Chapter I. Of the importance to your Majesty of preserving that_The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 — Volume 19 of 55 1620-1621 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century.

Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Distributed Proofreaders Team

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898

Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and

their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,

as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the

political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those

islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the

close of the nineteenth century,

Volume XIX, 1620-1621

Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson

with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord

Bourne.

Contents of Volume XIX

Preface

Documents of 1620

Reforms needed in the Filipinas (concluded). Hernando de

los Rios Coronel; (Madrid, 1619-20)

Letter to Alonso de Escovar. Francisco de Otaço, S.J.;

Madrid, January 14.

Decree ordering reforms in the friars' treatment of the

Indians. Felipe III; Madrid, May 29.

Relation of events in the Philipinas Islands,

1619-20. (Unsigned); Manila, June 14.

Compulsory service by the Indians. Pedro de Sant Pablo,

O.S.F.; Dilao, August 7.

Letter from the Audiencia to Felipe III. Hieronimo

Legaspi de Cheverria, and others; Manila, August 8.

Letter to Felipe III. Alonso Fajardo de Tenza: Manila,

August 15.

Letter to Alonso Fajardo de Tenza. Felipe III; Madrid,

December 13.

Memorial, y relacion para sv magestad, Hernando de los Rios

Coronel; Madrid, 1621.

Bibliographical Data.

Appendix: Buying and selling prices of Oriental products. Martin

Castaños (in part); (undated.)

Illustrations

Autograph signature of Alonso Fajardo de Tenza; photographic

facsimile from MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla

Title-page of _Memorial y relacion_, by Hernando de los Rios

Coronel (Madrid, 1621); photographic facsimile from copy in

Library of Congress

Preface

The documents in the present volume cover a wide range. In greater

or less detail are discussed affairs in the islands--civil, military,

and religious, in which all the various ramifications of each estate

are touched upon. Reforms, both civil and religious, are urged and

ordered; and trade and commerce, and general economic and social

conditions pervade all the documents. The efforts of Dutch, English,

French, Portuguese, and Spanish in eastern waters are a portent of

coming struggles for supremacy in later times. Japan, meditating on the

closed door to Europeans, though still permitting the Dutch to trade

there, continues to persecute the Christians, while that persecution

is, on the other hand, lessening in violence in China. The piracies

of the Moros endanger the islands, and allow the Dutch to hope for

alliance with them against the Spaniards; and the importance of the

islands to Spain is urged forcibly.

A letter addressed by Los Rios Coronel to the king (probably in 1620)

urges that prompt aid be sent to Filipinas for its defense against

the Dutch and English who threaten its coasts. To it he adds an

outline "treatise on the navigation of Filipinas," which sustains

his demand by forcible arguments. The rich Oriental trade amounts

to five millions of pesos a year, which mainly goes to sustain the

Dutch and their allies, the enemies of Spain, whose commerce they

will utterly destroy unless some check is placed on their audacity;

and the effectual method of doing this is to deprive them of that

trade. An armed expedition for the relief of the islands is being

prepared by the king; it should be despatched via the Cape of Good

Hope, and all possible efforts should be made to drive out the Dutch

and English from the Eastern seas. Los Rios proposes that for this

purpose loans be asked from wealthy persons in Nueva España and Peru;

and that the vessels needed be built in India. He makes recommendations

for the routes and equipment of the vessels, both going and returning;

and for the seasons best for sailing.

A letter from Francisco de Otaço, S.J. (January 14, 1620), mentions

various arrangements for the despatch of more missionaries to the

islands, and laments the recent loss of a fleet sent to the aid of the

Philippine colony. A royal decree of May 29 in the same year orders

the governor and Audiencia to correct the religious who have levied

on the Indians exactions of forced service.

The Jesuit chronicler of events in 1619 continues the record for the

year ending July, 1620. Some account of the war waged by the Chinese

and the Tartars is given. The persecution of the Christians in China

has slackened, and the authorities of that country are more favorable

to the Jesuit missionaries there. But in Japan the persecution

continues, and the college at Macao is crowded with Jesuits who are

disappointed in their efforts to enter Japan. Letters from Jesuits

in that country enumerate many martyrdoms, of both missionaries and

their converts, and describe their holy zeal and faith in suffering

death. The authorities and influential men of Japan consider it well

to harbor the Dutch there, and even talk of conquering the Philippines,

in order to get rid of the Spaniards; but it is rumored that they also

contemplate the expulsion of all Europeans from Japan. In the Malucas

"there is constant strife between the English and the Hollanders,"

and the French are obtaining a foothold. Portuguese India has but

inadequate means of defense against the Dutch and other foes. An

interesting and picturesque account is given of the religious fiestas

held in Manila to celebrate the festival of the immaculate conception

of the Virgin Mary; the chief features are processions, dramatic

representations, dances, fireworks, etc.--to say nothing of the

bull-fights and masquerades of the laity. Fearful earthquakes, with

considerable loss of life, have occurred in the islands, especially

in Ilocos and Cagayan of Luzón; they are ascribed to the influence

of the comets seen in the preceding year. The commerce of Manila is

increasing; rich cargoes arrive there from all parts of the world;

and Manila is a magnificent city, surpassed by few in Europe.

A letter from the Franciscan, Pedro de Sant Pablo (August 7, 1620),

calls upon the king to abolish the repartimientos of forced service

and supplies levied upon the Indians for shipbuilding and other

public works by the colonial authorities. He recounts the oppression,

cruelty, and enslavement caused by this practice; and in the name of

both the Spaniards and the Indians he asks that the repartimientos

be commuted for certain payments of money, in proportion to the means

of each household.

The Audiencia of Manila send to the king (August 8, 1620) a roll of

complaints against Governor Fajardo. They accuse him of abusive and

violent language toward the auditors, and arbitrary conduct in both

sentencing and releasing prisoners; and of granting certain illegal

appointments and privileges to the friends and relatives of himself and

the royal officials. His conduct of an expedition made ready to repel

the Dutch from the islands is sharply criticised; covert attack is

made on him as defrauding the treasury by the sale of Indian orders,

and allowing reckless expenditures of the public moneys; and he is

blamed for failing to enforce the regulations as to the sale of the

Chinese goods.

Fajardo sends a long report of affairs to the king (August 15,

1620). The coming of the ships this year was delayed; and by storms

and an encounter with the Dutch both were wrecked--but on Philippine

coasts, which enabled them to save the rich cargo. As the Dutch

failed to secure this prize, they have lost in prestige, while the

Spaniards have gained accordingly. A marginal note here, apparently

the reply of the Council of the Indias to this clause of Fajardo's

letter, censures him for allowing the ships to leave Manila so late,

and warns him to send them hereafter promptly, and not overladen. He

is also directed to remonstrate with the Japanese officials who are

aiding the Dutch with arms and other supplies; and to strive to break

up their friendship with the Dutch. Fajardo proceeds to say that he

is equipping the ships for both the outward and return voyages with

various supplies, to avoid the greater expense of buying these in

Nueva España; and for the same object is asking the viceroy of that

country to make no unnecessary repairs on the ships. He complains of

the reckless and arbitrary proceedings of the officials in charge of

the ships at Acapulco. He is advised by the Council to send them a

detailed statement of all matters in which unnecessary expense can

be avoided. Fajardo recounts his difficulties with the viceroy of

Nueva España over the appointments to offices in the trading fleet,

and with the pretensions of certain Philippine residents who claim

rewards and appointments without meriting these. He complains that

the troops just arrived from Nueva España are mostly "boys, mestizos,

and mulattoes, with some Indians;" the viceroy is directed to send

better and more effective soldiers to Filipinas hereafter. Fajardo

is uncertain how far he can depend on aid from the viceroy; and he

proposes that those troops and supplies be sent to him from Spain by

way of Panama, enumerating the advantages and economy of that plan

over the present one. He thanks the king for sending aid to Filipinas

by the India route, and asks that such aid be regularly provided

for some years to come; while he states in general terms what he has

accomplished during the last two years with the limited public funds

of the islands. He has equalized the pay of the soldiers at Manila

and Ternate, and has sent large reënforcements and supplies to the

latter region. Fajardo complains of the opposition and intrigues of the

religious. He desires the royal appointment of a governor for Ternate,

and the adjustment of certain difficulties connected therewith. He

is informed that this appointment has been already conferred on Pedro

de Heredia; and is advised not to allow the religious to interfere in

purely secular matters, especially in those which concern the conduct

of government officials, and to warn the religious orders to refrain

from meddling with these matters. Dutch pirates infest the China Sea,

plundering the Chinese trading ships when they can; but Fajardo is

able to save many of these by warning them beforehand of the danger,

and he has been able to keep them in awe of his own forces. He has

begun to have ships built in Japan for the Philippines, which can be

done there more conveniently and cheaply; the Council would like to

provide thus ships for the South American colonies.

The governor has many annoyances regarding the Audiencia, which

circumstances compel him to endure as best he can. He is directed to

check trading by government officials, and to punish those who are

guilty; and to do all that he can to obtain funds from the islands

for their expenses, by opening the mines of Luzón and trading-posts

in the Moluccas. In answer to his complaint that the auditors meddle

in judicial proceedings in the military department, he is informed

that they must observe the laws already enacted for such matters;

and is ordered to punish severely anyone who shall obstruct the course

of justice in the islands. Fajardo recounts various other annoyances

experienced at their hands--they claiming authority to restrict the

Chinese immigration, and the right to appoint certain minor officials;

and he regrets that the auditors should be all new at one time, and

so ignorant of their duties. He suggests that the king avail himself

of the abilities of Archbishop Serrano, in case of his own death or

other emergency requiring an _ad interim_ governor; and describes

the character of Auditor Rodriguez. The trials of persons involved

in the scandal at Sancta Potenciana have not pleased the governor,

some whom he regards as guilty having been acquitted. The official

inspection of the country, especially for the sake of the natives,

Fajardo has committed to Auditor Mesa, but the latter is unwilling

to undertake it. The Council order that no auditor shall shirk this

important duty. The governor mentions in detail various minor matters,

showing anxiety to act as the home government shall approve. He has

been ordered to reduce military salaries, but objects to this, and

enumerates the amounts paid to each officer. Directions for arranging

this reduction are given by the Council, as also for the governor's

management of expenses, etc., Fajardo makes recommendations as to

certain crown encomiendas, at present unproductive. This is approved

by the Council, who order him to prevent any unjust collections. He

commends certain officers as deserving rewards, and exonerates many of

the religious from the blame of harassing the Indians. He is able to

maintain amicable relations with the orders, especially by allowing the

religious to transact certain secular business for him; but he finds

them domineering and self-willed, and suggests that they cannot be kept

in order without some change in their present mode of government. He is

advised to check their arrogance, especially in their open and public

censures of their superiors, whether ecclesiastical or secular. He

relates his difficulties with Pedro Alvarez over the countersigning of

Sangley licenses. He has sent an expedition to attempt the opening of

mines in the Igorrote country--an undertaking in which he has received

the support and countenance of the religious orders. He commends the

Augustinian Recollects as not meddling in governmental affairs that do

not concern them, and offering to take distant missions. The tributary

Indians are peaceable, and appreciate with gratitude Fajardo's efforts

to relieve them from taxes and wrongs. One of their burdens has been

the erection of many churches--of which there are thirty, almost all

of stone, in Manila and its immediate vicinity alone. The Council

order that no religious house or church be hereafter erected without

the permission of both secular and ecclesiastical authorities. At the

end of Fajardo's letter are added certain comments and directions by

the Council. They are inclined to send reënforcements, supplies, and

merchandise to Filipinas via Panama, as Fajardo suggests, but direct

the vessels to return to Acapulco instead. Illicit participation

of government officials in trade shall be severely punished. The

official visitations recommended by the governor are to be made,

and the auditors are commanded to serve in this duty.

A letter from the king to Fajardo (December 13, 1620) answers previous

despatches from the latter. He commends Fajardo's proceedings in

discontinuing certain grants, and orders him to be careful in making

his reports, to maintain harmony in the Audiencia as far as possible,

to investigate the conduct of the auditor Legaspi, to correct with

vigor the scandals at Santa Potenciana, to enforce discipline in

the military department, and to maintain friendly relations with

Japan. Felipe returns thanks to the colonists for their loyalty

and services in public affairs, and to the Augustinian order in the

islands for their zeal in his service.

A document of especial interest and value is the _Memorial_ (Madrid,

1621) of Hernando de los Rios Coronel, long procurator-general of

the Philippine Islands. Introducing the work with a statement of

his coming to Spain as an envoy from "that entire kingdom and its

estates," he begins with an historical account of the discovery and

settlement of the islands, and the growth of the Spanish colony. The

earlier historical matter in Part I of the _Memorial_ is presented

to our readers in synopsis, as being largely a repetition of what

has already appeared in our former volumes. In chapter vii Los Rios

gives some account of the government of Juan de Silva, especially of

the latter's infatuation for shipbuilding, and its baneful effects

on the prosperity of both the colony and the natives. He recounts the

disastrous attempt to expel the Dutch by means of a joint Spanish and

Portuguese expedition (1615-16), and its ruin and Silva's death at

Malaca. Then he describes the opposition to Silva's schemes that had

arisen in Manila, where, although, he had a faction who supported his

ambitious projects, "all desired his absence." Los Rios cites part of

a letter from Geronimo de Silva to the governor, blaming the latter

for not going to Maluco, where he could have secured the submission

of the natives in all those islands; and urging him to do so as soon

as possible, as that is the only means of preserving the present

foothold of the Spanish. The Dutch fleet there sets out for Manila,

and, hearing in Mindanao of Silva's death, they concert plans with

the Moros for ravaging the Philippines. Part of the Moros are defeated

on the coast of Panay, but they meet with enough success to embolden

them to make further raids; these go unpunished by the Spaniards,

and thus the islands are being devastated and ruined. The Christian

and friendly Indians are at the mercy of these cruel foes, from whom

the Spaniards do not defend them; accordingly, they demand freedom

and arms, that they may defend themselves against the invaders. All

would revolt, were it not for the influence of the missionaries,

especially the Jesuits.

Los Rios makes complaint of the apathy, negligence, and blunders

exhibited by the governors of the islands in regard to their defense

from so many enemies, supporting his position with detailed accounts

of the damages thereby suffered in raids by the Dutch and Moros, and

failures to achieve success that was within the grasp of the Spaniards.

In the second part, Los Rios discusses "the importance of the

Filipinas, and the means for preserving them." He enumerates the

reasons why the crown of Spain should keep the islands, indicating a

curious mixture of worldly wisdom and missionary zeal; and refutes

the arguments of those persons who advocate the abandonment of the

Philippines, or its transfer to Portugal in exchange for Brazil. Los

Rios explains at length the desirability of retaining Manila, and its

importance and desirability as a commercial and military center, and

a check on the ambition of the Dutch. He then asserts that the money

sent to the islands by the Spanish government is mainly expended not on

the Philippines, but for the defense of the Moluccas; and he enumerates

the resources of the former, which but for that diversion would support

them without aid from the crown. He then enlarges upon the great wealth

which is found in the islands, especially in the gold mines of the

Igorrote country; and urges upon the king the necessity of developing

these mines, and of converting the Indians of that region. He asks

that the governors sent to the Philippines be better qualified for

that post; praises Gomez Perez Dasmariñas as being the best governor

of all who have ruled there; and describes the qualifications needed

for a good governor. Los Rios considers the measures that should be

taken for growth and preservation of the Philippines. He recommends

that a fleet be sent to aid and reënforce them. If that cost too much,

eight galleys should be sent to Ternate--a proposal which the writer

urges for many reasons, explaining in detail the way in which these

vessels could, at little cost, be made highly effective in checking the

Dutch. They could be manned by captive Moros and others taken in war,

or by negro slaves bought at Malacca. The third measure is one which he

"dare not write, for that is not expedient," but will explain it to the

king in person. Again he insists on the necessity of a competent and

qualified person as governor of the islands, enlarging upon the great

power and authority possessed by that official, and the consequent

dependence of all classes upon his arbitrary will or prejudices. Los

Rios cites various instances which prove his position, and expressly

states his good opinion of the present governor, Fajardo. He would

prefer to see the Audiencia abolished. A special inspector is needed,

with great experience and ability, and authority to regulate affairs

and redress all grievances in the islands. The immigration of Chinese

and Japanese into the colony should be restricted; and the Mindanao

pirates should be reduced to submission. The opening already made for

commerce and friendly relations with the king of Macassar, and for

preaching the gospel there, should be at once improved, and Jesuits

should be sent there as missionaries. More care should be exercised

to despatch with promptness the ships to Nueva España. More attention

should be given to the garrisons, especially those in the Moluccas,

to keep the men from discontent; and measures should be taken to

encourage and aid new colonists to settle in the Philippines. The late

restrictions on the possession and enjoyment of encomiendas should be

removed. A letter from Lucas de Vergara, commandant in Maluco, is here

inserted. He recounts the losses of the Dutch in their late attack

on Manila (1617), and their schemes for driving out the Spaniards

from the Moluccas; also his own difficulties in procuring food,

fortifying the posts under his care, and keeping up his troops who

are being decimated by sickness and death. He urges that the fleet

at Manila proceed at once to his succor, and thus prevent the Dutch

from securing this year's rich clove-harvest.

In the third part of the _Memorial_, Los Rios gives a brief description

of the Philippines and the Moluccas, with interesting but somewhat

desultory information of their peoples and natural products, of the

Dutch factories, and of the produce and value of the clove trade. He

describes the custom of head-hunting among the Zambales, and advocates

their reduction to slavery as the only means of rendering the friendly

natives safe from their attacks. The numbers of encomiendas and their

tributarios, and of monasteries and religious, in the islands, are

stated, with the size and extent of Manila. All the natives are now

converted, except some tribes in Central Luzón. Los Rios describes

the Malucas Islands and others in their vicinity, and enumerates the

Dutch and Spanish forts therein; and proceeds to state the extent

and profits of the spice trade. He closes his memoir with an itemized

statement of the expenses incurred by the Spanish crown in maintaining

the forts at Tidore and Ternate. These amount yearly to nearly two

hundred and twenty thousand pesos.

In an appendix to this volume are presented several short papers

which constitute a brief epitome of early seventeenth-century

commerce in the Far East--entitled "Buying and selling prices of

Oriental products." Martin Castaños, procurator-general of Filipinas,

endeavors to show that the spices of Malucas and the silks of China,

handled through Manila, ought to bring the Spanish crown an annual net

income of nearly six million pesos. Another paper shows the extent and

value of the trade carried on with Japan by the Portuguese at Macao;

and another, the kind of commerce maintained by those enterprising

traders with the countries of southern Asia from the Moluccas to

Arabia. All these enumerate the various kinds of goods, the buying

and selling prices of most articles, the rate of profit, etc.

_The Editors_

September, 1904.

Documents of 1620

Reforms needed in the Filipinas (concluded). Hernando de los Rios

Coronel; [1619-20].

Letter to Alonso de Escovar. Francisco de Otaço, S.J.; January 14.

Decree ordering reforms in the friars' treatment of the

Indians. Felipe III; May 29.

Relation of events in the Philipinas Islands, 1619-20. [Unsigned];

June 14.

Compulsory service by the Indians. Pedro de Sant Pablo, O.S.F.;

August 7.

Letter from the Audiencia to Felipe III. Hieronimo Legaspi de

Cheverria, and others; August 8.

