity.

Four thousand four hundred bares of cloves, each bare containing 640

libras, amount to 2,816,000 libras--which at one ducado, the price

at which they are sold [in Europe] will bring the same number of

ducados. All this can be bought for a hundred thousand ducados. [55]

It is not bought with money, but with cloth purchased in India and in

China; and what in those countries costs ten is sold in the Malucas

at fifty. This profit is at present possessed by the Dutch, who buy

on the coast of Caramendel, and from the Chinese in Cochinchina and

Java, whence they take the merchandise which they trade for cloves

in Maluco. The nutmeg, according to Don Juan de Silva, is worth 500U

ducados, when transported to these parts.

The cloves gathered in the island of Ambueno amount to a great deal,

although I have no exact account of the quantity.

The pepper which is taken from Greater Java is much, although I

do not know the exact quantity. They likewise have a factory and a

treaty friendship with the king of Achen, in the island of Samatra,

where there is much merchandise. He is an enemy of ours, as well as

he who attacked Malaca in the year 16, and burned a galleon of the

four which were awaiting Don Juan de Silva. Soon afterward seven Dutch

galleons arrived to aid him, and burned the other three. Malaca is a

very important place, and it is very necessary that your Majesty should

preserve it, as it is the passage to all the kingdoms and districts

of that archipelago of San Laçaro, where there is so much wealth.

Chapter V. Of the expense incurred by your Majesty to maintain the

fortified posts of Tidore and Terrenate in the Malucas Islands.

I said in the second part of this relation that the reënforcements of

money and men which are brought from Nueva España to the Filipinas

were not to preserve those islands, but were occasioned by the war

with the Dutch. I shall now set down here a memorandum of the expenses

of those forts, without the many other requisites.

_Relation of the salaries and expenses which your Majesty has to pay

in the Malucas Islands_

Pesos

A warden and commander of the troops, with two thousand

ducados of salary each year, which at eleven reals to the

ducado, makes 2757 pesos, 2 tomins, and 9 granos 2U757

Seven captains of Spanish infantry, with 990 pesos of salary

a year, amounting to. 6U930

Seven alferezes of these companies, with 412 pesos, 4 tomins

of salary each per year. 2U887

Seven sergeants, with 206 pesos, 2 tomins, apiece each year,

amounting to. 1U443

Fourteen drummers, at 171 pesos each per year, amounting to. 2U394

Seven fifers, at 165 pesos a year, amounting to. 1U155

Seven shield-bearers, at 103 pesos each, amounting to. 0U721

Seven standard-bearers, at 115 pesos per year each,

amounting to. 0U815

Two adjutant sargentos-mayor, with 412 pesos, 4 tomins,

each per year, amounting to. 0U825

A campaign captain, at 330 pesos of salary per year. 0U330

A captain of artillery, with a salary of 480 pesos per year. 0U480

A constable for land and sea, with 300 pesos per year. 0U300

Twenty artillerymen for land and sea, at 200 pesos each per

year, amounting to. 4U000

There are continually 600 soldiers, and at times more, seldom

less. These usually earn 115 pesos per year, amounting to

69U000 pesos. 69U000

Of this number 140 are musketeers, who get 36 pesos each per

year beside their ordinary salary, amounting to 5040 pesos. 5U040

Thirty ducados of eleven reals each as extra pay to each

company each month, amounting to 2520 ducados, which makes

3465 pesos. 3U465

Twenty-eight squadron leaders, with three pesos of extra pay

each month, amounting in a year to 1008 pesos. 1U008

One accountant of the royal exchequer, with a salary of 800

pesos per year, and 50 fanégas of cleaned rice. 0U800

One superintendent of supplies and munitions, with 500 pesos

of salary and rations. 0U500

One secretary of mines and registries, who serves on a salary

of a major official of the office of accounts, with 400 pesos;

and one minor official with 150, which amount to. 0U550

Two secretaries, one of war and one of magazines, with

200 pesos apiece per year of salary, and rations for the

magazines secretary. 0U400

One engineer and one surgeon, with 600 pesos each year,

amounting to 1200 pesos. 1U200

Two Pampango captains, with 120 pesos; two ensigns, with 96

pesos; two sergeants, at 72 pesos; four drummers, two fifers,

two shield-bearers, two standard-bearers, at 48 pesos each;