Letter to Felipe III. Alonso Fajardo de Tenza; August 15.

Letter to Alonso Fajardo de Tenza. Felipe III; December 13.

_Sources_: All of these documents, except the second, fourth, and

eighth, are obtained from the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla. The

second and fourth are from the Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid;

and the eighth from the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid.

_Translations_: The second and fourth are translated by Herbert

E. Bolton, Ethel Z. Rather, and Mattie A. Austen, of the University

of Texas; the eighth by Robert W. Haight; and the remainder by James

A. Robertson.

Reforms Needed in the Filipinas (concluded)

Aid against the Dutch requested

Sire:

Hernando de los Rios Coronel, procurator-general of the Filipinas

Islands and of all their estates, declares that he came the past

year to inform your Majesty and your royal Council of the Indias,

in the name of those islands, of the desperate condition to which the

Dutch enemy have brought them. Desiring that your Majesty understand

the importance of the matter, he gave you a long printed relation in

which he discussed points important for their recovery from the enemy

and the expulsion of the latter from that archipelago. Your Majesty,

upon seeing it, ordered a fleet to be prepared; but that fleet was so

unfortunate as to be lost before beginning its voyage. Although your

Council of the Indias is discussing the formation of another fleet to

sail by way of the Strait of Magallanes, or by the new strait [_i.e._,

of Le Maire], it cannot, if it leaves here any time in July (which is

the earliest time when it can be sent from España) possibly arrive

[at Filipinas] until one and one-half years from now--or a little

less, if it has no bad luck. Now considering the watchfulness of the

enemy, and the forces that they are sending this year, namely, forty

ships, which have left Olanda--whence can be inferred the importance

to them of making themselves masters of those regions, since they

are so persistent in their efforts, and incur so heavy expenses--he

[_i.e._, Los Rios] advises you for the discharge of his conscience,

and his obligation, and his duty as a good vassal of your Majesty,

that there is urgent need that, notwithstanding the relief that your

Council of the Indias is about to despatch by way of the straits,

other help be furnished from Nueva España and Piru; of both men and

money, and to employ this [aid from España] with as great care as the

gravity of the matter requires, and to realize the fact that, were it

lost, both Eastern and Western India would be endangered. They would

be in great danger, as would also these kingdoms; for it would mean

to permit the enemy to become so powerful and so rich as all know

who are aware of the wealth of those regions. Besides, it would mean

the extinction of whatever Christian element is there, and would shut

the doors to the preaching of the gospel, which your Majesty and your

ancestors have procured with so great glory and so many expenses. [That

relief of Nueva España and Piru should be prepared] also, for if the

relief [from España] should suffer an equal disaster with the last,

and that country could not be succored, it would all be lost.

I petition your Majesty to order that this matter be considered,

as a matter of so great importance; and that your president of the

Indias call a conference of those most experienced in the Indias,

so that they may discuss what measures can be taken most fitting for

the relief of that country, and as speedily as possible, where he

[_i.e._, Los Rios] will also declare the measures that occur to him.

[_Endorsed_: "To the president of the Indias. Examined, in the meeting

of April 7, 620."]

Treatise on the navigation of Filipinas, reduced to four chapters

Sire:

Your Majesty orders me to declare my opinion in regard to the

navigation from España to the Philipinas and Malucas Islands, from

them to España, the mutual navigation between those island groups; and

the seasons suitable for such navigation. In obedience to your royal

order, I declare, Sire, that the propositions cover four principal

points, each of which I shall explain in order. [The original document

contains a marginal abstract of each of the four points that follow;

but these abstracts are here omitted.]

_First point_. This point contains in brief the substance of all

the others. In explaining it, I declare that the navigations from

these kingdoms to those islands are so worthy of consideration, and

so important, that no others in the world at this time are equal to

them. For the drugs, fragrant gums, spices, precious stones, and silks

that the Dutch enemy and their allies bring thence--obtained partly

by pillaging, and partly by trading in their forts and factories

which they own throughout that archipelago--amount, as they do at

present, to five millions [of pesos] annually. It has been stated

how paramount is this undertaking to any others that can today be

attempted; for besides the spiritual injury inflicted by those

heretical pirates among all that multitude [of heathen peoples]

(which I think the universal Master has delivered to your Majesty so

that you may cultivate it and cleanse it for His celestial granaries),

it is quite certain--since the enemy are collecting annually so large

a mass of wealth; and since the sinews of war consist in that, both

for attack and defense--that they are acquiring and will continue

to acquire those riches daily, with greater forces. And, as they

continue to increase in strength, their ambitious designs will also

extend further. In the same degree as the enemy grows stronger, it is

certain that our forces will continue to decrease--and so much that,

if relief does not arrive there in time, the day will come in which

not one of your Majesty's vessels can be placed on the sea, because

of the many that the enemy will have there. Inasmuch as there is no

one in the world today who can oppose the enemy except your Majesty,

they hate our interests with all their strength, and will attempt to

destroy and ruin them by all possible methods.

The method of preventing all those most considerable troubles is the

one that your Majesty is attempting, by despatching the eight vessels

that you are sending under color of reënforcements--and would that

it had been with a fleet of sixteen vessels, each one of which would

carry three hundred sailors and soldiers and be very well armed with

artillery. For with that the rest [of the enemy's forces] would be

driven away, and that crowd of thieves, who are becoming arrogant

and enriching themselves--so much to the cost of our holy religion,

of your Majesty's reputation and prestige, and of your most loyal

vassals, by disturbing your Majesty's most holy designs--would be

forced from those seas and even from these. For it is very certain

that if that [trade] be taken away, the enemy would have no resources

with which they could preserve themselves; while if your Majesty has

all that profit--as beyond doubt, God helping (for whose honor it is

being done), you will have it, by encouraging your royal forces and

by enforcing your holy purposes--all the heads of that many-headed

serpent of the enemy will be destroyed.

Inasmuch as it is proper for us who, like myself, are zealous for

your royal service, let us hasten on that service, by as many roads

as God makes known to us. I declare, Sire, that in order to encourage

those most loyal though most afflicted vassals whom your Majesty

has now in Manila, it is advisable for the present reënforcement to

be sent; and that its route be by the shortest path and the one of

least risk--namely, by way of the Cape of Buena Esperança; not only

is the weather more favorable in that route, but it passes through

less longitude.

I mention the weather, for from this time on the weather is favorable,

as was determined in a general council of experienced pilots of all

nations that was held at Manila by Governor Don Juan de Silva. [I

mention] also the longitude, because the time taken to go by the

above route is known--namely (to one who follows his course without

making fruitless stops) seven months; which, counted from the first

of December, places the arrival there at the end of June.

Some one may object to all this by saying that the intention is to

import this relief into Manila, so that all that region may not be

lost; and that, if it shall go by that route [_i.e._, of the Cape], it

runs the risk of meeting the enemy and of being lost, and incidentally

that all that region [of Filipinas] will remain in its present danger,

and even greater, because of your Majesty's resources being wasted,

and the necessity of getting together a new relief expedition--but

[such objector would say], if this relief be sent by another route

all those troubles will be obviated and the purpose attained. I answer

that objection by saying: First, that eight vessels are not so weak a

force that they should fear those of the enemy who, on their homeward

trip--inasmuch as they do not fear along that route any encounter that

will harm them--come laden with their goods, in great security, and

carelessly; and they have at best only two or three galleons, while our

eight galleys, ready and prepared for fighting, not only have nothing

to fear, but can from the start expect the victory, in case they meet

the enemy. Second, for this reason, if once our galleons cause the

enemy loss in the chief thing that takes the latter there, namely,

trade, they will have to diminish their forces, and will lose credit

with their backers. Hence I infer that not only should this route and

[possible] encounter not be avoided, but that express orders be given

to the commander of this relief expedition to follow the routes taken

by the enemy and to reconnoiter their chief factory of Batan, which is

not fortified. For if God permits him to find and destroy that place,

many and very important results will follow: First, that immediately

word will be passed to all those nations--who love changes and cry

"long live" to the conqueror--and they will lose the little affection

that they have for the enemy at present; while they will incline toward

and join us, turning against our enemy, as they have promised. Second,

that our soldiers, flushed with the beginnings of victory, will be

worth after that for other victories just twice as much; nor will they

be without military discipline for the first victory, for the Spanish

infantry begins its military duty from the day when it establishes

its camp, and daily becomes more valuable. Third, inasmuch as when the

vessels of this relief expedition reach Manila, they will necessarily

arrive there in need of rest, and already the enemy will be warned to

resist whatever sally they try to make, that which will now be made

against them with eight vessels cannot later be made against them

with many more. Fourth, because, on the journey they will lay down the

complete and fixed route that should be taken by that course, so that

your Majesty's fleets may go and come as do those of the enemy. Fifth,

because the enemy are at present not only not sending any fleet to

those regions, but are obliged to collect their forces in order to

resist those of your Majesty in their own territory, because of the

expiration of the truce. [1] Consequently the attempt must be made

to inflict all the damage possible on the enemy during these years,

until they are driven entirely out of the Orient and your Majesty

becomes lord of it all. For if that result be once accomplished, the

fruits of that victory will allow sufficient fleets to be maintained,

both in these seas and in those, for the defense and conservation of

that region and much more. Moreover, in order to check the enemy and

to remove completely from their eyes this illusion that has given and

gives them so strong a belief that your Majesty's forces are exhausted

by the large sums that you have spent in protecting our holy religion,

I declare, Sire, that an effective plan occurs to me whereby this

matter may be concluded without the expense of one single maravedi

from your royal treasury. This is, that loans be asked from the rich

and wealthy persons in the provinces of Nueva España and Peru (for

there are many such), until you have two millions [of pesos]. Your

Majesty can prepare a large fleet with that sum, and will finish with

the enemy once for all. The vassals of those kingdoms will give that

loan cheerfully if you ask it, proportioning to each one the amount in

accordance with what he can give without inconveniencing himself. For

they are also greatly interested in this matter; and the payment will

be easily made, if the result be thus attained. With that money, it

would be best to go to Yndia to build the fleet; for there it can be

built better and at a less cost than anywhere else.

_Second point_. In order to return from those islands to España,

it will be advisable to come but lightly laden, and well provided

with arms, in order to withstand any encounter with the enemy; and

that they follow the same route that is taken by the Dutch, or by

the fleets of Portugal, for by no other route can the voyage be made

so quickly as by that route--considering that, if one wishes to come

by way of Nueva España (which is the shortest course except that by

the Cape of Buena Esperança), the voyage from Manila to Acapulco will

last five or six months, even with favorable weather. Arrived there

it is necessary to cross from one sea to the other over one hundred

and sixty leguas of very bad road, and then to sail for another three

months before reaching España; and the vessels must wait from January,

the time when they arrive from Philipinas, until June, when they

embark for España. In all more than thirteen months will be spent

in the voyage. In case that one should prefer to come not by way

of Nueva España, but by the Strait of Magallanes or that of Mayre,

the delay is equal or greater, and the food will of necessity spoil

and the men die; for the food of Manila, as that is a hot country,

very soon spoils and rots.

_Third point_. The voyages from Manila to Terrenate are three hundred

leguas, or a trifle more or less; and those from Manila to Malaca a

trifle more than four hundred.

_Fourth point_. The seasons required for those voyages are as follows:

To go from España to Philippinas it is advisable to sail from España

after the sun passes the equator in the direction of the Tropic of

Capricorn, namely, from September twenty-third on; for, since one must

mount to thirty-five degrees of latitude in the southern hemisphere,

it is advisable to be in that hemisphere when the sun by its presence

has put to flight the furies of the winds of those seas, since even

with that care that Cape of Buena Esperança bears the reputation of a

stormy headland: In order to return, one would better, for the same

reasons, sail from Manila during the time when the sun is still in

the southern hemisphere, if he has to double the Cape.

The suitable time to sail from Manila to Terrenate is when the winds

in those seas are blowing from the north (because Manila lies almost

due north of Terrenate), namely, during November and December. The

same season is suitable to sail to Malaca, as Manila lies almost due

northeast of Malaca. For that voyage the brisas that set in in January

are also favorable. The return trips from Maluco and Malaca to Manila

are during the season of the winds from the south and the vendavals,

which generally begin, the winds from the south by the middle of May

on, and the vendavals during June, July, and August, etc.

I petition your Majesty to deign to honor this humble service as such,

by the benignity of your royal sight, so that I may gain strength to

serve you to the measure of my desires.

[_Endorsed_: "Juan de Sigura Manrrique. Have each point abstracted,

so that it may be attended to in the Council." _In another hand_:

"Abstracted." "Examined."]

Letter from Francisco de Otaço, S.J., to Father Alonso de Escovar

_Pax Christi, etc_.

I have been urging Father Figueroa about the efforts to be made in

regard to that grant of money, and he always replies with regret

that other measures must first be taken in Sevilla, as he has written

to your Reverence. For my part, I must bring this matter to a head;

for I have been much grieved by what your Reverence recently told me

to the effect that they will charge to that poor province the four

hundred ducados paid for provisioning the fathers. Your Reverence

may be assured that I cannot permit the departure in the fleet,

if the cost is to be charged in this way. I supposed that the going

of Father Bilbao and his companions would be at the expense of his

Majesty, as it has always been.

I am now writing to Father Simon Cota that I have received that amount

from your Reverence; and although by means of your order I have paid

the debt already contracted, and have also funds to defray immediate

expenses that cannot be avoided, yet, for the needs that are certain

to arise in the future, I shall require help to the amount of more

than two thousand reals, because it is better that I should have too

much than too little. And things are so expensive in all this country

of Spain, that to collect and convey the fathers to Sevilla will cost

even more than the sum I estimate. Your Reverence will kindly send

the amount to me at the time and in the manner most convenient.

Sad was the news that yesterday came to this court concerning the

loss of our fleet, [2] and such has been the grief that I do not

know how to describe it to your Reverence. The president wept like

a child, more especially because, to make this news worse, other

bad news came from Flandes at the same time; this information was

that the Hollander was setting out, or had already set out, with his

twenty-five galleons. The president himself told this. He already

considers our possessions in Philippinas and Yndias as lost; for it

seems as if courage has deserted these men, and that no means for

further aid remain. May God our Lord forbid this, and encourage them,

in order that they may take heart in this difficulty, that valor and

fortitude may be shown in the cause of God our Lord and of the king,

and that the enemy may not prevail. There is no lack of people who are

already encouraged, and are seeking remedies and forming plans. Your

Reverence will kindly inform me of such plans as may occur to you,

for those who are trying to give courage in this emergency desire

light on all projects.

The loss of our fleet is known here only in a general way. Your

Reverence will please give me all the particulars, and inform me

whether our Lord took our fathers unto Himself, which we much fear

from the reports. Still, because their death has not been verified or

related in detail, the masses which should be said in this province

for Father Bilbao, in the other two provinces for their two fathers,

and in the province of Philippinas for all three, have not been

ordered. I, for my part, have many to say for them if dead--or if

alive, in case our Lord has spared them. It has also been said that

the cargo of the flagship floated ashore. I hope that our boxes of

books which were in it were spared, for, so far as such things are

concerned, I feel the loss of them greatly, although their loss is not

to be mentioned in connection with that of our fathers. If the Divine

Majesty has chosen to inflict this heavy blow upon us, _supra modu,

sed domini sumos et iustos est et rectu iudiciu eius_. [3] Such a

fleet, and so well adapted for the grand service of God! And those

three apostolic men, going with such zeal--if in such a cause, they

have already ended in a death resembling martyrdom, blessed be the

Lord! From here the authorities sent some person, I know not whom,

as comissary to recover what was lost from the flagship which ran

ashore. Your Reverence, being near, will know whether any particular

measure is necessary for our interests, etc.

When your Reverence remits the money spoken of above, do not send it

through our Father Figueroa. For, although he assures me that the last

order is good, since it has been acknowledged, yet he asks for forty

days' time, which is very long. I say this because to your Reverence I

may speak freely and confidentially, for you know the good father. I

have already determined not to trouble Father Figueroa about my own

money, because I drew it for my private expenses, and it must be used

in this way only, as I told him before I went to Rome. He now charges

to me items of expense not conformable to this arrangement, although

justified from his standpoint--for the good father is a saint and most

faithful in everything, though not very prompt or skilful in accounts

and correspondence, as is well known. Because I have written at length,

and more especially because I am so disturbed by grief at the news,

I close this letter to your Reverence. May God guard your Reverence

as I desire.

The [_word illegible in MS_.] procrastinate here, and indicate that we

are bound to have contests and wrangling with our fathers, wherefore

there is much to fear lest they delay me, and frustrate my plans to go

with a few [religious]. Now, too, with what has befallen the fleet,

I think that these lords must perforce undertake the preparation

of another large one, to go via the Strait, and that people there

will desire us to come. I am prudent and on the lookout, and will

promptly inform your Reverence of everything; for to you I always

look for advice, light, and strong support in the Father. Madrid,

January 14, 1620.

_Francisco de Otaço_

Decree Ordering Reforms in the Friars' Treatment of the Indians

The King: To the president and auditors of my royal Audiencia which

resides in the city of Manila of the Philipinas Islands. I have been

informed of great transgressions committed by certain religious in

making repartimientos for their works on the Indians; and that the

religious take, for their support, from the natives their fowls and

other food at less [than the just] price, and practice on them injuries

and annoyances for their own gains. And inasmuch as it is advisable to

correct this, by ordering that the religious shall not use the Indians,

unless they pay them their just wage; and that, except by license of

you my governor, they shall not make repartimientos on the Indians

or oblige them to render service: therefore, my royal Council of the

Indias having examined the matter, I have considered it fitting to

have the present issued, by which I order you to attend to the above

matter in the assembly of the Audiencia there. And in what concerns my

royal patronage, my royal fiscal of my Audiencia shall prosecute as he

may deem best, so that those impositions and injuries may cease. The

visitors and corregidors of the districts shall take especial care to

prohibit them, and shall reform those who shall be guilty. By virtue

of the contents of this my decree, you shall despatch an order to

the said religious, so that they shall, under no circumstances,

inflict such injuries upon their parishioners. This likewise do I

charge upon the archbishop and bishops of those islands, and on the

provincials of the orders therein. Issued in Madrid, May twenty-nine,

one thousand six hundred and twenty.

_I The King_

Countersigned by Pedro de Ledesma, and signed by the Council.

[_Note at beginning of MS_.: "Procurator for the Indians of

Philipinas. To the Audiencia of Philipinas, in respect to redress

for the wrongs committed by the religious on the Indians."]

Relation of Events in the Philipinas Islands and Neighboring Provinces

and Kingdoms, from July, 1619, to July, 1620

In the same style and order in which I last year reported the various

events in the Philipinas Islands, and in neighboring kingdoms and

provinces upon which the welfare of the Philipinas depends, I will

now write what has happened this year. There have not been so many

and various warlike occurrences as in former years, for it has been

somewhat more peaceful here. I will relate briefly what has happened

as occasion may require.

Of Great China

Although last year I gave an account of the war which the Chinese

were carrying on with the Tartars, I will now return to this point,

because we have received letters from our fathers in China. To begin

with the earliest events, there was in the province of Teatum, [4] one

of the provinces of Great China adjoining Tartaria, a powerful eunuch

who collected taxes in the name of the king, and who had some seventy

servants in his following. They committed a thousand robberies and

tyrannies among the people. The mandarins who governed that district

reported this to the king. He ordered them to bring the eunuch in

custody to Tiquin, where he is still in prison. The eunuch's servants

were hunted by the mandarins in order that they might be given the

punishment they deserved for their crimes; but they, with many other

Chinese, fled to the Tartars, whom they begged and persuaded to invade

and destroy China, offering themselves to serve as guides. It was not

difficult to induce the Tartars to do this, since for other reasons

they were already angry with the Chinese. So they planned that these

Chinese traitors and some Tartars should go with concealed weapons,

and in the guise of friends, to a certain place. They went there, and

one night suddenly seized their arms, killed the greater part of the

soldiers, sacked the place, and, pretending to flee, withdrew with the

spoils. They left a great number of people in ambush, in the woods. The

Chinese viceroy of that district, learning of the affair, immediately

sent a large body of soldiers who are always on duty there. The troops

pursued the Tartars, but unexpectedly fell into the ambush and were

completely routed. When the Tartars saw that they were victorious,

they returned to the fort and destroyed it. When this was learned in

Paquin the mandarins came together to discuss with the king some means

of redress. As the king did not wish to see them he simply ordered that

they should consult among themselves and then report everything to

him. Now the Tartars sacked and destroyed some other smaller forts,

as well as one very important stronghold called Sin Hon [_i.e._,

Tsingho]. From this point they made their forays through the whole

of that district, and sacked a large part of it.

The decision reached in the consultation by the mandarins was that the

king should order all the noted captains who were not holding office,

and who had retired to their homes, to come to the court; that a

large number of soldiers should come from all the provinces to lend

aid and to meet the demands of the occasion; and that the mandarins

who were for various reasons at their homes should come to the court

of Paquin. All this was soon carried out by the king's order. He

likewise commanded that heavy taxes should be gathered for supplying

the soldiers; that a large number of horses should be collected;

land that the tuton, or the viceroy of that district, should be

imprisoned. He sent another viceroy in his place with extensive powers,

even with authority to put to death the chief captains who, on account

of their fear, were contemplating flight. He sent other mandarins

of great executive ability and prudence to help the viceroy; and,

in order to prevent excitement among the people, he ordered that the

students [_letrados_] [5] of the district should not come that year,

as usual, to the court for examination and graduation as licentiates,

but promised them their degrees for the following year. In addition

to this, he ordered that the news from Leatum should not be divulged

to the people. Although the gates of the city of Paquin and those of

the royal palace had always had a strong guard of soldiers, he doubled

the guard and closed the gates at sunset. And although, according to

the custom of the Chinese, people could enter wearing spectacles and

a mask, now, as a greater precaution, when one came through the gates

of the city they made him show his face, in order that they might

know whether he was a friend or not, and in order that enemies might

not come into the city unperceived. All this has been brought about

by their fear. The king likewise ordered that four hundred thousand

soldiers should be stationed at different places and posts of the

province of Leatum to impede the passage of the Tartars. The Corias,

who were subject to China, sent the king seven hundred horses as a

present, and ten thousand infantry to help in the war.

The western Tartars, hearing of the good fortune of the eastern

Tartars, came upon invitation to the aid of the latter, but were

defeated by the Chinese. Another neighboring nation also came for the

same purpose, but they were bought off by the Chinese with a great

amount of silver, and so they returned to their homes satisfied.

Finally, the best captains joined together to act upon this matter. But

their efforts were quite unsuccessful, because, when they entered

further into the interior of Tartaria than was safe, the Tartars,

awaiting a good opportunity, fired into them on all sides, wounded and

killed the most celebrated Chinese captains, and destroyed almost all

of the army that was there last year, 1619. It is a common saying in

China that all the brave people died at this time, and that if now

the Tartar should come he would meet with no resistance, and that

he could easily make himself master of everything. It is estimated

that the total number killed, part of whom died by the sword,

part from unbearable cold, part from hunger, and part from lack of

other necessaries, reaches three hundred thousand. But this loss is

insignificant to a people who are so numerous as the Chinese are today.

At the beginning of that year, 1619, the king of these Tartars--who is

even now styled king of Paquin, just as if he had already conquered it

[6]--sent to the king of China a memorial of complaints against the

Chinese, reciting in it reasons for his revolt (for it must be supposed

that he was formerly in a certain way subject). These reasons I will

briefly state. 1st, because some years ago the Chinese had killed his

grandfather; 2d, because, when he was at war with the northern Tartars,

the Chinese aided them against him; 3d, because the Chinese had often

gone into his country to plunder, and had captured some people,

and, when he had made complaints of this injury to the mandarins

of Leatum, they had contented themselves with degrading [_acortar_]

the delinquents, whereas they well deserved death; 4th, because the

Chinese had broken up a marriage for which he was making arrangements

with the northern Tartars, a rupture which he deeply felt; 5th, because

the Chinese had destroyed the grain-fields that his people had near the

great walls, the strong ramparts that divide the two kingdoms, and had

driven off a great quantity of stock that his people also had there;

6th, because the Chinese had induced other Tartars, his enemies, to

write him some very offensive letters; and, 7th, because in different

wars the Chinese of Leatum had aided his enemies, although this was

without the knowledge of the king of China. Wherefore he asked that

the Chinese king should order the people of Leatum to be punished

as their crimes merited, and threatened that if this were not done

he would take the punishment into his own hands, as he had, indeed,

already begun to do.

The king of China made no answer to this memorial, for both he and

the mandarins think that they have not broken any of the agreements

entered into with the Tartars, and that all that the Tartars say

is false--except that they admit that they killed the Tartar king's

grandfather, but only because he had been caught robbing in the Chinese

territory. It is known that since this occurred bloody war has gone on

between these two populous and powerful nations; that the Tartars have

always gained the advantage therein; and that if they had so desired

they could have come to the very gates of the court of Paquin, since

fear has taken such hold upon the Chinese that they have closed all

the gates of the city, except one which they use, and have made another

wall completely encircling the one that was already around the city.

The persecution against the Christians and against our Society which

has been going on in China during the past years is now mild. Hence

people are being converted to Christianity as formerly; and our fathers

are safe, for a great mandarin presented to the king a memorial in

our favor, in which he refuted the calumnies that a powerful enemy

of ours had launched against us, and that had been the cause of this

persecution. And, although the king made no answer, by his silence he

consents to our fathers' remaining in China, for it was asked in the

memorial that our fathers should not leave that kingdom; and since

the mandarins know that the king has seen the memorial, and that he

tacitly consents to it, they also, are satisfied with it. As this same

memorial has been circulated throughout the whole of China, everybody

has learned of our innocence and of the excellence of the law of God,

which was dwelt upon at length in the memorial. Accordingly, as they

inform us from here, a great number of literâti and mandarins have

become friendly toward Ours, and wish them to spread the holy gospel

to the most interior parts of China. Hence it is believed that from

this time on our holy law will take deeper root in this kingdom.

The bishop of Japon, Don Diego Valente, of our Society, came this

year to Macan, where he is detained because of the bloody persecution

in Japon. Because of the persecution, also, Father Matos, [7] who

went to Rome as procurator and took a number of our men for Japon,

left part of them in India; while ten who went with him to Macan have

been detained there.

Father Nicolas Trigaucio [8] went to China as procurator, and returned

this year with some of Ours. Some of them, for reasons unknown to me,

he left in India, and seven he took with him to Macan.

Of the members who came with these two father procurators, five died

during the trip over, after leaving Lisboa. But if the persecution

continues in Japon as it is at present, they will not be missed. Indeed

there will be too many of Ours, for even now there is so great a

number in Macan that it is often said that there is not standing-room

in our college.

Of the Kingdoms of Japon

I will begin my account of the affairs of this kingdom with the cruel

and bloody persecution against Christianity which is now at such a

height, and in which they put so many to death for the faith that,

to me, it seems a picture of what happened in the primitive church

during the early persecutions by the emperors. What I have said may

be realized from part of a letter dated in Nangasaqui October 14,

1619, from Father Matheo de Couros, [9] provincial of Japon, to

Father Valerio de Ledesma, provincial of these islands. Translated

from Portuguese into Spanish it is as follows: "In regard to news

from Japon I will not write you at length, since I understand that

the father visitor has done so. In temporal affairs everything is

quiet. Persecution of Christians has been and is very severe in Meaco,

where almost sixty are prisoners for the faith. Five or six of these

Christians died in prison there, thoroughly resigned to the divine

will. In this city of Nangasaqui there are twenty-eight imprisoned

for Christ, in three prisons. In Omura seven religious are imprisoned,

four of the Order of St. Dominic, one of the Order of St. Francis, and

two of our Society. With them are imprisoned ten other Christians. Of

the inhabitants of the same city of Omura three were martyred--Lino,

Pedro, and Thome--the first, because when he was guarding the prison

in which the religious I have mentioned were confined, he allowed too

much food to be given to the holy prisoners, as he was a Christian

at heart himself; the second, because from time to time he sent food

to them; and the third, because he carried the food. All three were

promised their lives if they would renounce our holy law; but they

chose rather to die, in order that they might live forever in heaven."

In another letter dated November 10, 1619, the same father writes:

"On the sixth of October, Meaco offered to heaven the richest gift

that has ever been seen in that great and populous city. The gift

consisted of fifty-four Christians, who were burned alive for the

faith of our Lord Jesus Christ. We have already written how there

was in the public prison at Meaco a large number of the faithful,

incarcerated because they would not bend the knee to Baal. Nine

of these died in the prison on account of the excessive labors and

hardships which they suffered there. They died thoroughly resigned to

the divine will, and rejoicing in their happy fate. When the emperor

came to the court of the Dayri, [10] the metropolis of the whole of

Japon, they told him of the imprisoned Christians; and since he is an

implacable enemy of our holy faith, he ordered that they should all be

burned alive. Thereupon twenty-six stakes were set up in a public place

in front of the temple of Daybut, a large and magnificent building,

at a distance from the river that flows by the place. On Sunday,

the sixth of October, they took the holy prisoners from the jail, not

sparing even the tender young girls nor the babes at their mothers'

breasts. They marched them through the principal streets of Meaco,

accompanied by a crier who announced that they had been condemned to

be burned alive because they were Christians. Most of the soldiers of

Jesus Christ were dressed in white, and their faces were so happy and

so resolute that the power of the divine grace which upheld them was

plainly shown. They encouraged one another for the trial, and with

great calmness bade good-by to the friends and acquaintances whom

they met along the way. From time to time they proclaimed aloud that

they were dying for the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ. When they had

come to the place where they were to offer their lives to the Lord

as an acceptable sacrifice, they appeared more joyful, as does one

who is about to gain the eternal reward. Two by two they were now

tied to the stakes, the women with their babes in their arms. Some

of our _daiicos_--people of our Society like lay brothers, who aid

us in preaching [11]--as well as other Christians who went to the

place to encourage the martyrs, were present. But the servants of

the Lord showed such remarkable strength that they really encouraged

the spectators. When the wood was finally set on fire, the majority

of these fortunate martyrs turned their eyes toward heaven, and,

without moving them in the least, remained in this posture after

death. During the first few days a strict watch was kept over the

blessed bodies to prevent the Christians from taking them away, but

through the efforts of our fathers who live in that city some have

already been recovered." So far I quote from the father provincial. To

this I will add some points taken from other letters and relations.

The above-mentioned father provincial is a strong pillar in Japon, and

an excellent interpreter. He is director of the Christian community

there, by virtue of a brief from his Holiness, which arrived last

year, and in which, it is ordered that in default of a bishop in

japon the provincial of the Society who may be in office at the

time shall rule that bishopric and Christian community. Therefore,

although the bishop has come; the provincial has governed up to

the present time, and continues to govern, because, as I have said,

conditions in Japon do not admit of the bishop's going there, since

it is feared that the situation may be aggravated and persecution

increased thereby. Consequently his Lordship is now in Macan.

About two years ago our father general appointed Father Francisco

Vieira as visitor of Japon. He is a man already past sixty, and,

indeed, is nearing seventy; but in spite of this he is so vigorous

that when the persecution was at its height he, with great courage,

went from Macan to Japon. He was often in imminent danger of being

imprisoned. He took refuge in Canzuça, a place in the lands of Arima,

where he abode in a hut of straw. Here, on account of the hardships

he endured, he was frequently attacked by a kidney disease which

caused him great pain. Once he had so violent an attack that he sent

in great haste to get holy oil in order that he might take the holy

sacrament. Again the same disease, accompanied by a severe pain above

the heart, attacked him with such violence that he could scarcely

breathe. So he determined that extreme unction should be administered

to him; but, remembering that he had a written signature of our holy

father, he placed it with great devotion over his heart and commended

himself to the saint [12]--through whose merits the Lord caused the

pain to be assuaged within an hour, and he became entirely well. From

Canzuca the father visitor went to Nangasaqui, to take ship to return

to Macan. He was kindly received, and with due precaution taken into

the house of a certain Portuguese. But still he ran great risk of

being imprisoned by the servants of the heathen president, who were

searching for another religious, named Fray Bartholome Gutierrez,

of the Order of San Agustin, who was wearing the Spanish dress. They

suddenly entered three Portuguese houses, and the father visitor

scarcely had time to retire from one house to another. In short, the

labors and dangers that he suffered in Japon were great. But they

had no power to turn him from so glorious an undertaking until he

had been there fourteen months. During that time he had visited all

the Christians and all the posts that are ordinarily visited during

times of peace. He had to visit Macan, where most of our fathers were

taking refuge from the persecution; the missions of Cochin China, and

of China, where there was also persecution, were likewise under his

charge. Moreover, the bishop of Japon and the two procurators of China

and Japon, who were returning from Rome, had arrived at Macan. For

all these and other reasons he was obliged to leave Japon with great

grief in his heart, and even with copious tears. Accordingly, on the

twenty-sixth of October, 619, he embarked in a patache which went as

flagship of five galeotas. He finally reached Macan, where, a few

days after, on Christmas eve, he died. Father Geronimo Rodriguez,

who was there, and who had been appointed by our father general in

the private assignment, succeeded him in office.

Father Carlos Espinola, of our Society, is still in prison, waiting

each day for the crown. It has incurred to me to insert here a

letter which he wrote to the father provincial of this province of

Filipinas. It reads as follows:

"The Lord so ordained it that at midnight after St. Lucia's day I

was made a prisoner, together with Brother Ambrosio Fernandez, my

companion, and Domingo Jorge, a Portuguese at whose house we were

seized. The soldiers told us that they wished us to go on board a

ship that was about to sail for the city of Manila. On the one hand I

regretted this, because I was being driven from Japon, and was losing

a good opportunity to give my life for the service of God, which for

many years I had desired to do. On the other hand, I was delighted

because His most holy will was being fulfilled in me. We made a very

different voyage [from the one promised], for we were carried from

Nangasaqui to this prison of Omura, in company with two religious of

St. Dominic and three of our Japanese servants. They took us through

some of the streets of Nangasaqui and finally embarked us for this

place, handcuffed and with chains about our necks. It was daytime,

and all the city turned out to see the spectacle and to take leave

of us with cries and tears. Father Fray Thomas, of St. Dominic,

and father Fray Apolinar, of St. Francis, with six Japanese, had

already been here for some time. Here we are in great concord, just

as if we were of the same religious order. And although there is no

lack of suffering, because the house affords us but poor shelter,

and although at times the guards will not allow anything to come in

from outside except the little given us as rations (which is just

enough to starve on), yet at times it is ordered by the Lord, in His

fatherly care, that in the gifts sent us by the devout we have more

than we could desire. Above all, suffering for the love of God, and the

expectation of the happy fortune that may befall us, makes it all easy

to us and hardships a source of joy. I am most content with the favors

received, and, although I fear that because of my sins--because I have

not worked in this vineyard as I should have done, and because of my

great ingratitude for the many mercies that the Lord has bestowed upon

me--I have been driven from Japon as useless, still I console myself

that I have come to be manacled and imprisoned in the service of God,

which is no small mercy. I also trust that His Divine Majesty, who in

awarding these crowns sometimes does not consider the merits of men,

but in His infinite mercy bestows them generously, will consider it

right to reward this poor beggar as well as these holy religious that

deserve more than I. I beg that your Reverence, _in visceribus Iesu

Christi_, will help me to give due thanks to the Lord, _quod dignus

factus sim pro nomine Iesu contumeliam pati_, [13] and to obtain for

me my profession for this novitiate with holy sacrifices, etc. From

this prison of Omura, March 5, 1619. From your servant in the Lord,

_Carlos_, a prisoner for Christ."

This ends the letter of Father Carlos. I have nothing to add to it

except that this Domingo Jorge, whom he mentions therein, was burned

alive, in November, in Nangasaqui, because he sheltered preachers

of the holy gospel in his house. Brother Leonardo, a Japanese who

had been imprisoned for three years, and four others, were burned

with him. After this, eleven other Japanese were beheaded. Later on,

in January, 620, Brother Ambrosio Fernandez, a Portuguese who was

the companion of Father Carlos Espinola, died in jail from hunger,

and excessive cold, and the hardships and discomforts of the prison,

and thus gained the martyr's crown. He was seventy years old.

Although so many in Japon have thus become blessed martyrs, two persons

bent the knee to Baal and miserably recanted for fear of torture. A

Japanese religious who was in Rome and Spain, and who is now an

apostate, did the same thing. He often says that when he was in Madrid

he knew that certain religious were persuading the king to conquer

Japon, but that our fathers dissuaded him from this. He adds that,

although it is a fact that religion is our primary motive for entering

Japon, yet it is our intention through religion to prepare matters

for conquering the country. With this and other lies this apostate

has done great harm to Christianity. The governors and principal men

of Japon are so thoroughly convinced of our evil intentions that they

say that one of the principal reasons for keeping the Hollanders in

Japon is for their own greater security and to annoy us. They even

have begun to discuss the possibility of conquering the Filipinas,

in order not to have the Spaniards so near. On the other hand, it is

said that in Japon they are thinking of driving out all Europeans

from that kingdom--Spanish, Hollanders, Portuguese and English. If

this is done it will not be possible for any of our fathers to remain

there. At present they escape notice among other Europeans by wearing

European dress--I mean that of Castilians and Portuguese; but if the

Europeans are driven from Japon this will no longer be possible.

Passing from spiritual affairs to those temporal affairs of Japon that

concern these islands, let me say that on the twelfth of July, 619,

there arrived at Firando, a port of Japon designated for the trade of

the Hollanders, four of their ships, which, as I informed you last

year, have been off the coast of Manila. When our fleet prepared to

sally out, the Dutch ships withdrew in good order, carrying with

them a great many sick, beside the large number who had died from

disease and from an infection which they say was given them in Bigan,

a village on the coast of Manila. Since this is not known here, it must

be their own imagination. Many of their people were drowned, also. In

one ship which sank suddenly many people were drowned, among them a

large number of Japanese, who were brought from Japon in the service

of the Hollanders. These ships plundered nothing but three Chinese

vessels of little value, which were coming to this city. A ship and

a patache were sent from this coast of Manila to Maluco. It is well

known that the ship was lost on the same coast by running aground,

although the Hollanders hide the fact. The patache, driven by contrary

winds, soon put into harbor. It reached Firando on the fourteenth of

July; and as soon as it secured munitions, provisions, and people was

sent to wait for the Portuguese galeotas which were going from Macan

to Japon. But it was the Lord's will that it should not find them,

and so it returned to Firando. On October 3, however, it was sent to

Pulocondor [_i.e._, Condor Island], opposite Camboxa, with thirty men,

fourteen pieces of artillery, munitions and provisions, to search

for the crew and artillery of a ship that the Hollanders lost there.