and 200 soldiers, at 48 pesos of salary per year, amounting

to 10717 pesos. 10U717

A Spanish smith, with a salary of 300 pesos per year, and one

Indian with 48 pesos; another, with 42 pesos; ten others,

with 30 pesos; one keeper of arquebuses with 42 pesos and

all his rations, which will be mentioned in their place,

amounting in money to 732 pesos 0U732

Two Spanish carpenters and 20 Indians--the Spaniards with

300 pesos each per year, and the 20 Indians at 48 pesos and

their rations--the money amounting to 1560 pesos 1U560

One Spanish stonecutter, with 300 pesos; and twelve Indians

at 24 pesos, amounting yearly to 588 pesos 0U588

Two calkers and one cooper, Spaniards, at 300 pesos each per

year, amounting to 900 pesos 0U900

A hundred Indian pioneers, at 48 pesos each per year and

rations, amounting to 4800 pesos 4U800

An alguazil of the royal exchequer, at 150 pesos per year 0U150

Ten religious, of the Society of Jesus and the Order of

St. Francis, and the vicar, at 100 pesos; and thirty fanégas

of rice each, the money amounting to 1000 pesos 1U000

Commander, captains, pilot, masters, and other officials of

the two galleys, besides rations, have each year in salaries

5643 pesos, 4 tomins 5U643

Four substitutes, [56] who are about the person of the governor

of those islands, at 30 ducados of eleven reals per month each,

amounting each year to 1U980

Each year presents are taken to the king, his son, and the

chiefs, worth 2000 pesos 2U000

The hospitals expend each year in medicines, food, cloth,

and service more than 10000 pesos 10U000

There must be used powder, balls, iron, steel, pikes and

boats for minor service, costing for their manufacture or

construction more than 10000 pesos 10U000

The expenses of the vessels which bring reënforcements; the

galleys which are kept there; the salaries of the captains,

pilots, masters, officers, and sailors; the careening; and

other smaller expenses for their construction and voyages,

amount each year to more than 40000 pesos 40U000

A purveyor, who is present in the province of Pintados,

earns each year 700 pesos of salary; and there are

others--commissioners, a storekeeper, and a secretary--in

all amounting to 1300 pesos per year 1U300

The rice, wine, meat, fish, vegetables, and other minor

articles used by the persons who are supplied with rations--as

are the sailors, artillerymen, carpenters, smiths, pioneers,

commanders, and rowers of the galleys; the religious, and

others--will amount in Terrenate to more than twenty thousand

pesos per year 20U000

218U372

Beside what has been mentioned, attention must be given to what has

been spent on the fleets which have been collected since the year

one thousand six hundred and six, when Don Pedro de Acuña recovered

it--both in ships and on casting [of artillery], soldiers' hire,

and that which has been lost at different times, which has amounted

to a large sum each year; and little or no income has been secured

from the Malucas, for in nine years they have not brought in 20U

pesos. This has been due to negligence; for if there had been

a faithful administrator posted there, and his accounts had been

audited, and affairs had been orderly and regular (as they are with

the enemy), your Majesty might have secured [sufficient] profit to

maintain those forces without expending anything from your royal

exchequer, as you now do. The same argument applies from now on. On

this account it is very important to your royal service either that

correction be applied to this, or that some means be considered,

which it does not appear to me expedient to place in this relation, to

spare your Majesty so great an expense. When those islands are secure

from the Dutch enemy, your Majesty will suffer no expense, and will

be able to further the working of the above-mentioned mines which lie

near Manila. From them, with the favor of God, so great wealth may be

looked for as will suffice to clear your Majesty from debt, and this

can be accomplished in no other way; for with the ordinary practice,

which has prevailed thus far, there is no more hope than for a sick

man declared past recovery, to whom the physicians give no remedies,

and whom they declare to be at the end of his life.

Bibliographical Data

The documents of the present volume are from various sources (all

manuscript except No. 9). The following are from the Archivo general

de Indias, Sevilla:

1. _Reforms needed_--See Bibliographical Data, _Vol_. XVIII, No. 12.

2. _Decrees ordering reforms of religious_.--"Audiencia de Filipinas;

registros de oficios y partes; reales ordenes dirigidas á las

autoridades y particulares del distrito de la Audiencia; años 1605

á 1645; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 12."

3. _Compulsory service_.--"Simancas--Eclesiastico; Audiencia de

Filipinas; cartas y expedientes de religiosos misioneros de Filipinas

vistos en el Consejo; años 1617 á 1642; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 38."

4. _Letter from Audiencia_.--"Simancas--Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas

cartas y expedientes del presidente y oydores de dicha Audiencia

vistos en al Consejo; años 1607 á 1626; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 20."

5. _Letter from Fajardo_.--"Simancas--Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas;

cartas y expedientes del gobernador de Filipinas vistos en el Consejo;

años 1600 á 1628; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 7."

The following are obtained from MSS. in the Real Academia de la

Historia, Madrid; all are in the collection "Papeles de los Jesuitas:"

6. _Letter to Escovar_.--"Tomo 129, num. 153."

7. _Relation of 1619-20_.--"Tomo 112, num. 55."

The following is from the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid:

8. _Letter to Fajardo_.--"Cedulario Indico, tomo 38, folio 101,

núm. 80."

9. _Memorial, y relacion para sv magestad_ (Madrid, 1621), by Hernando

de los Rios Coronel.--This is translated and synopsized from the copy

in the Library of Congress.

Appendix: Buying and Selling Prices of Oriental Products

[The first list of prices that follows is from a compilation by the

procurator of the Philippines, Martin Castaños, and is taken from a

relation of Governor Juan de Silva entitled:]

_Relation of the importance of the Filipinas and Terrenate_

The Malucas Islands yield from year to year four thousand four

hundred bars of cloves. Each bar is six hundred and forty libras. If

his Majesty would make himself master of this, as well as of the

nutmeg and mace, and establish his factories--in Yndia, in Ormuz,

[57] for the nations who come from all Asia to trade for it; and in

Lisboa, for Europa and the Yndias--it would be worth [from one year

to another?] three million seven hundred pesos at the least, as I

reckon it; because in India each libra of cloves is worth at Ormuz

one peso, and in Lisboa a greater sum, while in the West Yndias it

is worth more than two pesos. [58] Averaging them all together, it

will be equivalent to ten reals per libra, which will amount to three

million five hundred and twenty thousand pesos.... It will cost his

Majesty to buy the cloves, in cloth, silks, and other things which

the natives value, eighty thousand pesos; while the navigation and

the pay of the factors will amount to one hundred and twenty thousand,

all amounting to two hundred and thirty thousand pesos. Consequently,

there will be a clear profit on the cloves of three million two

hundred and ninety thousand pesos.

The nutmegs and mace when delivered in Europa cost the Dutch

five hundred and twenty thousand pesos annually. The purchase,

navigation, and [pay of] factors amount to one hundred and ten

thousand pesos. Consequently, the net gain on the nutmeg and mace is

four hundred and ten thousand pesos. That added to the profit of the

cloves amounts to three million seven hundred thousand pesos.

His Majesty can make a profit of two millions annually on the silks

of China in this way--that a ship of two hundred toneladas' burden go

each year with the ships from Filipinas to Nueva España, with these

silks, which cost the following prices.

One thousand picos of spun and raw silk of Changuei, [59] each pico

containing one hundred and thirty libras, and costing two hundred

pesos, amount to two hundred thousand pesos.

Ten thousand pieces of Canton satin, at a cost of five pesos, amount

to fifty thousand pesos.

Ten thousand pieces of damask, at four pesos, amount to forty

thousand pesos.

Twenty thousand pieces of gorgoran, at a cost of one and one-half

pesos, amount to thirty thousand pesos.

Thirty thousand varas of velvet in colors, at one-half peso, amount

to fifteen thousand pesos.

These silks cost three hundred and thirty-five thousand pesos. They

will, with the condescension of his Majesty, be taken to Perú (as is

done, that other silks of China may not be taken from Nueva España),

and are sold at Lima at the following prices.

Each libra of silk of the quality named in the first item, at fifteen

pesos, the one thousand picos amounting to one million nine hundred

and fifty thousand pesos.

Each piece of Canton satin at fifty pesos, the ten thousand pieces

amounting to five hundred thousand pesos.

Each piece of damask at forty pesos, the ten thousand pieces amounting

to four hundred thousand pesos.

Each piece of gorgoran at ten pesos, the twenty thousand pieces

amounting to two hundred thousand pesos.

Each vara of velvet at four pesos, the thirty thousand varas amounting

to one hundred and twenty thousand pesos.

Taking from this amount the three hundred and thirty-five thousand

pesos that those goods cost in China, and eight hundred and thirty-five

thousand pesos for the cost of factors and of navigation, and whatever

else their handling may cost, there is a net gain of two million pesos.

In that way his Majesty can obtain every year from Filipinas five

million seven hundred thousand pesos net, after deducting the entire

cost.

[The following list is from an undated memorial of probably the

early seventeenth century which treats of the merchandise that the

Portuguese were wont to take from China to Japan. The memorial first

defines the value of certain coins and weights and measures.]

First, the _tae_ is equivalent to a ducado of ten reals of gold or

silver; a _maz_ is equal to one of our reals. One _maz_ is equivalent

to ten _conderins_; each _conderin_ being valued at six maravedis,

is divided into ten _caxes_, each _cax_ [_i.e.,_ cash] being a round

brass coin half the size of a half cuarto [60] pierced with four

holes, and with certain characters around the edge. One hundred of

them make one maz; and it is the only coin that is stamped with a die,

for all the others circulate by weight.

_Ranquel_ are ten pieces of plate or crockery-ware.

_Pico_ is equivalent to one quintal, but has one arroba more than

ours. _Cate_ is a weight of twenty onzas.

The ship of the Portuguese carries from five to six hundred picos

of white untwisted silk. It costs at Canton eighty taes per pico

delivered in Macan, and is sold in Xapon for one hundred and forty

or one hundred and fifty taes.

Laden with _retros_ (the fine red silk), of four or five hundred picos

of all colors, at a cost of one hundred and forty taes, it is sold

in Xapon at three hundred and seventy and sometimes four hundred taes.

The common assorted _retros_ costs from fifty-five to sixty taes

in Canton, according to its quality, and is sold in Xapon for one

hundred taes.

The silk of the _darca_, of all colors, is worth forty taes in Canton,

and is sold by the libra in Xapon at nine maçes per cate.

The said ship will also carry from one thousand seven hundred to

two thousand pieces of a certain silk worked with birds, and other

pictures done in silk and unwoven silver. [61] Each piece is worth up

to eleven maçes, and the fine ones up to fourteen. They have seven,

eight, and nine gaxos, and they are sold in Xapon for about two and

one-half or three taes apiece.

It will take three or four thousand taes of gold. The tae of common

gold is worth about four or five maçes per tae, and it is sold in

Xapon for seven taes and eight maçes.

Fine gold is worth in Canton six taes six maçes, and seven taes per

tae of common gold. It is sold in Xapon for eight taes and three maçes.

Moreover, two picos of musk will be taken. It costs eight reals

per cate in Canton, and is sold in Xapon at fifteen and sixteen,

according to its quality.

It will carry about five hundred picos of white lead. It costs at

Canton two taes and seven maces per pico; and, delivered at Macan,

three. It is sold in Xapon for six and one-half and seven taes. The

Japanese use a considerable quantity of it.... It is brought refined

from there and is carried by way of Yndia to Portugal, where each

ba[r?] is worth six [maçes?] seven conderins.

The ship will carry, moreover, two hundred or three hundred picos

of cotton thread. It costs seven taes per pico delivered in Macan,

and is sold in Xapon for sixteen, seventeen, and eighteen.

It will carry three thousand _çangalas_ [_i.e._, pieces of buckram],

which are pieces of cotton, most of them white, while the rest

are black and in colors. They cost various prices, the large pieces

costing twenty-eight taes per hundred. It is sold in Xapon at fifty and

fifty-four taes per hundred. These çangalas are made of cotton. Those

from Lanquin [_i.e._, Nankin], which are half cotton and half raw

silk, are worth one tae three maçes per piece of ten varas. Other

smaller ones cost twelve taes per hundred in Canton, and are sold in

Xapon for twenty-three and twenty-four. The red ones cost eight and

one-half taes, and are sold for sixteen and seventeen taes.

The ship will carry one hundred and fifty or two hundred picos of

quicksilver. It costs forty taes at Canton, and fifty-three delivered

at Macan. It is sold in Xapon for ninety and ninety-two, and at times

for less than ninety.

It will also carry two thousand picos of lead, at a cost of three

taes per pico delivered in Macan. It is sold in Xapon for six taes

four maçes, and the money doubled.

It will also carry five or six hundred picos of tin. I do not remember

its buying or its selling price.

It will carry besides five or six hundred picos of China-wood, [62]

at a cost per pico of one tae or twelve maçes. It is sold for four

or five taes in Xapon, and the money doubled.

It will carry about two thousand ranquels of crockery-ware at the

very least. These goods are bought in Canton at many prices, and the

money doubled two or three times in Xapon.

It will carry one hundred picos of rhubarb, which costs two and

one-half taes, and is sold for five, thus doubling the money.

It will also carry one hundred and fifty picos of licorice. It costs

delivered in Macan three taes per pico, and is sold in Xapon for nine

or ten taes per pico, thus tripling the money.

It will also carry about sixty or seventy picos of white sugar. It

costs fifteen maçes per pico, and is sold in Xapon for three and four

and one-half taes. However, little of it is used, and the Japanese

prefer the black. The latter kind costs from four to six maçes in

Macan, and is sold for four, five, or six taes per pico in Xapon. It

forms an excellent merchandise, and the ship will carry one hundred

and fifty or two hundred picos of it.

The captain of the ship will ask, for carrying the silk, ten per cent;

and in order that the freight on the remainder of the merchandise may

not be raised, five hundred dead taes are given him, besides sixty

picos sold at its value there per pico. That which is sold, and all

the bulk of the silk that is unsold, and the five hundred taes are

given him beforehand; while on the other merchandise mentioned above

he is given ten per cent.

The said ship takes, on its return to Yndia, the aforesaid merchandise

of loose white silk--one thousand picos at the abovesaid prices. They

are sold in Yndia at about two hundred cruzados [63] per pico.