On the twelfth of October of the same year, 619, another ship, greatly

injured and with its crew wounded and crippled, came to the same port

of Firando from Patane, on the further side of Malaca. It, with two

other Dutch ships, had fought, in the port of Patane, two English ships

that were there. Although anchored and unprepared, the latter fought to

the death, over the anchor-ropes. The smaller English vessel, seeing

that it could not defend itself, and that there was no help for it,

blew itself up by setting fire to the powder. The larger ship, when

nearly all the crew were dead, and the general himself had been killed

by a ball, was overcome and boarded by the Hollanders. They say that

they secured two hundred thousand pesos in that ship. It may be true,

but I do not vouch for that. Two Portuguese had gone from the shore,

on the preceding day, to see the English ships. They were seized by the

Hollanders, who carried them to Japon in the ship which I mentioned,

together with some Englishmen. When the prisoners reached Firando

they formed a plot and escaped to land in that kingdom, where all

the world is allowed.

The quantity of munitions and provisions which the Hollanders secure

every year from Japon for supplying all their fortifications is very

great, and therefore if they were not harbored there, it would be a

great injury to them and of much benefit to these islands.

Of the Islands of Maluco

With the lure of the cloves and drugs which are found in these Malucas

Islands, more and more ships from foreign nations are continually

coming to them; The French have built a factory in Macasar and have

at present four ships there. Between the English and the Hollanders

there is constant strife. In Jaba and Sumatra the English have twenty

galleons; the Dutch general set out for that place with sixteen

galleons which he had collected, but it is not known how the affair

has ended, although it is known that there has been war between the

two nations.

This year Don Luis de Bracamonte was sent from this city of Manila

as governor of the military posts in Maluco. He took with him two

galleys and four or five pataches, loaded with a great quantity of

supplies and more than two hundred infantry. When the galleys and the

pataches had entered our fortress of Terrenate, one of them, called the

"Sant Buena Ventura," remained behind as rearguard. A Dutch ship well

supplied with artillery attacked it, and in sight of our own fortress

overpowered it. Our galleys then sailed out and attacked the Dutch

ship; but the wind arose, and thus the enemy had an opportunity to

take shelter under their fortress at Malayo. This victory was felt

by us, because the enemy took from the patache a quantity of money,

three thousand fanegas of rice, and other provisions and munitions

belonging to his Majesty. The worst of all is that they took over

one hundred men--Spaniards and Indians--and the capture cost them

nothing. May God remedy this by giving us some great victory by means

of which the loss may be repaired.

On the way from India to Maluco two Portuguese galeotas encountered and

conquered a good Dutch ship loaded with cloth and other merchandise;

the Hollanders themselves escaped in the batel [_i.e._, launch]. In

the same way, one of our pataches took from the people of Terrenate

a ship loaded with provisions.

Of Eastern India

When Don Alonso Fajardo, governor of the Filipinas, saw the necessity

for having a strong fleet here for such troubles as might arise

with the Holland enemy, and that the impossibility of preparing it

here was as great as the necessity for it, he sent Captain Vidaña

to Eastern India to arrange with the viceroy that he should send

us some galleons to help us in the defense of this archipelago. At

the same time he sent the viceroy a very rich present, consisting of

various articles of great value. In return, the viceroy sent a very

costly present to our governor, and also an urca, which may prove

very useful when occasion arises, for it mounts twenty-four pieces

of artillery. Thereupon the captain returned to Filipinas, because

India will have little power to defend herself against her enemies,

even without dividing her small force with other kingdoms.

Of these Filipinas Islands

I will begin a discussion of this year's events in these islands

with an account of the solemn fiestas of the immaculate conception

of the holy Virgin. Let me say that these fiestas have been such that

in the grandeur with which they have been celebrated, Manila has not

been inferior to places in Europe and America. They lasted nineteen

days. Leaving aside the celebration by the laity--the bull-fights,

masquerades, etc., and the many illuminations and fireworks which

took place every night, and for which the Chinese are very famous--I

will describe only the ecclesiastical part. The festivities were held

[as a rule] in the cathedral. On the first day, which was Sunday,

December 8, they were celebrated there with great magnificence. In the

afternoon there was given a drama on the beauty of Rachel. On Monday

the religious of St. Francis held their fiesta in the same church. In

the morning one of the grandest processions ever seen in this vicinity

set out from their house for the cathedral. First came the whole force

of Manila in perfect order, the arquebusiers and musketeers firing

their pieces at intervals. Next came a rich standard bearing the image

of the conception of the Virgin, and at her feet Escoto [14] on his

knees, inscribed, _Dignare me laudare te_, etc. After the standard,

which was borne by the father guardian, came a lay friar called Fray

Junipero--who, like the other, is regarded as a holy and simple man;

he was dancing, and calling out a thousand silly phrases about divine

things. [15] Now followed banners, crosses, and candlesticks. After

these came on floats eight saints of this order, so richly adorned that

the people did not know whether to marvel most that there should be

so large a quantity of gold, jewels, and precious stones in Manila,

or that the fathers should have collected so many of them. These

saints were accompanied by eight groups of Indian dancers--one with

each saint, and each with its own device. One represented canons,

one cardinals, another pastors, etc. The last sang while dancing. The

intercalary stanza was:

Now we can speak aloud,

And without fear;

We can cry aloud to all the world,

Without misgiving.

The dancers repeated this aloud three times, and then danced with

their timbrels in their hands until they were exhausted. Last of all

came the most holy Virgin of the conception. The procession reached

the cathedral and the fiesta was held. In the afternoon they presented

a very devout drama, on the martyrs of Japon.

On Tuesday the fiesta of St. Augustine began. In the morning this

order likewise had a very grand procession, in which the soldiery

led, as on Monday. There were many dancers, etc. In the afternoon

there were balls, Indian dances [_mitotes_], and a thousand other

lesser amusements.

On Wednesday we of the Society began our festivities; and, although we

had no procession, as is our custom, the celebration at night was by

no means inferior. On the contrary, there was burned a great quantity

of illuminations--rockets, bombs, and other fireworks. Our people

played a thousand musical instruments. During the day we held mass,

in our impressive manner, and then had a sermon; and in the afternoon

we presented a remarkable drama on the conception. All the people

said they had never seen anything like it.

On Thursday the fiesta was again held in the cathedral. In the

afternoon there was another drama, about the sale of Joseph.

On Friday the Augustinian Recoletos began their fiesta. In the

morning there was a great procession. First came all the soldiery--not

only the regular troops, as was the case on former days, but all the

companies composed of citizens of this city as well. Master-of-camp Don

Geronimo de Silva, who was on horseback, commanded the troops. After

the soldiery followed a very fine procession. In the afternoon was

presented the drama of the Prince of Transilvania, in which they

brought out our father assistant, Alonso Carrillo, in a long taffeta

robe and a linen frill with points. In order to announce who he was,

a person who took part in the drama said, "This is one of those who

there are called Jesuits, and here we name Theatins." [16]

On Saturday there were two fiestas. One was held in the cathedral, as

the preceding ones had been, while the other was at our house--where

it seemed expedient to hold it in order that the cathedral and the

religious of St. Francis should not monopolize the entire celebration,

and acquire such a right for the future. That night there were

many more illuminations and fireworks than there had been on the

previous Wednesday. At nightfall our collegians of San Joseph formed

a procession remarkable enough to have appeared in Madrid. At the head

were three triumphal chariots. In the first were the clarion-players;

in the second the singers, singing motets and ballads; and in the

third various musical instruments--harps, guitars, rebecks, etc. Next

came the standard of the immaculate conception, carried by Don Luis

Faxardo, a student and a brother of the governor. At his side came Don

Geronimo de Silva, master-of-camp and general of the artillery, and

Don Fernando Centene, general of the galleys. Then came the alcaldes,

the regidors, and other gentlemen, all on horseback and very richly

dressed. These were followed by all the collegians, also on horseback

two by two, wearing their usual robes of brown silk with facings made

of fine scarlet cloth, and with shoulder-stripes of lace. Their caps

were a blaze of gold and precious stones. About their necks they

all wore many chains and jewels. Each of the prominent nobility of

the city had ahead of him, as a body-guard, six or eight servants,

with large tapers of white wax in their hands. They carried staffs

having upon them large placards with various pictures, letters, and

hieroglyphics, all appropriate to the occasion. Next came a very

prominent collegian carrying a staff. Upon it was a placard with

the oath (which they took the following day) always to defend the

immaculate conception of the most holy Virgin. Finally came a very

beautiful triumphal chariot drawn by two savages, and decorated with

many arches of flowers and gilded figures of angels. In the midst of

these and among a great number of lights went, enthroned, a beautiful

carved figure of our Lady of the Conception. Before the chariot was

a band of clarion-players. They followed eight children dressed in

silk garments and carrying silver candles. They represented angels

with candles in their hands, singing and reciting in praise of the

Virgin. After the chariot came Original Sin, tied with a chain, and

so well made up for his part that he became a mark for the blows and

pinches of the people. Next day there was another very magnificent

fiesta, in which a dance was given by more than sixty Japanese,

who danced and sang to the accompaniment of various instruments,

according to their custom.

After this, on Sunday, the Order of St. Francis began their eight-day

fiesta. Another was held at the port of Cavite, in which, as in

Manila, all the orders took part--except one, which during all

this time did not leave its house, enter the cathedral, nor display

illuminations. About this there was no lack of gossiping in the city.

The effects of last year's comets have been very frightful this year,

especially in two provinces of the Filipinas, Ilocos and Cagayan--the

former of which is entirely under the instruction of the fathers of

St. Augustine. The earthquakes in Ilocos have been so violent and so

continuous that the people have gone about with severe headaches, as

if seasick. At noon on St. Andrew's day, in the village of Batano,

the church, the house, and the granary (a very substantial one)

fell because of the vibrations. The friars cast themselves from

the windows and thus escaped with their lives, although they were

badly injured. In Dinglas a large portion of the church fell, and the

prior of the convent leaped through a window. In Sinai the church was

overturned Great cracks have opened up in the ground in which men fall,

but only one has lost his life in this way. In the mountains of Bigan

two distant ranges came together and caught between them two heathen

villages. All the people were buried, only one man escaping. In the

province of Cagayan, which is included within the island of Manila

and which is under the instruction of the fathers of St. Dominic,

the earthquakes were even more horrible. On the same day, that of

St. Andrew, it seemed that the prophecy of the Evangel had come

true. On the following day, which was the day of Judgment, the earth

tossed the people with such violence that men were not able to keep

their seats; and they walked about as dizzy and as dazed as if they

were intoxicated. In Nueva Segovia, the capital of that province,

the church was demolished, as well as a part of the convent, which

was a very handsome and substantial structure built entirely of

stone. The religious there were injured, although all escaped in

different directions with their lives; only two boys perished. The

same thing happened in the church of St. Vincent of Tocolano, which

also had very strong walls. Many other temples and stone buildings

in this province likewise fell; but in order to make my story short,

I will not mention them separately. Large forests were overthrown;

great springs opened up; rivers changed their courses; and many other

very strange things occurred.

The island of Jolo was at one time subject to the king [of Spain],

but some years ago it rebelled; and now its natives, in company with

some other enemies of ours, the people of Mindanao, go about with

little fleets committing robberies upon these seas and doing all the

damage in their power. This year they set out with only three caracoas,

ships something like galleys. But when they discovered that an armed

fleet of caracoas, which had been equipped in the city of Zebu,

had set out on the eleventh of November in search of them, and that

another fleet had set out from Oton on the same quest, they returned

to their own country, having committed almost no damage except that

they captured some three Spaniards--of whom, they say, they killed two.

This year there was completed in these islands one of the strongest

and most remarkable galleons ever built here. It was at once equipped,

along with another very large galleon, two [smaller] ones, and a

patache. In March, 620, this fleet set out for the port where they

are accustomed to go to watch for the Chinese ships that bring

merchandise to this city. They went to protect the Chinese; for,

although it was not known that there were Hollanders there, it was

thought best to take timely precaution, lest they come to commit

robberies, as they have done in previous years. The galleon which went

as admiral's ship sprang such a leak that it was forced to return to

port, but when it had arrived there the rest of the fleet continued

their journey. They were in this place [where they meet the Chinese]

until the beginning of May, when they returned to Cavite. Don Luis

Fajardo, brother of the governor, went as general of the fleet, and,

as he was very young, other captains, brave and experienced in war,

were assigned to him as companions and counselors.

The number of ships which have come this year to these islands from

all parts of the world with rich merchandise has been great. Some four

or five have come from Japon, although some of them were lost on the

coast of Manila with all their large cargoes. Some of the Japanese

in them were drowned, but others escaped to land. From Macan ten

Portuguese ships have come with much valuable merchandise.

Last year the governor of the Filipinas sent to Macan to buy a

very handsome galleon which was there. Those who went for the

purpose bought it, loaded it with merchandise, and left Macan for

the Filipinas on July 2, 619. They encountered such violent storms

that at the end of two months, after having been in great danger of

shipwreck, they returned to Macan without masts, and with a large part

of their merchandise so wet and rotted that it was worthless--damages

frequently sustained under such circumstances. They once more equipped

themselves, and this year left Macan in the month of May. They had

a very difficult voyage, but at the end of more than twenty days

they succeeded in making port in Cavite, on the seventh of June,

the first day of Pentecost. The galleon is a very fine one, and it

will be very useful when occasion arises. It brought much very rich

and valuable merchandise.

From Great China also have come many ships with silks and other

merchandise. All these goods have been necessary, and indeed they

have not even sufficed to supply the lack of merchandise which,

because of the wars of the past years, has been very extreme in this

city of Manila. There have been, moreover, some losses. If the wars

with the rebellious Hollanders should entirely cease, the wealth and

grandeur of these islands would be remarkable. Indeed, in spite of

these wars and the losses that have been sustained, Manila is a very

grand city; and there are few cities in Europe that surpass it in

trade and traffic, for almost the whole world comes to these islands.

Since writing this, I have learned that a large junk (a certain kind

of ship) set out from Japon with a large quantity of provisions and

munitions of war, and with five hundred infantry, whom the Hollanders

were bringing to supply and reënforce their strongholds in the

Malucas. But God was pleased that they should run aground on the coast

of Japon, where everything was lost, and nearly all the people were

drowned. A galleon likewise set out from Japon with a Dutch patache

to come to these coasts, to steal whatever they could, as they have

done in years past. But God frustrated their attempts by running the

galleon aground on Hermosa Island, which is between Japon and this

country. It is said that all those on board were drowned. Although

this is not known surely, it is a fact that many were lost.

May God confound their arrogance, in order that this land may raise

its head; and that the faith of Christ may be spread throughout many

provinces and kingdoms into which the holy Evangel would enter were

it not hindered by these heretics, who have hitherto been such a

stumbling-block and so great an obstacle in these parts.

It has occurred to me to write this to your Reverences as a consolation

to many people who wish to know about affairs here. May God keep all

your Reverences, to whose holy sacrifices and prayers I earnestly

commend myself. Manila, June 14, 1620.

Compulsory Service by the Indians

_Opinion addressed to his Majesty by Fray Pedro de Sant Pablo,

preacher and provincial minister of the province of Sant Gregorio of

the discalced religious of the Philipinas Islands, of the Order of

the seraphic Father St. Francis, for the increase and conservation

of the said states of his Majesty, by reason of the building of ships

and repartimiento [17] for the service of his Majesty_.

The native Indians of the Philipinas Islands enjoyed great temporal

prosperity and peace until the year 1609, when Governor Don Juan de

Silva established in these islands the shipyards for constructing

the fleets that he built. For that purpose he imposed the very

burdensome taxes, and made repartimientos among the natives of the

said islands--not only personal, but for wine, oil, timber, and other

supplies and materials, in the greatest quantity. That has remained

and been established as a custom. Those materials and supplies

have been taken by some without payment, while others have paid the

fourth or third part of the just and current value. Hence his Majesty

owes them a great sum, but he cannot pay it, nor has he the money

to pay it in these islands. When personal services are commanded,

the Indian, in order not to go to the forests to cut and haul the

wood, subject to the cruel treatment of the Spaniard, incurred debt,

and borrowed some money at usury; and for the month falling to him,

he gave another Indian six or seven reals of eight at his own cost,

in order that the other should go in his stead. He who was taxed as

his share one-half arroba of oil went, if he did not have it from his

own harvest, to the rich man who gathered it; and, not having the

money wherewith to buy it, he became the other's slave or borrowed

the money at usurious rates. Thus, in the space of ten years, did the

country become in great measure ruined. Some natives took to the woods;

others were made slaves; many others were killed; and the rest were

exhausted and ruined: all of which is evident from the summary of the

account that I send his Majesty with the present. There can this truth

be seen and recognized. In order that the injury committed may be more

clearly evident, it is to be noted that these Indians are in the depth

of poverty, and have no possessions of value. Neither do they inherit

anything save a little plot of land which they sow with rice--not

to sell, but only for what is necessary for their families. Their

houses are built on four posts; their walls are of bamboo and thatch,

and are very small. Such was the spoliation committed on a people

so poor and wretched that they would say: "Father, I will give the

king twenty reals of eight annually, so that they will spare me from

repartimientos;" but, having investigated, all their property is not

worth an equal sum. This granted, request is made, by the common

opinion and consent of the governor, Audiencia, bishops, orders,

the Spaniards, and the Indians themselves, for permission from your

Majesty for the following:

The Indians of all these islands are willing to contribute annually

to his Majesty all the aid that may be necessary, and what they

are able to contribute, for the defense and conservation of these

islands, the building of ships, and all other things needful, in the

following manner. Every household and family will give, each year,

such a sum as may be ordered and as shall appear necessary, in this

manner. The Indians living at Manila, inasmuch as they have more

property and money, will give one or two pesos per house; and those

more remote the half or third part of that sum, or the fraction that

shall seem advisable, inasmuch as they are less established and are

very poor. This sum shall be collected and placed in one depository,

which shall be in common for all the islands, and shall be in charge

of a faithful person; and it shall have three keys. This money having

been collected, whenever his Majesty may need one, two, or three

vessels, more or less, in these islands, and shall choose either to

buy them in India or to build and construct them in these islands,

he needs fifty thousand pesos for that purpose. After first taking

from his royal chest and treasury the usual sum, the balance and

remainder--which is generally levied from the Indians at very low

rates, or without paying them at all--let him get from that chest of

the common fund of the Indians. Then the sum given by his Majesty and

the aid furnished by the Indians can be put together, and those boats

built or bought without making repartimientos among the communities

of the Indians. If common seamen be needed, then a proclamation can be

issued to see if there are any volunteers who will sign the register;

and surely there will be many, as usual. The number lacking [to serve

as volunteers] shall be paid from that fund [_i.e._, the natives'

chest] and from what his Majesty usually gives them. The same shall

be done if soldiers are needed for Terrenate, or rice and any other

supplies. Thus will everything necessary be provided, and that without

delay; and the country will not be harassed or the Indians afflicted.