It will carry about ten or twelve thousand pieces of silk damasks

and taffetas of all shades, bought at different prices. The common

price of the fine pieces of damask is five taes, and the very fine,

six and seven; and the pieces are four varas long. There are also

some at four taes. These damasks are also sold at various prices. The

greater part of them are sold among the natives. The same is to be

said of the pieces of taffeta as to their purchase and sale.

It will carry three or four picos of gold, bought in the manner

aforesaid. A profit of eighty or ninety per cent is also made on this

among the natives.

It will carry five or six hundred picos of wrought and unwrought

brass. The money invested in this is doubled. It is used among the

natives.

It will carry six or seven picos of musk, which is used by the people

of the country. The money will be gained once and a half over.

It will carry one hundred picos of quicksilver, which will gain

seventy or eighty per cent.

It will carry five hundred picos of vermilion, which will gain as

much as the quicksilver.

It will carry two or three [hundred?] picos of sugar, and the money

will be gained once and a half over.

It will carry one or two thousand picos of China-wood, the money

invested for which will be increased two or three times.

It will carry two thousand picos of brass bracelets, which cost five

taes six maçes, and seven taes per pico delivered in Machan. The

money is doubled. They are used in Bengala.

It will carry about two hundred picos of camphor, which goes to

Portugal.

It carries a considerable quantity of earthenware of all sorts. The

money is gained once and a half over.

It carries a great number of gilded beds, tables, and writing desks.

Much fine colored unwoven silk. It costs eighteen and nineteen maçes

and two taes per cate. Some of the gilded beds are generally sold for

three or four hundred cruzados. It carries many coverlets worked on

frames; canopies, bed-curtains, and hangings; short cloaks of the

same handiwork, made by the same Chinese; besides other trifles,

and many gold chains exquisitely wrought.

The Portuguese pay duties at Malaca of seven and one-half per cent

on the merchandise which they carry from China, without selling or

unloading anything in that city.

They pay two or three thousand cruzados at Zeylao [_i.e._, Ceylon]

for the support of the garrison stationed there. For that purpose

two or three fustas go to the ship and take it, in spite of itself,

to the port, whence it does not sail until it pays that sum. The

reason given by the captain of that fort is, that the viceroy of Goa

discounts that money from the duties. The same is done with the ships

which come from Bengala, as well as from all other parts from which it

is necessary to pass that island (which is the island for cinnamon)

in order to get to Goa. They pay eight and one-half per cent at Goa,

both for entrance and for clearance; and the same is true at Malaca,

going and coming to [India?] But they do not pay in [Macan?] because

they return thither.

When the ship sails from Goa to China, it carries silver in money

and in wrought pieces (as I saw), of these two or three thousand;

ivory, velvet from España and other places, and fine scarlet cloth

[_grana_]; one hundred and fifty or two hundred pipes of wine; about

six other pipes of oil; also olives, and capers. One is surprised

at the cheapness of these things in Machan since they are brought

from España to Goa, and thence to China, a distance of more than one

thousand leguas. What most surprised me was to see that a cuarto

of wine is worth one real, which is about its worth in Lisboa. A

jar of oil at eight or ten reals, or at the most twelve, is worth at

Machan when it comes from España five, six, or eight pesos per botija,

counting eight reals to the peso. A cuartillo of wine at four reals,

is sold at little or nothing. The Portuguese say that they do not

care to make their principal good in China, but to invest in China,

as their interest lies in the investment.

Ivory is sold to the Chinese at fifty taes per pico for the white

and even ivory. It is understood that this must be in exchange for

other merchandise, and not for money or silver; for silver that enters

China does not go out again except in merchandise.

Velvet costs six or seven cruzados per codo in Goa. The codo is a

palmo less than our vara. It is sold among the Portuguese at Machan

for seven or eight taes, according to its quality.

Grana costs five or six cruzados per codo at Goa, and even seven

and eight.

A pipe of wine is generally worth forty or fifty cruzados at Goa,

and the fine and good wines ninety-five. However, the latter is not

taken to China; and that of the first-named price is sold in Machan,

where it is worth eighty or ninety cruzados per pipe.

One million of gold and upward enters China yearly through the

Portuguese alone.

The Portuguese pay anchorage at Machan according to the beam and

length of their ships, and whether they enter light or laden. The

length is measured from the mizzenmast to the bow, and the beam from

edge to edge. According as the ship is larger or smaller it pays. The

[standard of] measure is one _caña_, and so much is paid for each

measure. Consequently, a ship of three hundred toneladas will pay

three or four thousand taes of silver. The Portuguese formerly paid

the said anchorage in brasil-wood and in other merchandise which

they carried; but for two or three years past they have had to pay

it in silver. They do not like that as well as the other method. If,

perchance, the ships have to lay up for the winter, even if they are

the ships of the inhabitants of Machan themselves, they have to pay

without any remission.

_Memorandum of the retail selling prices of wares in Canton_

The tae of fine gold is equivalent to seven of silver. One cate of musk

is sold for eight taes. Raw silk at eight taes per pico. The contrary

kind, or twisted silk [_sirguin_], which is the best of the country,

one hundred taes per pico. Good pieces of damask, seven taes; a piece

contains fourteen varas. Other pieces of common silk, ten varas for

one tae three maçes. Vermilion, forty taes per pico. Copper, seven and

eight taes [per pico]. Quicksilver, forty taes per pico. Herd-bells,

eight maçes per pico. White lead, two and one-half and three taes per

pico. Cotton, eight taes per pico. Fine powdered vermilion, seventy

maçes per cate. One ranquel of fine porcelain, one tae two maçes;

fine dishes, fifteen maçes per ranquel. Large fine dishes, five maçes

apiece. Medium quality earthenware is worth one and one-half maçes

per ranquel, both chinaware [_porcelana_] and dishes. Fine pieces

of taffeta of all colors, from Lanquin, each piece containing about

twelve codos, are worth two and one-half and three taes. Large pieces

of certain damasks, which contain sixteen varas, are worth twelve

taes at the least and fifteen at the most. Common earthenware is

worth less than one real per ranquel, either dishes or jars. Wheat

is worth four maces per pico, and eight in flour. Rice is worth

three and one-half and four maçes per pico. One cow is worth four

taes in Macan. One pico of flour, delivered in Macan, one tae two

maçes. Pork is worth two taes in Macan and one and one-half taes in

Canton, per pico. Fowls, two taes per pico. One pico of salt fish,

two taes and more--or less, according to the fish. Two cates of fresh

fish, one conderin. One pico of sugar, two taes, or, at the least,

one and one-half taes. One pico of the finest iron, which resembles

a _manteca_ [64] is worth two taes, and in nails two and one-half,

and three taes. One pico of Chinese camphor is worth ten taes. One

pico of cinnamon, three taes. Rhubarb, at two, two and one-half, and

three taes; and there is an infinite amount of it in China. Pieces

of thin, fine silk, which contain about twenty varas, arc worth three

and one-half and four taes. Red silk headdresses for women, four and

five maçes apiece. One pico of licorice, two and one-half taes. One

pico of China-wood, at eight maçes, and one tae.

The merchandise brought by the Portuguese in their ships from the

districts where they trade and traffic is as follows.

First, they carry from Malaca to Goa a great quantity of cloves,

nutmeg, and mace; also tin--which is the finest that is obtained from

those parts, and which they also carry to China, for the tin of that

country is not so fine. They carry tortoise-shell and many pearls.

From Zeylao, a great quantity of cinnamon, the finest of diamonds,

and other precious gems.

From Bengala, abundance of very fine cotton; quantities of sugar and

rock sulphur; and a quantity of rice--for which, if it were not for

Bengala, Yndia would suffer.

From Moçambique, ivory and brasil-wood.

From Ormuz, which is in Persia, they bring excellent horses, and very

fine carpets; many larins, [65] each one a trifle smaller than one

of our reals; many clusters of dates; camlets, [66] and many agras;

and benecianos, [67] each of which is worth about one of our escudos

of eleven reals.

From the kingdom of Pegu, they carry a quantity of fine lac in loaves,

and other things.

From Siam, excellent silver, and arquebus-balls; much and very fine

benzoin; almond cakes; a quantity of oil of ginger, and of cocoa,

and brasil-wood; lead; and a quantity of rice.

From Conchinchina, aguila-wood, [68] and another wood called

_calambac_, [69] which is very valuable. It is black and contains

oil, and is worth fifty cruzados among the Portuguese; while in its

own kingdom, it passes weight for weight with silver. [The ship also

carries] lead, pepper, and some yellow silk.

From the kingdom of Champa is brought the abovesaid wood, and it is

even finer than that of Conchinchina. They carry another kind of black

wood from which the Chinese make certain little sticks one cuarto

[_i.e._, one-fourth vára?] long with which they eat. This kingdom

has nothing else [to trade].

From Cambay, they bring the finest incense that those districts

furnish. It is worth three taes per pico. They bring it from Far,

which is Arabia the Blest [_la Felice_], and also from the island of

Samatra, which the Portuguese call by another name Dachen.

From Timor, white sandal wood, which grows in no other part, while

they bring the red from Santo Tome.

From Borney they bring camphor, which is the best which is usually

found. It passes in its own kingdom weight for weight with silver. They

also bring a great quantity of wood of the same tree for tables and

writing desks, and it is very beautiful and sweet-smelling.

From the islands of Ternate, Tidore, and three or four others, the

spice of the clove.

From the island of Banda, and from other islands, nutmeg and mace. From

the same island they bring certain very beautiful birds which have no

feet or claws. They have a very long tail with very beautiful feathers,

and resemble young herons.

From Xapon a great quantity of silver; [abundance?] of tunny-fish;

certain catans (which resemble cutlasses, and are very large), and

daggers wrought very richly in gold; and other things.

From Sunda and many other places they bring various other articles. The

Spaniards take from the Philipinas many pieces of cotton of very

fine quality, and many pieces of various-colored damask; all kinds

of taffeta, in greater or less quantity; much spun and loose silk of

all colors; a great quantity of earthenware--which, together with the

silk, is all brought to Manila by the Chinese themselves, who also

bring a great amount of gold, wrought and unwrought, and of different

carats. The following are the names of the gold in the Philipinas

and their carats: first, gold of _ariseis_, of twenty-three carats

three granos, and worth per tae in the said islands, nine eight-real

pesos; gold of _guinogulan_, of twenty carats, worth seven pesos;

gold of _orejeras_, of eighteen or nineteen carats, and worth five and

one-half pesos per tae; gold of _linguin_, of fourteen or fourteen

and one-half carats, and worth four or four and one-half pesos;

gold of _bislin_, of nine or nine and one-half carats, and worth

three pesos; gold of _malubay_, of six or six and one-half carats,

and worth one and one-half and two pesos. [70]

NOTES

[1] The twelve-year truce between the States-General and Spain,

signed in 1608.

[2] This squadron was sent for the succor of the Philippines,

in December, 1619; but soon after its departure it encountered a

severe storm, which compelled the ships to take refuge in the port

of Cadiz. Learning of this, the royal Council sent imperative orders

for the ships to depart on their voyage; the result was that they

were driven ashore and lost on the Andalusian coast, January 3, 1620,

with the loss of one hundred and fifty lives. Among the dead was Fray

Hernando de Moraga, O.S.F., who had come to Spain some time before to

ask aid for the Philippine colony and the missions there. A council

assembled by the king, after discussing the matter, recommended that

Spain abandon the islands as costly and profitless; Moraga's entreaties

induced the king to disregard this advice, and to send a fleet with

troops and supplies, in which embarked Moraga with thirty friars of

his order. See La Concepción's account, in _Hist. de Philipinas_, v,

pp. 474-479.

Another letter from Otaço, dated February 18, 1620, says: "There

has been a very heated discussion (which still continues) regarding

aid for the Philipinas, between the lords of the Council and all the

procurators and agents of those islands."

[3] Translated: "[This blow upon us], beyond measure, still we are

the Lord's and He is just, and His judgment is upright."

[4] So in the MS., but apparently a copyist's error for Leatum, the

form given in later pages; apparently a phonetic blunder for Liao-tung,

the name of the province where the contest between Russia and Japan

is now centered (May, 1904).