Supposing that from the sum given this year by the Indians, there

should be a surplus, because of no war or shipbuilding, then that sum

would be kept, and the following year there would be no repartimiento

nor would the amount be again collected. And supposing that the sum

that was collected should be insufficient because of the many expenses

of that year, then the Indians would be again asked for what should

seem necessary. If this were done with due system and method in using

the chest, and in a Christian spirit, each Indian would be saved,

besides his discomforts, persecutions, and afflictions, more than

fifteen or twenty pesos; his Majesty would be served better; and

many mortal sins committed by the officials--who rob the Indians on

one side, and on the other defraud his Majesty's treasury--would be

avoided; for (as has been experienced) the alcaldes-mayor or judges

who go to get rice and the other things belonging to his Majesty send

it by the quantity of five hundred baskets at cheaper rates. They get

another equal amount for themselves, for which repartimiento is made

among the Indians at the same prices [as for the king]. Many deaths

among the Indians in the shipbuilding would also be avoided; for,

supposing that ships are to be built in the islands (which must be

avoided as much as possible), they can he built by the Chinese for

pay. Consequently the Indian will live comfortably, and will feel

more love toward the Spaniard and his king, and will attend better to

his soul and the service of God. He will become a man of worship and

devotion; while in temporal affairs he will become more prosperous,

and will have something with which he can be of use to his Majesty

in case of any necessity.

Prostrate at your Majesty's feet, I desire to beg one thing, in which

lies the wealth and prosperity of this land, or its destruction. Your

royal Majesty can remedy it--although it be at the loss of his office

to the governor of these islands; for in no other way is there any

relief, either with royal decrees or orders from your Majesty--or in

any other way--by your Majesty ordering the said governor that the

ships sail from this port for Nueva España by St. John's or St. Peter's

day; [18] for they can do it, as they used to do. In this way no

shipwrecks will occur, just as there were none before. The losses

and shipwrecks caused by not observing this cannot be told, I will

mention as an example only the case of the present year. Inasmuch as

they sailed late, two hundred and eighty persons died in the flagship,

and all the rest arrived in a dying condition. They were over seven

months just now on the return trip, after their escape from the Dutch

enemy then assembled where they fought. Because they were not able to

enter the channel to go to their usual port, as they were late, and

because the winds contrary to them had begun, they were driven ashore

and there the two hulls of the ships were wrecked. There was the one

noteworthy thing, namely, that with only six pieces they fought the

enemy, who had three ships. The loss was immense; besides the hulls,

a great amount of property was lost--more than four hundred thousand

pesos--and it was a miracle that everything was not lost. Written in

this convent of Nuestra Señora de la Candelaria, at Dilao, outside

the walls [of Manila], August 7, 1620.

The most unworthy servant of your royal Majesty,

_Fray Pedro de San Pablo_, provincial minister.

Letter from the Audiencia of Manila to Felipe III

Sire:

At the end of last year, 619, this royal Audiencia reported to your

Majesty a portion of the numerous excesses and imprudent acts of Don

Alonso Fajardo, governor and captain-general of these islands. For

that purpose it despatched, by way of Yndia, Captain Pedro Alvares,

government and War secretary of this kingdom, with the same document

that is herewith enclosed. Although this despatch was attempted

twice it did not succeed, because the governor, suspecting it,

exercised great vigilance to prevent it--as in fact he did, a certain

sailor revealing it while confused. But, although he made no little

investigation and practiced extortions to verify the matter, he

was unable to ascertain who the person was, or why he was going,

because the matter had been managed by a priest. And although a

long relation can be made here of his objectionable acts, we shall,

in order to excuse prolixity, touch on only a few of them.

He continues his careless way of living with so little modesty

and caution that scarce can there be found any action in which is

manifested the circumspection, gravity, and prudence required by

his office.

In regard to the little esteem (or better, the great contempt) that he

shows toward this Audiencia and its auditors, both in the court room

and in other public acts and meetings, what occurs is incredible. For

without any occasion for it, he shows that he delights in making use

of all the abusive terms that can be imagined. And, in order that it

may be seen that this statement is not exaggerated, we shall mention

here some particular instances. During the feast of the cross which

Auditor Don Antonio Rodriguez made this month of May at the convent of

St. Francis, Auditor Don Alvaro de Mesa went to that convent after the

governor and the Audiencia were in the church, and the royal carpet

had been spread, immediately upon his arrival; the governor thereupon

told him that he was a dirty, impudent fellow, and that he vowed to God

that the first time when Don Alvaro should neglect to accompany him,

he would take him by the collar and fling him out of court. This he

said with so much heat, disturbance, and passion, that it was observed

throughout the church. When the auditors went for him on Easter day to

accompany him to prison inspection, they advised him with all courtesy

(warned by what had happened on other inspections) to be kind enough

to allow the Audiencia to oppose privately the releases, when these

were undesirable, that he intended to grant by his authority. To that

request he answered in great heat and fury that he vowed to God that

if any auditor contradicted him in the releases of prisoners that

he thought best to make during the inspection, he would break his

head with a club; and, after dashing out his brains, would scatter

them about the walls of the prison. Consequently, in order to avoid

greater evils that might result to the disservice of your Majesty if

his conduct should not be overlooked until your Majesty hears of it, he

is allowed to continue his releasing [of prisoners] here during prison

inspection, and out of it, at his will, without considering that they

are imprisoned by the Audiencia, or the gravity of the crimes, or any

other of very weighty circumstances. And so that [it may be seen] that

we do not deceive ourselves in attributing to him these excesses in

pardoning as being extreme, the same thing occurs in his sentences and

punishments. For he thus executes his sentences, however rigorous they

be (notwithstanding appeal, and without taking the trouble to present

the criminals before the Audiencia), as if he were absolute lord of

them, as is said to be the case in Japon. Consequently he follows

and lets loose all the passions to which his taste inclines him,

just as if he did not have to give account to God and your Majesty.

One Gregorio de Saldaña, a sailor--against whom was executed a

sentence of stripes and condemnation to the galleys, without allowing

a report of his appeal to be made to the Audiencia--having presented

a certain memorial of the frauds and trickery which he declared had

been practiced against the royal treasury and the natives of these

islands by the sargento-mayor, Estevan de Alcaçar (brother-in-law of

Don Juan de Alvarado, fiscal of this Audiencia, for he had married

the latter's sister), in the building of a galleon under his charge,

about which there have been public clamors, an investigation was

begun by Auditor Don Antonio Rodriguez, and the said frauds were

declared by Saldaña, for which purpose the latter was taken from

the galley. The governor took the cause away from the auditor

and pigeonholed it, [19] without being willing to allow any more

investigations to be made upon it. On the contrary, to prevent that,

he remanded the sailor from the prison where he was to the galleys,

and thus prevented him from obtaining his appeal, as it was a matter

that touched the said sargento-mayor--to whom, for himself and for

his brother-in-law the fiscal, he has granted permission, as is said,

for extortions on the Sangleys in the office of chief warden of the

Parián. He has exercised that office for more than a year, succeeding

to Gonzalo de Ocampo, who married a cousin of the said fiscal. Ocampo

held the said office for two years, and the said sargento-mayor is now

sending him as admiral of the vessels about to be despatched to Nueva

España, with the title of general for the return trip, without taking

his residencia--notwithstanding that he was declared by an edict of

Governor Don Juan de Silva to have fallen into condemnation and to

have incurred the loss of his encomienda and all of his property,

because many others who were prepared for the expedition of Sincapura

ran away, in imitation of his example. That edict or proclamation is

in force today, for the royal Audiencia alone declared null and void

all that which was enacted after the edict. Although the governor

has been advised of this in writing, no reparation has been made;

for, as it is a matter that touches the fiscal, he defies the laws

entirely. A few days ago Juan Cevicos, an ecclesiastic and presbyter,

presented to the royal Audiencia a decree of your Majesty directed

to the audiencias. In it you prohibit offices of justice to the sons,

brothers, or brothers-in-law of auditors and fiscals, under penalty of

a fine of one thousand pesos in gold. He petitioned that, in observance

of it, the said sargento-mayor Alcazar should not exercise the office

of warden of the Parian of the Sangleys, or Don Fernando Centeno,

[20] general of the galleys, also a brother-in-law of the said fiscal,

that of alcalde-in-ordinary of this city. The Audiencia ordered that

the decree be obeyed; and that the said governor be informed, so that

he might appoint someone to fill the office of the Parián. He was so

angered by that, that he expressed himself in unmeasured language;

and especially, in the meeting held July 23, did he treat the auditors

very harshly, chiding them for having meddled in his government. And

inasmuch as they had ordered him by an act to fulfil the said royal

decree, [he said] that the Audiencia had exceeded their authority,

since such action did not belong to their duties. He told them not

to show thereafter similar discourtesy, for he vowed to God that

he would proceed against the auditors, and would not allow his

office to be taken from him before he had exercised it. He paid no

attention to the said royal decree and act, or to the ordinance of

the Audiencia that prohibits such appointments, because he [_i.e._,

Fernando Centeno] was an encomendero; there is, besides, another

very great objection, namely, that the fiscal his brother-in-law

has hitherto been protector of the same Sangleys, until now when

he leaves it for the post of admiral. Luis Rivero having appealed

from the sentence of death passed by the governor, and orders having

been issued by the Audiencia that he should appear to state his case

(inasmuch as he had presented himself to the Audiencia), and that the

warden of the prison should not deliver the prisoner under penalty

of two thousand ducados--of which the warden himself took notice, and

refused to deliver him over--the sargento-mayor went with a detachment

of arquebusiers and, after taking away the keys from the warden,

took the prisoner out by force and executed on him the sentence of

death. Auditor Don Alvaro de Messa having proceeded against the warden

by commission of the Audiencia, the governor suppressed the case, and

handled the auditor with rough speech. Without being ordered by the

Audiencia, on his own authority he takes the prisoners from the jail

and mans the galleys with them, even though their cases are actually

pending at the time in the Audiencia; and it has been impossible to

conclude them, notwithstanding that it is the Audiencia that causes

all criminals to be taken from jail and placed in the galleys for

which authority is granted them. He suppresses the secular offices of

justice at will, before their time-limit expires, without awaiting

the opinion of the Audiencia, or even communicating the matter to

them. He sends out investigators whenever he wishes, although that

is the proper business of the Audiencia. He appoints followers

and kinsmen to posts of justice, in violation of your Majesty's

decrees. He removed the former reporter, who was exercising that

office so that he might be given a post as alcalde-mayor (which was

the usual practice), and appointed a reporter without an order from

the Audiencia. He does the same with other offices which fall vacant,

although the contrary is the custom. In the session of July 23, while

vote was being taken upon a certain petition presented by Captain Pedro

Alvarez, government and war secretary of these islands--which related

the insults put upon him by the governor and the master-of-camp in

proceeding against him in a certain cause, which is declared by acts

of trial and revision to be outside of the military jurisdiction--and

after Auditor Geronimo de Legaspi de Hecheverria had uttered his vote

and opinion that a writ of your Majesty should be despatched against

the said master-of-camp, since the acts of trial and revision were

incorrect, so that in fulfilment of such writ he might be prohibited

from trying the cause, under penalty of two thousand ducados and

warnings of greater: the said governor replied on the instant, with

his usual heat, that he vowed to God that he would choke and skin

the throttle of that auditor who should sign such a decree. "Why

must he be subject to three licentiates, each one of his own nation,

and to have come to such a pass that a bandy-legged graybeard should

order him?" At this rate, blustering and snorting, he did and said

things that made him seem out of his senses. The said Pedro Alvarez

also mentions in the said petition other insults that have been shown

him on account of taking away the licenses of the Sangleys and other

perquisites of his office; and concludes with requesting the Audiencia

to inform your Majesty of what is the truth in this matter. What the

Audiencia has to report concerning it is that, besides, the governor

and the master-of-camp refused to obey the acts of trial and revision

of this Audiencia, in which the said Pedro Alvarez is declared not

to be included in the military jurisdiction. Supposing that he were,

no guilt results from the allegation with regard to imputing to him

the purpose to go from these islands by way of Yndia to España,

so that he could be arrested justifiably; and yet he has endured

more than one-half year of prison closely guarded, and fearing (not

without reason) new annoyances, he has retired into the convent of

St. Francis. In respect to the licenses of the Sangleys--which he

says should be attended to before him, and states that the governor

has taken them away from him--although as yet no further statement

than the said petition has been presented to the Audiencia, it appears

that Governor Don Juan de Silva declared, by act of November twelve,

six hundred and twelve, that the issue of the said licenses (which

are given to the Sangleys who remain annually in this city and these

islands for their service) was annexed to and pertained to the said

governmental office, in accordance with its title; and he ordered

that then and thenceforth the issues of these licenses should be

made in the said governmental office. In conformity with that order,

Secretary Gaspar Alvarez (uncle of the said Pedro Alvarez, by whose

resignation the latter succeeded to those offices) countersigned the

said licenses from thenceforth until the year six hundred and eighteen,

the first year of the administration of Don Alonso Fajardo. The latter

began to take the licenses away from the said office last year, six

hundred and nineteen, when the said Pedro Alvarez began to exercise

it. In regard to his right to the conduct of other business, despatched

by the corresponding secretary, the most authentic thing that we can

now report is that the grudge held by the governor against the said

Pedro Alvarez is well known, for he shows it on every occasion.

He allows no testimonies to be given to the parties [in suits] in

any case that does not suit him, even though the Audiencia order

it. Neither does he permit the causes to be prosecuted, for he takes

and keeps them in his possession as long as he chooses. And inasmuch

as the relation of all that occurs after this manner would mean that it

would never end, we avoid it--likewise considering that from the above

statements, and from his often having said publicly that it would be

best not to have auditors or friars (of whom he talks scandalously)

in the Philipinas, the rest can be inferred.

In respect to military affairs, in addition to what the Audiencia

formerly wrote to your Majesty: after our fear here that a number

of Dutch ships would descend from Japon--as we were advised from

that kingdom--to await the Chinese ships along our coasts, a fleet

was prepared to go out to attack them. After very considerable

sums had been spent on it, it was despatched at the beginning of

March, consisting of two galleons, one patache, and one galley--so

ill-prepared that the almiranta galleon began to sink in the port. A

few days after it had left this bay, it returned to port, because

the pumps could not lessen the water, at great risk of the vessel's

foundering. Thereupon the effort was made to prepare another ship

to supply its lack; but so great unreadiness was found everywhere

that that was impossible. In its stead sailed the other galley

that had been left behind. Finally, as they did not meet the enemy,

the loss was less regretted. The fleet returned to port. Although,

because of a second warning received from Xapon that two Dutch ships

and one patache were surely coming to our coasts, it was considered

by many to be advisable that the fleet should go to El Embocadero to

secure the safety of the ships from Nueva España, that was not done;

but on the contrary the ships were immediately unrigged. That was a

signal error, for within the few days necessary for its arrival at El

Embocadero it would find the enemy's said two ships and one patache

there awaiting our ships from Nueva España, and those ships of the

Dutch would be taken or sunk. But this kingdom was relieved from the

loss of this failure; and through God miraculously extending to it His

mercy, the silver and soldiers aboard our ships (the flagship and the

almiranta) escaped capture by the enemy. That capture would have meant

the total ruin and destruction of these islands. There was no little

danger of losing ships and merchandise by running aground. Inasmuch

as the governor will inform your Majesty more fully and minutely of

this event, the Audiencia will avoid doing so. We will only assure

your Majesty that not only was no preventive measure taken by the

said governor for which thanks should be given him, but also the

preconceived idea of those who are soldiers has been confirmed--namely,

that they considered him but little fit for so great matters, because

they had seen the way in which he proceeded in the preparation of the

fleet that he made ready, and with which he did not assail the enemy

last year, as well as in the despatch of the fleet that he made this

year to protect the Chinese ships. In the former matter, not only did

he equip the fleet so poorly, as above stated, but, leaving in Manila

the master-of-camp, the sargento-mayor, and captains of high standing,

he sent as commander his brother, Don Luis Fajardo, a lad fifteen

years old. He gave the latter (as it were, for his tutor) Admiral Juan

Baptista de Molina, who was then alcalde-in-ordinary of this city;

while Don Fernando Centeno, the fiscal's brother-in-law, remained

as commander of the galleys, to whom the rod of alcalde-in-ordinary

was given in the stead of Molina, who had served in that capacity

as citizen alcalde. Without receiving pay as such, and although his

galleys went on the expedition, he remained as alcalde _ad interim_.

In respect to the despatch of ships to Nueva España, although--on

account of those of the preceding two years that have been in his

charge having sailed late--the governor had published that this year

they would sail very early, they are now in Cavite. It is believed that

he will cause them to await his letters in Mindoro, which is thirty

leguas from Manila, all the month of August or but slightly less. Yet

it is certain that, without changing things from their usual course,

the ships could now be out of the channel. However, it appears that

all that may be a mistake, and that God is permitting it in order to

compel the inhabitants of these islands, after losing faith in human,

to turn to divine means.

In regard to greed for gain, no good rumor is current; and it is

said that of the loss therefrom no little share falls to the royal

treasury in paying orders that are bought at less than the fourth of

their face value. Consequently at the same time while not one real

of advance pay thereon is allowed to the owner of the order--which

is issued to him for his sweat and toil, or to his wife and children

on account of his death while serving your Majesty in the war--it is

sold for one-fourth or a less part of its face value, and that is

paid in full to its purchaser by the governor's decree. A vast sum

has been used up in this, for the money brought from Nueva España,

that derived from the Sangley licenses, the loans of citizens, and

that from other sources, have been spent in less than one year. In

order that it may be seen that there is no way in which he does not

endeavor to accommodate the fiscal, while the royal treasury was

without one single real, and in debt many thousands to citizens who

lent it money after the beginning of this year, the governor issued

a decree in the month of June (but without it, notwithstanding an

order may be issued, he has ordered that nothing be paid) that a

definite warrant for three thousand and ninety pesos (of which some

Sangleys had made him a gift for three or four years) be given to the

fiscal from the duties of the Chinese ships. But it was not advanced

immediately, because the officials of the royal treasury considered

that the Sangleys who made the gift were not legally parties [to such

a transaction]. As these things are so public, and the citizens are so

vexed with loans and ill-treatment, they resent these things greatly.

The same irregular procedure that was followed last year in regard

to taking the merchandise from the Chinese at their own weighing was

experienced this year. Although the governor issued a proclamation

ordering all persons who should have the merchandise in their

possession to return it immediately, so that it could be sold freely,

and imposing severe penalties, they did not comply with it; as has been

evident from its results, that edict must have been only to caution or

amuse, for they only sold openly those goods that they were unable to

sell privately without these being taken from them. And then--when,

with the delay of the ships from Nueva España, and the fear of the

danger that they ran of being captured by the Dutch; and the city,

with having invested its share, was drained of money--those who had

retained the said goods in their possession made lower prices with the

many Chinese than those prices at which the goods that were allowed

to be sold had been given. In consequence there were public murmurs

from all classes. One Gonzalez, the governor's barber, and a prime

favorite, whom he has made inspector of the Chinese ships--which

because of their late arrival remained this year for the most part

on the coasts of these islands near China, from fifty to one hundred

leguas from Manila, sending their goods thither in small boats--went

there and bought and brought back a large consignment. Consequently

that transaction, other things similar to it, and the appointments--or,

as some say, sales--of offices and posts in the ships from Nueva España

in violation of your Majesty's decrees, are not well endured or well

spoken of, in regard to either his acts or his methods. May our Lord

preserve and prosper the royal and Catholic person of your Majesty,

as all Christendom desires, and has need, etc. Manila, August 8, 1620.

_Licentiate Hieronimo Legaspi de Cheverria_

_Licentiate Don Alonso Messa y Lugo_

_Doctor Don Antonio Piso_ de Villegas

Letter from Fajardo to Felipe III

Sire:

1st. While anxious, as may be understood, over the delay of the ships

from Nueva España, and the anticipated rise of the vendavals with the

so great fury with which they began this year; and fearing on that

account some disaster, or their making port in distress at Japon,

where also there is cause for fear; and while considering the hardship

that might result to this country from any one of those things: we

had news that three ships of the Dutch rebels were awaiting our ships

between the channel of San Bernardino and the Cape of Spiritu Sancto,

where the latter had to come. Consequently our anxiety deepened,

knowing that this country would necessarily be endangered if those

ships were driven from its coasts, with the men that we have for its

defense, at such a season that, if they left the strait, they could not

possibly return here this year; or, if there were a failure to act,

the people [of this city] must remain not properly cared for, much

less contented. Although it was evident that we might go out at a time

when we could be of [no] use, and when the aforesaid danger would not

happen to the ships, with all the resources at my command, I had the

galleys and light craft manned, so that they might go out immediately

with what advices and orders seemed advisable. While preparing the

ships, which were almost ready to go out, for whatever might arise,

and in the midst of that anxiety, God was pleased to do us the favor

of freeing us from it by the news that I received of our ships. That

news, thanks to His Divine Majesty, was most favorable, when one

considers what might have come. The news was that the flagship--a large

galleon, and, as its actions showed, not a very good sailer--happened

to encounter, without its consort (which was a bark), the three Dutch

ships. These approached the galleon, and ordered it to strike its sails

for Mauricio. Captain and Sargento-mayor Don Fernando de Ayala, warder

of the port at the point of Cavite (whom I had sent out in order that

he might return as commander of the said ships because the person who

went as commander from here was to remain in Nueva España--namely, Don

Luys Fernandez de Cordova, a relative of the viceroy of that province)

answered them, as a valiant cavalier and soldier, with his artillery

and firearms. He continued fighting and defending himself all that

day and part of the night, until under cover of its darkness and a

heavy fog that settled down, pursuing their voyage, the Spaniards

left the enemy with the intention of running upon the coast of an

island of the strait, called Ybabao. Our Lord guided them to a port,

where a ship was never known to have entered. There they anchored,

and fearing that the wind with which they entered might shift to that

which generally prevails in that season and with greater fury, they

determined to run the said ship into the mud, and to cut away the

mainmast, in order to render them less liable to drag, and to leave

the port again and encounter the enemy. Accordingly, all possible

haste was displayed in disembarking the men, and the silver and

reals of your Majesty and of private persons, and the most valuable

goods; but scarcely was that done when the storm, coming down upon

the ship, drove it upon some rocks. There it foundered and sank,

although in a place so shallow that but little of the ship's cargo

was lost. For they continued to take out and use many things, except

the articles of luxury. Although no use could be made of the ship's

hull, as it was entirely ruined, the resultant loss is almost nothing,

and inconsiderable when one thinks what it might have been, and what

this event has gained in advantage and reputation for these islands,

and for your Majesty's arms herein. For, although your Majesty,

thanks to God, has had excellent successes in the islands, still it

has all been by superiority of ships and men; and there is nothing,

according to common opinion, so fortunate as this event, considering

what the enemy will have lost in all the aforesaid respects among

all the nations with whom they have relations--especially with that

of the Japanese, who place their honor and ground for self-praise

in war. It would appear that they will not be well esteemed there,

nor even pleasantly received by their creditors--with whom, as we

understand here, they were indebted for about three hundred thousand

ducados for their preparations and the relief of their forts, having

assigned to the creditors their pay from a good prize that they were

to make, which must have been this galleon.

Then, in order that everything might turn out well, our Lord guided

the patache--which was coming as almiranta--without its meeting an

enemy. However, from the severity of the weather, the same thing

happened to them as to the flagship; but they lost no cargo, for

that vessel was so small that I bought it for not more than one

thousand pesos.

Although some think that those ships did not have a more satisfactory

voyage because they left Acapulco April 4, in my opinion that could

not have been avoided; for they reached that port late because

their voyage thither was long and troublesome. Notwithstanding that

they had been despatched, they would have found, when they arrived,

vendavals already in these islands, as these commenced so early, as

I have said. Although the viceroy wrote requesting greater haste in

those despatches, yet because they are sent late from there, they also

arrive late here, even if no such events happen as the above. It is

almost impossible for the ships to leave here early, if the arrival

of those from Nueva España is delayed, unless no opportunity be

given the inhabitants to receive their share of money and letters,

which is a thing that they would feel keenly.

[_Marginal note_: "War. What you say in these sections is reduced

to three points. Firstly, the thanks that you give and should have

given to our Lord for the good success of the flagship, and the same

has been done here. May He be praised for all, and thus it is to be

hoped, in His divine mercy, that He will be in all other events; for

the just end and cause to which all is directed is His holy service

and the extension of the holy Catholic faith. The second main point

is of the utmost importance, and is regarding what has been written

you, with the remonstrances required by the case--namely, that if the

flagship and almiranta sail late, it is impossible that they can be

despatched early from Nueva España; and although we have written to

the latter country, giving the method that is advisable to be used

in that voyage and despatch, they always excuse themselves for the

late sailing of the ships by the risk of vendavals, as the violence of

the weather is an unavoidable difficulty. We have also written to you

that the only cause of the delay is the waiting to lade those ships

with the commerce of Manila--which are detained for personal ends,

by awaiting the merchandise from Japon, China, and the Orient. That

is poor management; and the welfare of private persons must not have

more force than that of the public. For the customs duties received on

departing and returning are not at all to be considered with the great

danger of bad weather, in which everything is risked--especially since

the only cause for the commerce between Nueva España and those islands

is not the benefit of the merchants, nor the lading of Chinese cloth,

but the maintenance, succor, and payment of the military and of the

ministers who assist in the service and defense of that country. If

you should one year cause the ships to sail on time, those at Acapulco

[_los terceros_] would be warned by it for the future, and would

understand the diligence that they must use in their despatch. It

is said--and let this serve as caution and warning to you--that the

chief officials who have in charge the despatch of the flagship and

almiranta are those most interested, as figure-heads for third persons,

in what is laded. The third point is, that when those vessels (not

only of trade, but of war) sail, and since their risk of enemies is

at the departure and return (but most on the return), you are advised

to take warning not to let the ships be so overladen that because of

that they go ill equipped with seamen, and even worse defended. In

conformity with this we have written to the viceroy of Nueva España;

and have stated that it would be a less disadvantage to increase

the number of ships than to overload those that are sent--to say

nothing of the damage done to the hull of the ship by carrying so

heavy a cargo. Also you are advised, on account of what you say in

this section--since you say that the Dutch get help in boats, money,

ammunition, food, and men in Xapon--that it would be well, since there

is so continual communication between Japon and our government [in

those islands], that you endeavor--through an embassy, or in any other

way--to negotiate with any king of those of Xapon, or with the person

who is the cause of that [aid to the Dutch], and tell them that those

enemies are pirates, and that they violate the laws of nations and

the public peace. Finally, since you have the matter in hand and know

the importance of separating the Japanese and Dutch, you shall do this

with such energy and skill as your prudence admits, doing all that you

shall deem necessary and useful to attain that end." _In another hand_:

"A letter is being written to the viceroy of Nueva España, sending him

a copy of his [i.e., Fajardo's] clause, and what answer is made to it;

and advising him, as here above stated, that an order has been given

so that they shall endeavor to have the despatch of the flagship and

almiranta of Filipinas attended to promptly and seasonably, as is

necessary for their voyage. Accordingly he shall again issue orders

to that effect, and advise us of what is done in this matter."] [21]

2d. I am also writing to the viceroy not to waste time and money in

making unnecessary repairs on the ships, and those for which their

captains and commanders do not ask; for that is of use only for those

who have slaves who act as calkers and as other kinds of mechanics,

in which they sometimes gain more in such works than they are worth.

In the same way [I have requested] that he shall not furnish rigging

and other supplies unless they are requested; for I am sending the

vessels from here already provided, for both going and coming, with

everything necessary (even the candles), in the endeavor to avoid the

expense caused to your Majesty in the past with such outlays as have

been made, and with the things brought here. This can be very well

avoided, because there have been certain articles that can be obtained

here for one-tenth as much as they cost in Nueva España, both rigging

and other things that are not needed; while ammunition and arms are so

extremely necessary. Of these, on the occasion that I have mentioned,

there was known to be a very great lack. The mistake must have been

occasioned by my saying, in regard to the arms that I requested, that

powder-horns were unnecessary here (as is the fact). But it was not to

be understood by that that the arquebuses and muskets for arming the

infantry should come without powder-horns. That appears to have been

the understanding, for on the said occasion not thirty pairs of them

were found, and very little powder. All that resulted from those who

despatched those ships not paying attention to what their commanders

asked, while they supply them at times with what they do not need or

request; and other things those persons furnish at their own pleasure,

with no care whatever except for the bulk and lump--obliging the

masters to receive them on faith, and even on appearances, according to

what is observed here. Those who have made those voyages think strongly

that the standards of measure there should be somewhat less. I hope

for a reform in all this, through the good management and zeal of

the viceroy, and that he will set a limit to what those who attend

to these despatches at the port of Acapulco have done--as also to the

vexation and trouble caused to the sailors and workmen of those ships

by examining so minutely the wretched belongings that they carry in

their little chests, and by treating them with more severity in this

than appears advisable for men so necessary and who work so hard.

[_Marginal note_: "In the letters that were written you, in the next

to the last and the last despatch before this one, that discussed

this reform and the avoidance of expenses which were made and caused

in Nueva España for those reënforcements, you were directed to try

to give special and minute information as to what you have there,

and of its cost; and advised that, if prices are so much more

advantageous than those of Nueva España, those expenses might be

avoided. The same thing has been written to the viceroy, while the

royal officials there [_i.e._, in Filipinas] have been notified to

send a detailed report of the matters of that sort [in which expense]

could be avoided. If that has not been done, you shall do it; and

with it those in whose charge are the despatch and provision of

the ships and the supplies, shall be convinced, and the losses and

expenses repaired. Since you have abundance of all kinds of rigging

and sea-stores, and they are obtained so advantageously in the ports

and regions of your archipelago, provision shall be made only in the

smaller firearms--that is, outside the _situado_. And inasmuch as

the Council should have the information that is desirable in regard

to these matters, you shall always send us a copy of what you write

upon them to the viceroy and royal officials, so that observance of

what is enacted in this regard may be demanded from here, and that

the account may be somewhat better regulated. The other things that

pertain to the excesses that you mention in the preparations in Nueva

España have been written to the viceroy, as per the enclosed copy,

so that redress may be provided in what is so just."] [Here follows

a note, on a separate piece of paper. [22]]

3d. And inasmuch as I am not confident that the viceroy will be

willing to admit that the appointments of offices and officials of

these ships from these islands do not concern him, when those who are

appointed complete the exercise of their duties on their arrival at

Nueva España--as, for instance, Don Francisco de la Serna, who is

going this year as commander; and Don Luis Fernandez de Cordova,

who was commander last year, as they commenced to exercise those

offices from the time of their departure from those provinces and

are returning in those functions through courtesy, and for just

considerations--the viceroy undertakes to appoint men to those places,

refusing to understand as he ought what your Majesty has ruled and

ordered in this matter. On the contrary, in order to establish himself

in this pretension, he has suppressed the appointments that I sent

last year. Indeed, although he deprived Don Fernando de Ayala of his

appointment, he did not make another appointment, but said that he

was satisfied for that time with that act of jurisdiction. He said

that he would send me another as commander of the ships--a young man,

like those whom he sends as captains of infantry. That would have

resulted in the disinclination of people in this country to send what

is of so much importance [_i.e._, their cargoes to Nueva España],

with the supplies and artillery which I sent--very differently from

the usual practice, in charge of a man of action and valor, who

has fought very often. I cannot see why the viceroy should wonder

at a thoroughly satisfactory person being appointed and sent from

here, in order to return in such a post, since for a matter of so

great consideration, value, and importance, it does not seem much

or hurtful that each ship should always have a captain, like those

whom your Majesty appoints in the flagships and almirantas of the

trading-fleets, with the same preëminences and the right of succession

to the responsibility and management of them, in case of the death or

absence of their commanders. For it would be a misfortune, in case of

their absence, for the relief or the ruin of these islands to depend,

on the occasion of a fight or other emergency in which there is need

of a leader, on the direction of a pilot or a master, when suitable

provision can be made without any considerable increase of expense

to your royal treasury. If your Majesty be so pleased, and will give

me authority for it, I prefer to do this, even if, in order to give

them some pay, that of the commanders and officials be curtailed;

or by seeking another plan and supplying them something with certain

accommodations in their vessels, as might be done better here. The men

levied in Mexico and those provinces might be delivered at Acapulco to

those captains, thus saving the pay granted to the infantry captains

and officers. For most of the latter are not usually very eager in

their service, while their persons and the troubles that they bring

are of no little embarrassment to the governors; and perhaps it would

be advisable to do away with their banners and distribute the men

among the old companies. That has not been done at any time, both

to place the aforesaid persons under some obligations, and because

they bring the pay for one year already paid to them. I petition

your Majesty to order this matter to be examined and considered,

and to command me what I am to do in regard to it and to order the

said viceroy, in accordance with the above, to refrain from annoying

with that pretension the respectable and deserving inhabitants who

sail [on the ships] with appointments to such offices. For there

are men here who have merits and are old residents of the country,

to whom these employments might well be given; and others who,

although they are not of so much prominence in this country, have

been and are engaged in the service of your Majesty. Consequently,

both for that reason and because of their qualifications, no one ought

to be preferred to them--although there are, besides the aforesaid

persons (who are numerous), a much greater number of others who demand

everything, without right, reason, or justification, and assert that

they deserve it. They must believe this, by the way in which they get

angry about it; for it comes to such a pass that they do not treat one

another well, as we have just experienced. For I appointed Captain

and Sargento-mayor Esteban de Alcazar admiral of these ships that I

am despatching--a man of many years of service (some in Flandes), and

more than fifteen years of residence in this country, whither he came

as captain of an infantry company. He has also served in Terrenate, and

reënforced those forts with the supplies that he took in his charge,

in consideration of which your Majesty confirmed him in an encomienda,

without debarring him therefrom because he was a brother-in-law of

the fiscal. That relationship, however, no longer exists, because

there is another fiscal, a man young in years and of little judgment,

without services, merits, or any other qualifications to support his

claims, not even for the office of government notary, which an uncle of

his resigned. This man has tried to oppose my choice; he has had the

audacity to demand the place, trying to disqualify the appointee with

a suit brought by my predecessor, from which the royal Audiencia freed

and acquitted him. Although I am certain that he [Esteban de Alcazar]

is one of the most deserving of those who might be employed in this,

I have chosen to send a sworn testimony in the form of a report

(in duplicate), so that your Majesty, if such be your pleasure,

may order it to be examined. Although any one might resent having

to furnish an exoneration when there is no cause for the accusation,

there is much more to resent here in the accusations which some are

wont to write without any justification, and without the matter being

known; for, by reason of the long time that must elapse before one

comes to have notice of it and the truth of the matter is made known,

he has already suffered much in darkness from an evil and unauthentic

relation, and this is the truth.

According to the news received here of what has come in the said

ships, the aid in silver and reals that has come on your Majesty's

account amounts to three hundred and fifty-two thousand pesos; while

the supplies that I asked both this year and last come to less than

one-third of the amount that was generally brought in several former

years--for I am very careful not to exceed what is actually necessary

and unavoidable, in order to save the so excessive expenses which were

generally incurred in this; since other expenses are not wanting that

render that saving very necessary.

The infantry does not amount to two hundred men, in three companies. If

these men were that number, and Spaniards, it would not be so bad; but,

although I have not seen them, because they have not yet arrived here,

I am told that they are, as at other times, for the most part boys,

mestizos, and mulattoes, with some Indians. There is no little cause

for regret in the great sums that reënforcements of such men waste

for, and cost, your Majesty. I cannot see what betterment there

will be until your Majesty shall provide it, since I do not think,

that more can be done in Nueva Spaña, although the viceroy must be

endeavoring to do so, as he is ordered.

[_Marginal note_: "Have the orders held by the viceroys regarding

this collected. All that he says for the benefit of the treasury

is good. Thus I am trying to do on all occasions. In regard to the

quality of the soldiers, have the viceroy of Nueva España informed

that they must always be men who have served, and of the quality

desirable. Those who were boys might be kept in presidios, and in

places where there is not so great need of experienced soldiers. By

placing them in other companies and in diverse services, they might

supply the lack of other persons. Have a letter written to the viceroy

of Nueva España, and a copy of this section and the answer to it

sent to him. Have him advised to try, at the levy of these soldiers,

that no places be given to any but persons who are suitable and useful

for the Filipinas, for the contrary becomes a useless expense."]

4th. I wrote to the viceroy last year that if, in any year in the

future--through any misfortune, or for any other cause or obstacle

that might prevent it--no ships from this country should reach those

provinces, he should try to send what aid he could, as is usually

requested, especially that of money; so that in case of such a lack,

the need should not increase, or the danger caused when ships of

this commerce do not sail. According to his reply, it seems that the

viceroy does not dare assure it, because he doubts whether he can

find ships in the ports of that country for that purpose.

Desiring to find some plan for the greater facility and less cost of

sending these reënforcements, it has occurred to us here and has been

considered a reasonable and feasible means and expedient to have them

come by way of Panama. If your Majesty would be pleased to keep there

one of the two ships that leave these islands for Nueva España, that

would have very good results, if no obstacles thereto arise which we

have not considered here.

The advantages are, that what infantry your Majesty pleases can come

from España divided among the vessels of the trading fleet of Tierra

Firme, that go to Puertovelo or Nombre de Dios. Their passage and the

transportation of their food would not cost much, and the owners of the

vessels might even carry them free for the concession of the register

or permission for the voyage. If they left in due season, nothing

would be lost, nor any soldier either, in the short passage which must

be made, in order to embark at Panama from Cruces, a distance of five

leguas. One can reach that place in boats by means of a river. In the

same way, all the things shipped here from España can be transported,

thus saving the vast sum generally incurred by the freight charges and

carriage of the goods in Nueva España. This expense is caused by the

long and dangerous road to Acapulco, and the rather long space of time

from the arrival of the trading fleet at the beginning of September

until the departure of our ships at the last of March--both in what

the infantry consume and waste, and in those men of it who are lost.

There will also be another advantage if your Majesty should be pleased

to locate there [_i.e._, at Panama] the reënforcements of money

and provisions for these forts. For if the ships from this country,

by any misfortune or other occasion for delay, should not arrive,

as many ships as were needed could be obtained there, ready, in which

to send the ordinary and even extraordinary succor that your Majesty

might despatch; while in Acapulco there would be no such facility,

or even possibility, in addition to the long and most costly voyage

of the ships despatched thence. And, according as the despatch from

Panama is considered and regarded, our ships, even if they should

arrived there one month later, would leave the port earlier, and much

earlier than from Acapulco, since the journey thence here is so safe

and short, as experience has already demonstrated.