[5] W. Winterbotham gives, in his _View of the Chinese Empire_

(London, 1796), ii, pp. 6-8, an interesting account of the "mandarins

of letters," the chief nobility of the empire. He says: "There are

only two ranks in China, the nobility and the people, but the former

is not hereditary ... China contains about fifteen thousand mandarins

of letters, and a still greater number who aspire to that title

... To arrive at this degree, it is necessary to pass through several

others; such as that of Batchelor (_sie_, or _tsai_), of licentiate

(_kiu-gin_), and of doctor (_tsing-tssëe_). The two first, however,

are only absolutely necessary; bur even those on whom the third is

conferred obtain for a time only the government of a city of the second

or third class. There are eight orders of [these] mandarins ... In

short, the whole administration of the Chinese empire is entrusted

to the mandarins of letters."

[6] Referring to the Manchu chief Noorhachu (see _Vol_. XVIII,

note 63). His grandfather was named Huen.

[7] Gabriel de Matos was born at Vidigueira, Portugal, in 1572, and

entered the Jesuit order at the age of sixteen. He spent twenty years

in the Japan missions, and later was provincial of Malabar; and he

filed in January, 1633, either at Cochin or at Macao (according to

differing authorities).

[8] Nicolas Trigault was born at Douai, France, in 1577, and became

a Jesuit novice when seventeen years old. As a student, he made

a specialty of Oriental languages, and in 1610 entered the China

mission, of which he was long in charge--meanwhile becoming versed

in Chinese history and literature, concerning which, as well as the

Jesuit missions there, Trigault wrote various books and memoirs. He

died November 14, 1628, at either Nanking or Hang-tcheou.

[9] Matheo de Curos was born at Lisbon in 1568, and became a Jesuit

when fifteen years old; three years later, he left Europe for Japan,

where during many years he occupied high positions in his order. He

died at Fuscimo (Fushimi?), October 29, 1633.

[10] _Dairi_ ("the great interior"), an appellation of the mikado

of Japan, also of his palace in the city of Kiôto (anciently called

Miako), The temple referred to is the Daibutsu ("great Buddha"),

located not far from the palace. See Rein's _Japan_, pp. 442-470,

for account of Buddhism and other religions in Japan, and description

and plan of Kiôto.

[11] Cf. _Jesuit Relations_, (Cleveland reissue) xxvii, p. 311,

and xxxv, p. 277 (and elsewhere), for mention of these helpers

(Fr. _dogiques_) in the Jesuit missions of New France.

[12] Probably referring to St. Francis Xavier, who had been, seventy

years before, so prominent a missionary in Japan and India. The word

"saint," however, is here used by anticipation, as Xavier was not

canonized at the time of this document. That ceremony was performed,

for both Xavier and Ignatius de Loyola, on March 12, 1622; they had

been beautified on July 27, 1609.

[13] The two Latin phrases read thus in English respectively: "in

the bowels of Jesus Christ," and "that I may be counted worthy of

suffering reproach [or ignominy] for the name of Jesus."

[14] This is a reference to the celebrated scholastic Duns Scotus.

[15] The text reads thus: _Junto al estandarte que lleuoua el Pe

Guardian yba un fraile lego llamado fr. Junipero y es tenido por sto_

sencillo como el otro vaylando y diciendo mil frialdades a lo diuino.

[16] The Order of Theatins was founded in 1524, by St. Cajetan of

Chieti or Teate (whence Theatinus) and three others, one of whom later

became Pope Paul IV. Their vows were very strict, for they were even

forbidden to solicit alms. They were the first congregation in the

Church of regular clerics or canons regular (_clerici regulares_

or _canonici regulares_). On account of the early renown for piety

which they acquired, it became usual to style any devout person a

Theatino or Chietino. They were also sometimes called Tolentines,

from the name of their principal church dedicated to St. Nicholas of

Tolentine. Their dress being similar to that of the Jesuits, they

were through ignorance often mistaken for them. The term was also

applied to some of the Jesuits who had been in Florida and afterward

went to Manila; to the Jesuit missionaries in Japan; and to the first

Jesuits in the Philippines. Paul IV wished to unite his order with the

Jesuits, but his request was not acceded to by St. Ignatius Loyola. The

Theatins were never widely known outside of Italy.--The editors are

indebted for this note to Revs. José Algué, S.J., Manila Observatory,

E.I. Devitt, S.J., Georgetown College, and T.C. Middleton, O.S.A.,

Villanova College. See also Addis and Arnold's _Catholic Dict._,

pp. 792, 793.

[17] The preachers of Charles V said to the Council of the Indias,

in speaking of the repartimiento system in America: "We hold that

this most great sin will be the cause of the total destruction of

the state of Spain, if God does not alter it, or we do not amend it

ourselves." See Helps's _Spanish Conquest_, ii, p. 56.

[18] St. John's day is June 26, and St. Peter's June 29.

[19] Span., _La puso en el cofrecillo secreto del acuerdo_; literally

"placed it in the secret drawer of the assembly."

[20] In 1621, the flagship of which Fernando Centeno was commander,

"Nuestra Señora de la Vida," was wrecked in Isla Verde. See Colin,

_Labor evangélica_, p. 159.

[21] One may see in this and subsequent marginal notes of this nature,

in this and in other documents, the possible working of the Spanish

government offices. The memoranda thus made on the margins of the

document by the council or government representative in the king's

name, evidently formed the basis of the various decrees and orders

despatched to the colonies, in regard to points brought out in

the document that needed legislation. The document would probably

be then turned over to the clerk or notarial secretary, who would

have the decrees filled out properly, and in the stereotyped form,

from these memoranda. Lastly, they would receive the king's signature

(_rubrica_). Each of the marginal notes on this and other documents,

when made by king or council, is generally accompanied by a rubrica,

which attests its legality. These notes often consist of two distinct

parts, one of matter to be addressed to the governor, in which the

second person is used; the other, directions to clerks in regard

to what should be done on points called up in the document. These

distinct parts have each their rubricas.

[22] See this note at end of the document, p. 167.

[23] See this note, _post_, p. 168.

[24] See _Vol_. XII, pp. 53, 54, "four hundred short toneladas of

the Northern Sea, which amount to three hundred [of the Southern Sea]."

[25] See this note, _post_, p. 169.

[26] The report of this expedition, which was effected, will be given

later, in a document of 1624.

[27] See a further note to this section, _post_, p. 171.

[28] See a further note on this section, _post_, p. 171.