By dividing this commerce, and by one ship going to Acapulco and

another to Panama, one would think that, if the vessels' were not

more nor larger, the export or sale of Spanish merchandise would not

be checked; for inasmuch as Mexico would be abandoned in order to

go to Panama, the former country would come to have need of España,

and would consume as much and perhaps even more than the amount that

was not used in Panama because of the departure of the ships of this

country. It is almost a certainty that no innovation would have to

be experienced because of the way in which, it may be understood,

the Mexican merchants have communication with those of Peru and all

the Indias--avoiding the royal duties on what is smuggled. If each

ship went publicly by permission from your Majesty to that region,

as I have said, the increase of duties would be very great, and there

would be no difficulty in the way, according to the understanding

here--which, I have understood, is also the opinion of this city. They

petition it from your Majesty, and I do the same, with the desire that

I have and ought to have for you royal service and the welfare of this

country. I find myself daily under new obligations to this country,

which the inhabitants lay upon me by the willingness with which

they respond to the service of your Majesty with their possessions,

persons, and lives, as I have experienced from many on the occasions

that have arisen. According to the limit of my understanding, and

that which I have been able to grasp with it in this particular, I

regard the aforesaid as so important to your Majesty's service that,

considering the matter in case that it should be necessary for the

ships to go together, I would regard it as more advisable for both to

go to Panama rather than to Acapulco--although I think that the said

division is better, and the advantage of the reënforcement of men,

and that which that country [_i.e._, Nueva España] can give easily;

for thus results service to your Majesty and good to this country,

and apparently not a little benefit to the commerce of España. For

the products and merchandise of España that are esteemed here would

be bought and imported in a much greater quantity with the saving

of the freight charges overland, which are so excessive from Vera

Cruz to Acapulco. The cost of those articles is also increased by

the profit of the merchants who buy and retail them in that country

[_i.e._, Nueva España]. If the merchandise were relieved from so

high prices as it reaches to in this manner, and if the goods can

be so easily passed on from owner to purchaser without resale, the

shipment here of a great amount of the said merchandise and products,

and of money less that quantity, is certain.

Likewise, in addition to the above, if the enemy should station

themselves on that coast [_i.e._, of Nueva España], to await the ships

that sail to Acapulco (as they have already done at other times),

where they have captured some of those that have sailed hence, not

only are there not ships at hand ready to go out to fight with them

and to prevent them from making such attempts, but not one patache

in which to send advice of it out to sea; while in Panama and on its

coast that danger would be more easily averted because there are plenty

of ships and seamen there. Will your Majesty be pleased to have this

matter examined and considered so that, after understanding the pros

and cons, what is most advisable to your service may be done.

[_Marginal note_: "Note of what was decreed, on a separate

paper." [23]]

5th. We are very happy at the good news that has arrived here of

the favor that your Majesty concedes, to all of us who live in

this country, of sending us reënforcements of soldiers and ships by

the Cape of Buena Esperanza; and I more happy than I could express,

because of my great desire for it and my great regret over its lack,

in order to demonstrate effectively the desire that I have always

had, and have, of employing myself in your Majesty's service. May

His Divine Majesty so well manage it that, if life does not fail

me, I shall, with the protection of God, endeavor to employ it to

my very utmost--without my promising more at greater length, for we

can promise much from the hands of His Divine Majesty, but from our

own but little. In order that the successful end of such intents may

be better attained, at the best time, without there being any lack,

I petition your Majesty to the utmost of my ability that the sending

of this help, together with troops, be continued for some years--by

way of Panama, or by whatever way your Majesty may please--so that the

forces which might be assembled with such a fleet as is above mentioned

might not be weakened so soon because of the many men that die here;

and that the provision of money be in proportion to the men, and for

the same time. I trust that, with the above, the cost and trouble

incurred will succeed, without my endeavoring to excuse myself from

it, or failing to economize and well administer the revenues as well

as other things. The results certify it; for, with less money than

has entered the royal treasury for many years, I have accomplished

so many works, and have built or bought, in two years only, as many

boats, provisions, and war stores as was done during many years in

the past, and at a much less cost. For I have paid for all these,

and of the arrears of debt a very large amount--as, if time allowed,

could be seen by the official statements that would be sent to that

effect. However, I shall try to do that on another occasion. I have

come to say this, because your Majesty charges me to be very careful

of your revenues, and as I have a bit of vanity in it, which seems to

me not to be the most harmful vanity. I desire exceedingly that the

manner in which I manage this matter be known, for there is a great

difference in faithfulness, in good administration alone.

[_Marginal note_: "Council. You have already been informed in another

letter that God was pleased to let the reënforcement be lost because

of a bad storm. Nevertheless, all possible care is being taken to

prepare another. May our Lord be pleased to direct it, since it is

so important for the things of His service. By the despatches that

you will receive from the hand of the castellan Pedro de Heredia,

you will understand about the two hundred infantrymen, with which

your present need will be supplied, until the more important aid is

made ready. Inasmuch as you are advised of other things touching this

matter in the despatch of the said castellan, nothing more will be

told you of it, as I refer you to what it contains."]

6th. For this purpose, very acceptable aid has come to me with the

arrival of the factor, Diego de Castro Lison. For the favor that your

Majesty granted him in this--both to him and to me--I kiss your royal

feet with the humility and acknowledgment that is fitting.

It seems to me that with the commission borne by the above-mentioned,

it will be very well if, during his execution of it, he be relieved

somewhat of the many onerous duties of the office of factor; and for

that purpose I shall endeavor to give him the aid and leisure that

should appear necessary. If the treasurer--who has not yet arrived

and whom I do not know--is such as I believe and have proved the

factor to be, I shall have no need of carrying memoranda in my pocket

of what is paid into the royal treasury, as I have done sometimes,

even constraining this present treasurer so that he might ordain

that those warrants for whose despatch and payment he did not have

my decrees should not be honored. Consequently, I would not be sorry

to see here two or three men for the accountancy of this treasury and

for that of Terrenate; but, although the governors are accustomed to

make that appointment, I cannot find many to choose here.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well. With the arrival of the treasurer and

that of the treasury accountant, he is relieved of his anxiety about

the matter of accounts."]

7th. I have equalized the pay of the captains, officers, and soldiers

here and at Terrenate, by increasing that of some and diminishing

that of others, as your Majesty has ordered. In order that they may

have an equal amount of work, and comfort also, I am having part of

them changed every year, so that their exile may not be perpetual,

nor desperation compel them to go over to the enemy, as many have

done. Accordingly, for this reason, and so that the smaller and larger

boats, in which the reënforcements are conveyed, may go and come in

safety, I cause some infantry to go in all of them.

[_Marginal note_: "Council. It is well. You have already been informed

in regard to this, and it was referred to your prudence and better

judgment, as you are the one in direct charge of affairs. You shall

give licenses and shall arrange for the passage of the soldiers from

one part to the other in the manner most advisable."]

8th. The last reënforcement that I despatched this year has been

the most abundant that has entered those forts since their recovery,

especially in money and men; for there were almost two hundred and

fifty Spanish soldiers, besides the Pampangos and pioneers, and the

men of the two galleys and four ships in which that reënforcement

was taken. Of the latter only one small patache was lost, which is

considered miraculous here because of what has happened on other

occasions. But I, although not neglecting to give thanks to God for

it, cannot be well satisfied with the result, until I can ascertain

whether the galleys could have gone more quickly and efficiently

to the aid of the patache--although I am told that when they sailed

there was sufficient wind so that they could not fight with a galleon

carrying heavy artillery. I shall endeavor to inform myself of it,

and of what the person in charge of the patache did, and what he

neglected to do; and, punishing the guilt that I shall find, I shall

inform your Majesty of everything. I do not see how the master-of-camp,

Don Luis Bracamonte, who had charge of that reënforcement, can entirely

clear himself; for after I had appointed captains and private persons

to whom the ships could be entrusted, he committed the one that was

lost to an accountant, one Don Alonso Fajardo de Villalobos, when

neither he nor I knew that man sufficiently to entrust such a ship to

him. But until I have heard the reasons on which he based that action,

I do not dare to blame him.

[_Marginal note_: "What investigation you make in this will be very

suitable. You have also well understood the matter, and reason on it

in such a manner that there is nothing to add to what you propose,

except to await your reply with the suitable execution of it, for

the good example that must emanate from it in similar matters."]

9th. I believe that your Majesty will already have learned of the

occasion for sending the said master-of-camp to those places, by

letters that I sent via India. By them will be seen the causes that

preceded, and the pressing efforts made by the castellan Lucas de

Vergara Gaviria, in order that he might be permitted to come here. A

son of Doctor Quesada, ex-auditor of Mexico, a man respected for

his learning and integrity, went to take his residencia. I gave him

charge of one of the companies that I sent to those places and which

had to be reorganized in them, for that purpose, and because of his

rank, the services of his father, and his wish to follow a military

life. When the residencia and acquittal are made, I shall inform

your Majesty of that also. It will have so much that is good or

evil, as the religious shall have aided or opposed him; since their

friendship is the greatest advantage here, and their hostility the

greatest evil. For if they desire to grant honors, even to one who

does not merit them, the documents, vouchers, and negotiations are

drawn up as may be desired; and the governor has to give in payment

what they demand, even if he be unable. If he do not act thus, woe

to him; for they reach him in conversations and pulpit in his most

vulnerable spot, his honor. Consequently, as I know that to be usual

here, I am resolved not to credit what they have written of Lucas de

Vergara Gaviria; on the other hand, I am meanwhile not sure of the

contrary. I consider him a good soldier, although he has something of

the harshness of temper that is reported. I also wrote to your Majesty

when I informed you of his coming and of the departure of Don Luis

de Bracamonte, asking you to be pleased to send a governor for those

places, for Don Luis said that he would remain there only until the

arrival of your Majesty's appointee--a thing that was self-evident,

even had he not said it. Had it not been for placing a captain before

one whom your Majesty had honored with the title of master-of-camp,

I would have given those forts in charge to Captain Don Andres Perez

Franco, to whom your Majesty, while he was alferez, granted thirty

escudos' pay to induce him to come with me; and I would trust him not

only with those forts, but also with other things of importance that

your Majesty has in these parts. But I considered the above facts,

and his few years as captain, although he has spent many in service;

and, on account of his popularity and the excellent proofs of his

integrity and valor (as your Majesty can learn from the soldiers of

Flandes who know him), I am not sorry--although I would be glad to

have him in Terrenate--to detain him here, as he is one whom I value

most highly. He has aided me in all that I am doing in your Majesty's

service, and in the fulfilment of the duties of my office--which he

aids in the building of ships and in the repair and equipment of

them, in all the works and the despatch of ships that are carried

on at the point of Cavite, and in whatever else arises, very much to

my satisfaction and to that of all. That is not inconsiderable, and

I assure your Majesty of this on account of my obligations to your

royal service, and to inform you of those who aid in it, rather than

through my goodwill and affection for this gentleman, although these

are great. His mode of procedure constrains me to it. Although I have

relatives here, I shall not inform your Majesty of them, as long as

they do not merit my doing so by their time and experience here.

If a governor is to be sent for Terrenate, your Majesty will not

forget those persons whom I have proposed for that post. They are

Captains Don Diego de Salcedo, Joan Gonçales Corrilla y Santander,

who were among the men of best judgment in Flandes when I was there,

and of whom I would rejoice to hear news. But if, in another man,

to such qualities were united some experience as a sailor, or a taste

for naval affairs, he would not be worse for that; for very gallant

deeds might he done among those islands.

[_Marginal note_: "The points mentioned in this section are reduced

to two. First, you will already have learned about the appointment of

Pedro de Heredia as governor of Terrenate. It is thought that you will

be well satisfied with his person, and that he will suitably conduct

the public service. Concerning the other persons of whom you advise

me, and especially of Captain Perez Franco, I am informed of his good

qualities. So long as nothing offers here in which to occupy him,

you shall take charge of his person, and shall employ him for what

you think him suitable, for the reputation of generals consists in

their efficient choice of persons, giving to each office what concerns

it and what it needs. The second and chief point is concerning the

religious who through their favors and friendships affect the standing

of officials, and by altering the truth impose blame on the latter

or injure their reputation--reducing [public] affairs to their own

methods, which has pernicious and evil results. Since you see that,

and have experienced it, as you say, it would be your own fault if

you did not remedy that matter. I leave it to you to do what is most

fitting. What occurs to us to advise you is, not to allow any religious

to make charges or prove the innocence of any government official,

unless it should be in some very special and particular case, in which

his act may have occurred with the knowledge of such religious, and

can be investigated in no other way. You shall observe the same rule

in official investigations, in which if the religious do not form a

part of the court, certainty may thus be felt that affairs will proceed

with sincerity and truth, as justice requires. This that is told you,

you shall impart to the Audiencia in your meeting. You shall endeavor

to have the same course followed in the case of the government agents

and other persons who shall conduct similar investigations. Inasmuch as

the interpositions generally made by religious are usually effective,

as well as the means by which they intimidate some and encourage

others, you shall take measures, immediately upon receipt of this,

to inform the superiors of those religious, so that they may be

warned and advise their subordinates of it, so that they may not

perplex themselves or meddle in any case of these secular judicial

proceedings, or with claims of third parties. For their occupation

does not consist in this, but in the contemplative life, and in the

exercise of the spiritual activities; and, moreover, the gravest

disadvantages to the service of our Lord result from the contrary

course. You shall advise me of what you shall do and what you shall

have put into execution, so that I may know what occurs."]

10th. I have had no other advices of anything new, or of matters of

greater importance, in those forts [of Maluco] than the above-mentioned

entrance of the reënforcements. From the people sent thither, and from

those who wrote me from Japon, I have learned that the reënforcement

was very timely; for the Dutch had crews of Japanese, whom they hired

with the intention, as was understood, of attempting with them some

deed of arms in that place, or something else that would have meant

evil to our forces and fortifications.

I was also advised from Japon that a squadron of Dutch ships was to

sail thence to run along these coasts, in order to hinder the commerce

of the Chinese ships, awaiting and robbing them on their way. In order

to obviate this mischief, I prepared two strong ships, one patache,

and two galleys, with which to make the said coast safe. I gave warning

to China; and thus, in consequence, many ships and merchants of China,

thanks to God, have arrived in safety. That squadron is in charge of

Admiral Joan Baptista de Molina, a man who has served many years, and

who has served here with especial courage and good fortune. And since

every one in this country considers that he is the one who deserves

most, and in order to avoid the punctilios of those who hesitated in

embarking and in taking charge of those vessels--desiring, perhaps,

under pretext of this to remain ashore--I gave out that the squadron

was to be in charge of Don Luis Fajardo, my brother. Thereupon all

followed him, and he obeyed the orders of the said admiral, Joan

Baptista de Molina, like the meanest soldier of those who embarked

with him. The enemy must have heard of it, or they must have had more

important business to look after, for they did not approach these

coasts. On the contrary, it has been learned that they lost one of

their large vessels (than which never better sailed), at the head of

the island of Hermosa; and that, for the last two years, they have

obtained nothing from this coast beyond the destruction of what had

been made for equipment of our vessels, and the loss of the ships

that have been wrecked. I am thoroughly convinced that opportunities

will not be lacking in which, coming to blows, they will lose more,

if God help us; for their attachment is strong to the profit that

they claim from these pillagings, as well as from those that they

made in former years.

Had not the Dutch been so embarrassed by the so ruinous wars that they

have had with the English, beyond doubt a greater number of vessels

would have come here. According to what I have just heard from a

Spanish pilot, whom the Dutch held prisoner, and who escaped from

the ships that fought with us, those two nations [_i.e._, the Dutch

and the English] were negotiating a peace, in order to be able to

come here with a great number of vessels, or for other advantages to

them. If the ships that I am awaiting with the reënforcements arrive,

by God's help, I shall not care when the enemy comes.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well. Through your diligence and zeal for

the affairs of my service, I hope that our Lord will grant very good

results in everything, since the expense and care incurred by those

regions are known."]

11th. That ship that I bought at Macan has come, with some freight

charges and duties on goods that it carried. That goes a good

way toward aiding the cost of its purchase and the expense [of

maintaining it]. The price was eleven thousand pesos, with sails,

rigging, seven anchors, and four good cables. I am satisfied with it;

and it appears at least to be made of better woods than those here. It

was made in India, and its burden is more than six hundred toneladas

of the Northern Sea. [24]

Contract and agreement have been made to build another ship in Sasima

[_i.e._, Satsuma?] a province of Japon near here. I am assured that

it can be built there very well, and it will be strong and of good

timber, and very well-proportioned and suitable as is needed for this

line and trade with Nueva España.

[_Marginal note_: "Since the counsel that you have taken in this matter

is very prudent; and since you have been advised in your despatches

(which you have already received) as to what you shall do; and since

the benefit to the royal treasury and the quality of the vessels is so

well known: you shall continue the same plan for the vessels that must

be built, since, as you have seen in other despatches, the vexations

to the natives occupied in this shipbuilding and the heavy expenses

incurred by that construction, are thus avoided. Since you already

have plans for the factory at Terrenate and for the cloves and drugs

that you may get at Terrenate and its adjacent islands, it will be

a very efficacious means, in order that the vessels may be cheaper,

to send the cloves and drugs where they may have greatest value, so

that with that profit the vessels may be built more cheaply. After

you shall have more fully established that advantage to the royal

treasury, you shall endeavor to put into practice the building of

some boats for the service of the South Sea in Callao, Panama, and

the other ports of Tierra Firme. This alone I refer to you, so that

you may endeavor from now on to lessen as much as possible the profit

[made by others] in this, both in material and construction."]

12th. The vessel that went to Goa with a quantity of cloves, which I

had traded for in Maluco and sent there on your Majesty's account (as

will be done whenever possible), arrived safely; and in the same way,

was despatched and returned here (thanks to God), bringing slaves for

the galleys and other supplies for the magazines, and the provisions

and articles necessary for your Majesty's service.

[_Marginal note_. "It is well. In this way continue. In every despatch

that you shall send, you shall not advise in general terms of matters

like this, nor summarize; but shall send a copy of the list of what

cloves and drugs you shall have or obtain in trade; their cost, as

well as the expense of sending them; the price and method of sale; the

transfer that was made, and in what articles and at what price. And

in order that we might have as exact information and account of it

as is advisable, you shall inform us, especially and in detail, of

all the aforesaid, so that things of this kind may not be furnished

from Nueva España or any other region."]