[29] The reservation signifies that absolution from the said

censure is reserved exclusively to a superior, as the prior of a

convent, a provincial, or general, or even to the supreme pontiff

himself. See Addis and Arnold's _Catholic Dict._, pp. 135, and 717

and 718.--_Rev. T.C. Middleton_, O.S.A.

[30] The original reads "_despues_" ("since"), but the sense seems

to require "_antes_" ("before").

[31] An account of this expedition will be presented in a later

document.

[32] The words lacking in the above, due to the dilapidation of the

MS., render it impossible to translate this passage clearly.

[33] Cf. the three documents (1619-20) by Coronel, on "Reforms

needed in the Filipinas," begun in _Vol_. XVIII, and concluded in

this volume. Felipe III died on March 31, 1621, and was succeeded by

his son, Felipe IV, to whom this "Memorial" is now addressed.

[34] That is, "those who had come by a round-about way."

[35] Various MSS. by Alonso Sanchez are to be found in the archives

of different countries, and will be mentioned in the bibliographical

volume of this series.

[36] See, however, Morga's account of this in _Vol_. XV, pp. 79-92. See

Morga also for a full account of the Camboja expeditions.

[37] Thus in the original. A marginal pen correction in faded ink, in

the copy from which we translate, reads 608. The _Cedulario Indico_,

consisting of forty-one manuscript volumes of decrees, for the various

parts of the Indias, which is preserved in the Archivo Historico

Nacional in Madrid, contains a number of decrees of 1608 in regard

to the ships from the Philippines.

[38] The decree was of course granted by Felipe II, "your" being used

merely as a set phrase to indicate the royal source of the decree.

[39] See _Vol_. XVI, p. 60, note 31.

[40] April 25, 1610, the fight with Wittert, _q.v._ _Vol_. XVII.

[41] See an account of his voyage in _Vol_. XVII.

[42] Thus in the original, but evidently an error for "Chinese."

[43] _Cuatralbo_: the commander of four galleys.

[44] Translated: "The earth is the Lord's and the fulness thereof:

the world, and all they that dwell therein" (Ps. xxiv, v. 1).

[45] In the margin is written, in an ancient hand: "For the singular

veneration which the archduke of Borgoña showed to the most holy

sacrament of the eucharist."

[46] Thus in the text (_comprar_); but the context would suggest that

this was a slip for "sell."

[47] In this connection may be cited the following statement from

Sawyer's _Inhabitants of the Philippines_, p. 129: "The great wealth

of the Archipelago is undoubtedly to be found in the development of

its agriculture. Although the Central and Ilocan Mountains in Luzon

and parts of Mindanao are rich in gold, it is the fertile land,

the heavy rainfall and the solar heat, that must be utilized to

permanently enrich the country. The land is there and the labour is

there, and all that is wanting is capital, and a settled government

... The sun, the rain, the soil, and the hardy Philippine farmer

will do the rest--a population equal to that of Java could live in

affluence in the Philippines."

See also Sawyer's remarks (pp. 145-152) on gold and gold-mining in

the islands.

[48] See the document, "Expeditions to Tuy," at end of _Vol_. XIV.

[49] The Augustinian Fray Miguel Garcia Serrano.

[50] An ancient Spanish coin, which in the time of Ferdinand and

Isabella was worth 14 reals 14 maravedis of silver; but its value

varied in subsequent reigns. See the work of Fray Liciniano Saez,

_Monedas que corrian en Castilla durante el reynado del Sr. D. Enrique

IV_ (published by the Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid, 1805),

pp. 408-426.

[51] In Spain the name _cinamomo_ is popularly given to the _Melia

acedarak_; but now in Manila that name is applied to a species of

_Lausonia, L. inermis_. This latter grows in Arabia and Egypt, and

is cultivated in Europe; it is there called _alchena_ or _alhena_,

and its root is employed as a cosmetic by the Turks, and a paste of

its leaves, known as _henna_, is used by them to dye the teeth or

hair. See Blanco's _Flora_ (ed. 1845), pp. 206, 241.

[52] Probably referring to the springs at Jigabo, province of Albay,

the waters of which carry in solution a gelatinous silica, which

is quickly incrusted on any object placed therein. See _Report_

of U.S. Philippine Commission, 1900, iii, p. 222.

[53] The "geometrical pace" is, in English measure, roughly

estimated at five feet; in Spanish measure, according to Los Rios's

reckoning--the tercia (or "third"), being one-third of a vara, is

equivalent to 11.128 English inches--the geometrical pace would be

55.64 English inches. The length of the wall, accordingly, would be

a little less than two English miles.

[54] Of this name Crawfurd says (_Dict. Indian Islands_, p. 283):

"The collective name, which the Portuguese write Maluca, and is

correctly Maluka, is equally unknown, although said to be that of a

place and people of the island of Gilolo. No such name is, at present,

known to exist in that island ... All that De Barros tells us of the

name is, that it is a collective one for all the islands." He cites

(pp. 101, 102) various names for the clove that are current in the

Indian islands, and some found in early writers but among them is

none resembling Maluca.

[55] See the detailed description of the clove tree, its product,

the mode of gathering cloves, their properties, and the extent of

the trade in this spice in _Recueil des voiages Comp. des Indes

Orientales_, i, pp. 503-507. The price at which the Dutch bought

cloves from the natives (in 1599) is there stated at fifty-four reals

of eight. The extent of the crop is thus stated: "According to what

the inhabitants of Ternate say, the Molucca Islands produce annually

the following quantity of cloves: the islands of Ternate and Tidore,

each 1,000 bares; Bassian Island, 2,000 bares; and Motier Island,

600 or 700 bares." Crawfurd says (_Dict. Indian Islands_, p. 503):

"In England, before the discovery of the passage by the Cape of Good

Hope, a pound of cloves cost 30_s._, or 168_l._ per cwt."

[56] Spanish, _entretenidos_; persons who were performing certain

duties, in hope of obtaining permanent positions, or waiting for

vacancies to occur in certain posts.

[57] The ancient city of Ormuz was on the mainland, but was removed to

the opposite island, Jerún, because of repeated Tartar attacks. Its

fame almost rivaled that of Venice from the end of the thirteenth

to the seventeenth century. It was owned by the Portuguese during

1507-1622, when it was taken by Shah Abbas, with the aid of the English

East India Company. It was next to Goa the richest of Portuguese

possessions. See _Voyage of Pyrard de Laval_ (Hakluyt Society's

publications, London, 1888), ii, p. 238, notes 1 and 2.

[58] The editors of _Voyage of Pyrard de Laval_ (ii, p. 357, _note_)

say of the clove: "It is curious that this spice seems not to have

been known to the Romans, nor to any Europeans till the discovery of

the Moluccas by the Portuguese." Duarte Barbosa, in _East Africa and

Malabar_ (Stanley's trans., Hakluyt Society edition, London, 1866),

pp. 219-220, quotes cloves from Maluco as worth per bahar in Calicut

500 and 600 fanoes; and, when clean of husks and sticks, 700 fanoes,

19 fanoes being paid as export duty. At Maluco they were worth from one

to two ducats per bahar, and in Malacca as much as fourteen. Captain

John Saris (see Satow's edition of _Voyage of Capt. John Saris_,

Hakluyt Society publications, p. 33) bought cloves for "60 rials of

8 per Bahar of 200 Cattyes."

[59] See Satow's _Voyage of Capt. John Saris, ut supra_, pp. 224,

225, 228, 229, for names and prices of various kinds of silks.

[60] _Cuarto_: a copper coin worth four maravedis.

[61] Saris (_Voyage_, pp. 216, 225) mentions the following Chinese

goods: "Veluet Hangings imbroydered with gold, eighteene Rialls;

vpon Sattins, fourteene Rials." "Imbrodered Hangings, called Poey,

the best ten Rials the piece."

[62] Spanish, _palo de China_; also known as "China root;" the root

of _Smilax china_. It is not now used, but formerly had great repute

for the cure of venereal diseases as well as for gout. Linschoten has

a long account of its virtues and mode of use, in _Voyage_ (Hakluyt

Society's edition), ii, pp. 107-112; see also i, p. 239. Cf. Pyrard

de Laval's _Voyage_, i, p. 182.

[63] The cruzado was an old coin of Castilla and Portugal. The

Castilian coin was of gold, silver, or copper, and of different

values. The Portuguese coin, evidently the one of our text, was worth

ten reals de vellon in Spain. See _Dicc. nacional ... de la lengua

Española_ (Madrid, 1878).

[64] So in the copy which we follow. Literally translated this is

"butter," which causes doubt as to the correctness of the copy.

[65] The _larin_ was a silver coin that takes its name from the city

of Lar in Persia. It has been current in a number of eastern countries

and districts, among them Persia, the Maldives, Goa, and the Malabar

coast, Ceylon, and Kandy. It has gone out of circulation, although

the name is preserved in certain copper coins at the Maldives. The

ancient coin was of various shapes, that of the Maldives being about

as long as the finger and double, having Arabic characters stamped on

it; that of Ceylon resembled a fishhook: those of Kandy are described

as a piece of silver wire rolled up like a wax taper. When a person

wishes to make a purchase, he cuts off as much of this silver as

is equal in value to the price of the article. Its probably first

mention by an European writer occurs in the _Lembranças das Cousas de

India_ (_Subsidios_ iii, 53), in 1525, where the following table is

given: 2 fules = 1 dinar; 12 dinars = 1 tanga; 3 tangas 10 dinars =

1 new larin; 3 tangas 9 dinars = 1 old larin. At Cambaye (p. 38)

1 tanga larin = 60 reis, and 45 larins weighed 1 Portuguese marco,

or 50 grammes. Antonio Nunes (1554) in his _Livro dos Pesos_, says:

"At the port of Bengala, 80 couries = 1 pone; 48 pones = 1 larin. The

Portuguese marco of the time of João III, being equivalent to 2,500

reis, would make the larin worth 51,012 reis." Davy says that the

larin of Kandy was worth about 7d. in English currency. For detailed

information about the larin, see _Voyage of Pyrard de Laval, ut supra_,

i, p. 232 and note 2; and ii, p. 68.

[66] "Next, many watered camlets of Persia and Ormus, of all colours,

made of the wool of large sheep that have not curled fleeces like

ours. Of it they make also good store of cloaks and capes, called

by the Indians _Mansans_, and by the Portuguese 'Ormus _cambalis_;'

they are made of the same wool, in bands of different colours, each

four inches wide. Everyone takes these to sea for a protection from

the rain. The tissue is the same as of cloth." It was called "camlet,"

because made originally of camel's hair. See _ut supra_, ii, p. 240.

[67] The Venetian sequin, worth about 50 sols, which was silver money

and circulated at Goa. See _ut supra_, ii, p. 69.

[68] Crawfurd (_Dict. Indian Islands_) says that this is the

eagle-wood of commerce. Its name in Malay and Javanese is _kalambak_

or _kalambah_, but it is also known in these languages by that of

_gahru_, or _kayu-gahru_, gahru-wood, a corruption of the Sanscrit

_Agharu_. This sweet-scented wood has been used immemorially as an

incense throughout eastern countries, and was early introduced into

Europe by the Portuguese. The perfumed wood is evidently the result

of a disease in the tree, produced by the thickening of the sap into

a gum or resin. The tree is confused with the aloes, but properly

speaking has no connection with that tree; and the word _agila_

has been wrongly translated into "eagle" [see above "_aguila_"]. The

tree probably belongs to the order of _Leguminosæ_. The best perfumed

or diseased wood is found in the mountainous country to the east of

the Gulf of Siam, including Camboja and Cochinchina. Castenheda says

that at Campar, on the eastern side of Sumatra, are "forests which

yield aloes-wood, called in India Calambuco (kalambak). The trees

which produce it are large, and when they are old they are cut down

and the aloes-wood taken from them, which is the heart of the tree,

and the outer part is agila. Both these woods are of great price,

but especially the Calambuco, which is rubbed in the hands, yielding

an agreeable fragrance; the agila does so when burned." See Crawfurd,

_ut supra_, pp. 6, 7, and Yule's Cathay, ii, p. 472, note 1.

[69] _Calambac_: the kalambac, or normal form of the wood called agila,

is evidently meant here; see preceding note.

[70] See _Vol_. IV, pp. 99, 100.

All the old books of voyages of eastern countries contain much on the

buying and selling prices of various commodities. See especially the

notable Hakluyt Society publications.

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 — Volume 19 of 55 1620-1621 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century. · 第 7 / 7 章