13th. I thought that I would send them to those kingdoms, so that your

Majesty might see some cloves from Maluco. Although they are not cheap,

they would be a product not often seen in the ports of Castilla, and

not often carried from here. But the majority of the auditors opposed

me, thinking perhaps that an oral or written relation would be sent

with them not greatly to their favor. However, the one that I have

already given your Majesty is not favorable to them. I suspect that

they have learned of it; but I am not sorry for that, as I consider

it correct. Or [their opposition may have been] for other reasons,

and for private ends. They do not desire me to achieve success, and

I would not wonder at that so much, if I alone were the interested

party. But where your Majesty and your royal service are concerned,

such a thing appears incredible of any one who has a good heart and

soul, and is under the obligations of honor. Therefore I would be

ashamed even to think this, were there not many other causes like that

mentioned, that are similar to it. I could send an account of them

in authentic documents, had I more time and fewer occupations. But

having to attend to these, not only can I not do more than I am doing

in this, but I cannot even attend continually to the Audiencia,

or consider many things that they have tried and attempted in it

contrary to the authority and preeminences that your Majesty has given

to this office. Many of them I must swallow, in order not to fail in

the affairs of your Majesty's service--which could not be conducted

as their importance demands and compels, if one were to give much

attention to these matters which concern personal grudges. For if

one did that, he could necessarily attend to nothing else, because

as the auditors here have few important matters that oblige them to

close application, they must apply the greater part of their time to

devising petty tricks on the president in order to vex and weary him,

until [as they hope], not only will he allow them to live according to

their own inclination, but also their relatives and followers shall,

in whatever posts they desire, be employed and profited. And since

harmony has never been seen here without this expedient, one would

think it easy to believe such a supposition. Regarding what your

Majesty writes in this matter of posts being given to the relatives

or followers of the auditors, there is not much to amend. Perhaps

that is the reason that some are ill satisfied and to such an extent

that they show it not only by inflicting annoyances on the persons

who aid me in the obligations of my office and in your Majesty's

service--because they know that I esteem such men for that reason,

and see our gratefulness for it--but in doing whatever can cause

injury, and also in any acts of discourtesy, which are much to be

regretted. Such has been the demonstration that they made by public

act when, the chairs of this Audiencia having been carried in order to

go to one of the sermons and festivals to which they go here; and the

chair of my wife, Dona Catherina Maria Çambrana y Fajardo, having been

placed behind them--just as is the custom in other places, and as was

continued here, without exceeding in anything what is permitted to the

wife of a president--the auditors voted that my wife's chair should

be placed outside, or that they would not take theirs, as did Doctor

Don Alonso de Mesa and Doctor Don Antonio Rodriguez. It is a matter

whose telling even causes me shame. Were it the resentment and sorrow

of another, I could set it right, by the mildest and most advisable

method possible. But as it is my own affair, and a matter akin to

vanity (from which I believe myself quite free)--for when I have

finished the public acts of pomp and display in my office, I return

to that of sailor, which is the chief thing of this government--I

lay it before your Majesty, so that you may be pleased to provide in

this matter and in other things touching auditors, as may best suit

you. [I ask that your Majesty act] without greater inclination to one

side than the other, since this office is yours, not mine; and since

I shall live in the same manner with or without it, without coveting

greater honors than your Majesty (may God preserve you for us) has

granted me and grants me in employing my services.

[_Marginal note_: "After considering what you mention in this matter,

it is reduced to the following points. The first and more essential

is that which you mention (although in ambiguous terms) regarding

the trading of the auditors and government employees there, for which

reason they prevented the sending of the cloves. The testimony that

you send of it does not concern this matter, but only that of the

goods and money that were to be sent to Terrenate for trading. That

indeed was done in accordance with your opinion. The opinion that you

shall hold in matters so worthy of reform you must always send to me

distinctly and clearly expressed; for if there are such officials

who commit illegal acts--not only in trading, but in hindering

the profit of the royal treasury--it is advisable not only for the

greater security of the treasury, but also for the administration of

justice, that such persons be punished with the rigor that the case

requires. Consequently, you shall do this, sending me information

of what is done in this matter. If any proven guilt results you

shall sequester the property of offenders, in order to assure the

judgment. In accordance with this, we are writing to the Audiencia,

advising it of what it must do. In order that no official may have

any cause to think that you, of your own accord, are trying to prove

him guilty in a matter so grave, you shall be accompanied, in whatever

concerns the sequestration of goods, by the archbishop resident there,

in whose person we have the necessary confidence. The second point is

that you will have been informed of all the things that concern the

advantage of the royal treasury. You shall accordingly declare those

things in the tribunal of the treasury and in the assembly. This

reply by letter will be your authority, so that you shall need

nothing more special than this for whatever may be to the benefit

of my royal treasury, and shall procure that benefit by all and any

justifiable means. The third point is--as you have been informed and

instructed in other letters concerning the purpose of the factory at

Terrenate--that all the benefit received from the islands of Maluco by

the enemy is by way of barter; and that so vast profits are obtained

by them in this that these enable them to be on the offensive and

defensive, and convey to their own country the wealth that we see in

the Malucas, the value of which is evident in the armies and other

expenses that are incurred. From this example, since the expenses of

my royal treasury are so heavy--inasmuch as the trade is carried on

only by conquest and force of arms--everything is reduced to expense,

and nothing to gain. In order to make profit you are advised that the

factory of Terrenate should barter and negotiate, in order that the

profit obtained by the enemy might follow, and more if possible. And

if the natives of those islands see that their property is not taken

from them, and if they are paid in the ordinary form, they will

grow fond of us and become converted to our friendship. From that

it will be possible to pass to other objects, the chief one being

the evangelical preaching. Consequently, setting aside the universal

gain that might come to the royal treasury for the gain in a specific

case, the chief thing, and one which you are to push thoroughly (or

rather two things), is the operation of mines and of factories for

trade. Fourth, that since you have already experienced the utility

that follows from sending those cloves to the East, and using this

merchandise for other purposes and trade, you shall continue to

do so. You shall always send the detailed account about which you

have been advised, of everything that will be of importance in this

matter. Whenever any case of doubt occurs to you in regard to the

ceremonious observance due your office, send the proposition that

you shall have made in the assembly, together with what resolution

shall have been made regarding it, so that after examination here,

just measures may be ordered; for in no other manner could any

decision be reached without depending on the Audiencia. In order to

gain time, letters are being written to the Audiencia ordering them,

in accordance with what has been done at other times, to maintain with

you, in the condition of affairs at present, the amicable relations

and the respect due your office and person; and to observe toward you

and your wife such ceremonies as have been observed hitherto, and as

are the custom. When there is any doubt about the matter, I shall be

consulted, so that, having examined it thoroughly, I may provide what

is advisable for the public peace and for decorous relations between

the president and Audiencia. (Note for a separate paper.)" [25]]

14th. Although it is my desire to restrain myself in this particular,

in order not to drag on this letter to greater length, and for

other considerations, certain of my obligations move me to say the

things that I cannot avoid, because I have heard that the auditors

claim that your Majesty should take from the office of governor and

captain-general and president, the declaration and trial of suits

that concern government and war--which your Majesty conceded to him,

on account of those which were being tried then, and the disadvantages

that were experienced in leaving them to the Audiencia. This is a

matter from which--even if it pertained to them, by opposing what

your Majesty has ordered in this matter--it is impossible to dissuade

them, seeking in such things any pretext or excuse to meddle in them,

and to embarrass and hinder me in the exercise of my office. Thus

have they endeavored to do in many things, especially in one trial,

begun here by the master-of-camp against various persons employed

for wages in marine works (who were under the military jurisdiction)

because of a conspiracy and desertion that they had planned, and which

they were ready to execute if they had any one to get their pay for

them for that purpose. This occurred at a time when I, because of a

pressing need then of men for your Majesty's service, was compelling

the master-of-camp and Aclaras to restore all those to their places who

for ten years back had been removed from them. In their guilt Pedro

Alvarez, war and government notary, appeared to be implicated. One

of his friends, an ecclesiastic, named Joan Çevicos, tried to prove

himself leader of this affair, in order perhaps to clear him and

the auditors, according to what I understand and many believe. In

complaisance to Doctor Don Alvaro de Meso, or for other objects,

the auditors took it into their heads that the notary of war did not

belong to the military jurisdiction; and that the master-of-camp had

not the right of first instance in his cause, but that it belonged to

me, in order that appeals might go to them. Without what I declared,

in accordance with your Majesty's royal decree (which I presented),

being sufficient, they hindered me so in it that it was impossible

to administer justice. At last, as I thought that the notary's

imprisonment had been long enough--although during his trial he had

no guards who could levy costs on him--at the news that the men and

possessions of your Majesty and of private individuals that we desired

from Nueva España were in safety, and that the enemy were waiting,

I released him (in part as a demonstration of the thanks due our

Lord), among other prisoners who had not been tried, and who had no

one to plead for them, whom I also released. Such, then, is the end

of that affair.

[_Marginal note_: "Let them observe the laws and what I have commanded

by the decrees that I have given. Advices are being sent to the

Audiencia in accordance with this." _In another hand_: "Have letters

of this tenor sent to the Audiencia, so that they may observe the

decrees of enforcement [_lo acordado_]. Let it be noted that since

the distance from those islands to these kingdoms is as is known,

and the delay and obstacles in the replies and receipt of letters

is the same and in some cases greater, it is commanded and ordered

that he who shall be guilty of opposing what is ordered for the good

government of those islands, both in military and in civil matters,

will be punished with the severity and example that the case requires;

for it is not right that he who merits it be unpunished in matters

of such importance, involving loss and delay."]

15th. Also the auditors claim the right of trial and jurisdiction in

the lawsuits of the seamen. That has come to such a pass that when

I ordered that a sailor, one Luys Rivero, should be hanged for an

atrocious murder that he had committed--of whose trial and of what

passed then I enclose a sworn statement--they actually ordered that

he be not executed. That happened on a day when I had left this city,

on account of having ordered that on that same day a retired sergeant

be beheaded, who had deserted while under pay and after receiving

help, and had abandoned his colors at the time of the embarcation;

and in order to avoid the intercessions and importunities that they

lavish in order that justice might not be done. But this is only a

pretext of mercy, since punishment, when deserved, is the greatest

mercy--especially in this country, where the punishment of offenses

was so forgotten or almost never administered. For that reason, and

to lessen my grief over the execution by being farther away from it,

I left the city and went up the river. The proceedings of Doctor

Don Alvaro de Mesa, in procuring the obstruction of what he and his

associates had ordered, were of such nature that some clamor might have

occurred, had not the people been satisfied at the justification of the

case, and had they not had some confidence in me, mixed with sufficient

respect not to lose it on similar occasions, even in my absence.

[_Marginal note_: "Let what is provided in the preceding section be

observed, and whatever pertains to your office. Thus shall you declare

in the assembly, and in like cases. Let the Audiencia observe the

decrees and ordinances given that order the captain-general to try

military persons and their criminal causes, just as and in the form

ruled by the said decrees. Let the Audiencia report why it prevented

the execution of the sentence against that man."]

16th. If for such things, and others like them, the Audiencia

petition (as they are doing) for power to convoke the people, since

as yet has not happened, and, God helping, will not happen what they

suppose can occur--namely, that I will hinder them from the exercise

of their duties and the execution of such of their provisions as

concern them--let your Majesty determine whether their demand is well

directed. Let your Majesty also consider the evidence and rectitude

that I have, other than they have, for having the greater authority

in matters touching the Sangleys and their Parian; since for this

they give as an argument that it would be advisable for them to have

that jurisdiction, in order to expel and drive out of the country

those whom it will need for its quiet and security, so that no other

insurrection might happen, as in the term of Don Pedro de Acuña--as if

that did not even more concern the governor and captain-general. They

had resolved, a few days before, in the Audiencia, that my reason for

ordering certain Sangleys to be expelled should be explained before

them--although I had told the auditors before that resolution that

those Sangleys and others were known to be wandering and lazy people,

without any trade or any other manner of living than that of sowing

discord, causing uneasiness, and stirring up disturbances; and that

they had other customs that were harmful and injurious to them and

even to us. I told them that in order to cleanse the country of such

people, who are wont to disturb it and even to endanger it on such

occasions as those of insurrection, I had ordered them to go to their

own countries. Notwithstanding all this, the auditors persevered

in the said resolution. From that one can see what good results are

attained with the intention that they show by such a demand; since

the most certain thing is, that they wish to have the authority over

this people, who are wont to be useful and even profitable to him

who devotes himself to them.

[_Marginal note_: "Let the ordinance of the preceding section be

observed."]

17th. The said auditors also claim the right to fill the offices of

the minor officials in the Audiencia and others, which may be filled

in the interim until your Majesty grants them. These appointments

usually belong to the president. In order to make those appointments

I took the depositions that I enclose herewith; while they base their

claim for this on a certain act of introduction which they had made in

regard to this, at a time when there was no president. In the absences

of the president, and during the government of the Audiencia, they

have disused or destroyed many preeminences and decrees in favor of

the governors and captains-general and president. Finally, they seek

all the methods of opposition that they can find, so that, if one were

to judge without looking for the best object, it might be thought that

they are trying by this improper method and means to pass more speedily

to better employments. I do not know whether there is more than to add

the assertion that, when I called a council and asked their opinions,

in order that an entrance might be effected into the province of the

Igolotes Indians [26] (which is situated almost in the middle of these

islands), and that it might be pacified and reduced to the obedience

of your Majesty, for the greater service of God and the welfare of

its souls--and, what is more useful, the operation of those mines (of

which I shall inform your Majesty in due time)--Doctors Don Alvaro and

Don Antonio opposed me; and the latter did so by a method that did not

satisfy all, proposing greater doubts as to whether it could be done

or no, as one can see clearly by the testimony. I am persuaded that,

if his wishes and inclinations were not so biased and so ready not

to become a good associate, even in what is just, many of the things

above mentioned and that I could mention would be avoided. For that and

complete harmony, it would be of great importance if all the auditors

were not new, as they are. They make more trouble than even arises

from the ignorance of their duties, since that does not prevent them

from presuming that they know everything. For lack of another and

better remedy--and one from which no trouble would arise--it would

not be bad for those who come here to fill such places to be started

[in their duties] and to be taught methods and usages by the auditors

of Mexico, at least during the time while they are detained there;

for it is a pity to see their deficiencies in this regard, and even

more the qualifications that I have mentioned in this and other

letters. The eye that was left to us in this Audiencia, whereby we

could see and direct ourselves to the light, God chose to take from

us, by the death of Andres de Alcaraz. We were left with very great

grief at the loss of so wise and prudent an associate, and at his not

having had so great prudence at his death (at which time one needs

more) as he showed during his life and government, and in governing

himself; for he died without receiving the holy sacraments. However,

one who was sick so long, it is believed, would have often received

communion, since at the end he did not do so. Neither did he dispose

of his possessions, which were not few. Of that Doctor Don Alvaro

de Mesa, probate judge, will advise and inform your Majesty. May God

keep him in heaven, as we scarcely doubt He will.

[_Marginal note_: "This section is answered in the preceding ones. With

your prudence you shall try to direct affairs so that the service of

God our Lord shall be accomplished, and that the good results that

are demanded shall be secured by your person."]

18th. With this reason, I again represent to your Majesty and lay

before you, as I have done at other times, that I may die; for even

if my subjection to death were not so natural, and more liable to

accident, as in one who holds offices exposed to the dangers of sea

and war, I suffer at times from lack of health; and no matter how

poor may be the head, it leaves a lack in any body. Your Majesty has

no auditors here who can govern, even in affairs of only justice and

peace; for at times they prove deficient therein. Had Don Hieronimo

de Silva been absent at such a time--as he has told me that he desires

and has requested leave of your Majesty for it--I do not know to whom

I could leave the charge of military matters, who would bind himself

to such trouble (and even impossibility) as would be the necessity

of obeying, pleasing, and satisfying such leaders.

Until your Majesty shall appoint persons to the government of

Terrenate or to the position of master-of-camp of this place, who,

in such case [_i.e._, the death of the governor], might act in this

capacity--providing for it by the usual methods and appointments,

or as might be more pleasing to your Majesty--I cannot find here any

person whose ability for this is equal to that of the archbishop. He

is a man of force, system, and executive ability; and, in my opinion,

he will lose nothing of the authority and preeminences of the office,

or of the jurisdiction and power that your Majesty might grant him;

for I regard it as certain that he would not err in his government

through having less knowledge than the auditors, and in it would make

arrangements for greater efforts and aid to military affairs and those

who engage therein. The latter would be advantaged by him, for even

in this, although it is not his profession, I consider him as having

more decision and effective energy than the said [auditors] have.

And that it may not appear that I am in every case speaking of them

in general terms (my intention being to tell the plain truth, without

reserve or any other consideration than the telling of it), I declare

what I believe: namely, that if Doctor Don Antonio Rodriguez--who is

the latest auditor, and has not much health or maturity of years--had

resided here longer I would trust his executive ahility in preference

to that of the two others here, whom I do not consider very capable,

for the reasons explained in other letters and in this; for as has

been seen by experience, he shows himself to be a man of greater

knowledge and prudence, and of great sagacity. However, for a long

time there have been rumors (and not few) that he has been the one

who has disturbed the minds of his associates, writing, advising,

and counseling them secretly. But by his not approving the object

of such things, and by his keeping aloof from the others, for that

reason and something of this having been well understood, I do not

consider it as certain or sure; and in other things outside of this

(except that it seems to me that he is anxious to grow rich quickly)

I consider him as a man of good method, very prudent and well informed,

and one who takes pride in appearing to be a good judge.

[_Marginal note_: "Council. May our Lord be pleased to grant you

health, so that, having finished your term of office and fulfilled

the hopes that are entertained of your service, you may be promoted to

better things. Although what is advisable is decreed in this matter,

you will accordingly take all the care possible in it. It is to be

hoped, in our Lord, that He will give you the health that you desire

and the fortunate success that is so important."]

19th. Consequently, I have requested him to take charge of the cause

of one Joan Mohedano who was arrested ten days ago for the accusation

made against him of having entered the seminary of Sancta Potenciana;

and because there are so few here who could act as judges--some not

having authority to try this cause, and others having been refused

therein--it has not been possible to finish it hitherto, which Doctor

Don Antonio will do.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well. Take special note that such crimes and

acts of sacrilege as this demand their punishment in the presence

of our Lord. Accordingly it is advisable, and I order and charge

you, that in this crime and in others similar--may God forbid their

commission--you shall show yourself, as shall the judges who take

charge of these causes, as severe and rigorous in judgment, and prompt

in their despatch, as the cause requires. You shall advise me fully,

in a short account, of what should be done in this matter, and the

sentence and execution of justice therein."]

20th. As for the other two causes similar to the above, of which I have

also informed your Majesty, I remitted that of Captain Don Fernando

Bezerra to Licentiate Legaspi; for certain persons, on seeing justice

done in this land, say that it is not justice, but only passion, while

others say that it is cruelty. Accordingly he concluded and judged it,

and freed him. For the same reason, I committed to him the appeal

to the Audiencia in the other cause of Don Joan de la Vega. While

the latter, on my conscience, was more than guilty enough to suffer

decapitation (to which I sentenced him), the same auditors so managed

the cause that at last they did the same thing; they set him free,

and condemned Captain Lucas de Mañozca, formerly alcalde-in-ordinary

of this city--who aided me in this cause and others to the service of

your Majesty--to the sum of five hundred pesos and other penalties,

and caused him to suffer a considerable time in prison, and to spend

for other particular objects much time and money.

[_Marginal note_: "You and the Audiencia have already been answered in

regard to this matter, as to what must be done. Now you are ordered to

send a copy of these processes and acts--so that, having been examined,

the satisfaction that is proper may be obtained--and of the justice

that has been administered in like matters." [27]

21st. I am accustomed at times, for the sake of greater assurance,

to refer to the Audiencia certain causes and matters that are

of importance to your Majesty's service and the obligation of

my office--some, to one of the auditors, who consults with me in

them; and in some, according to their nature--to ask them for their

opinions. They are generally accustomed to excuse themselves from

all of these, if they do not care to attend to them, and arguments

or reason do not suffice for it. I cannot tell how they are to be

compelled to act if reason does not move them, or unless your Majesty

be pleased to order a reform in this matter, with the orders that

concern each one, and what is to be done both in the above and in

the declaration of jurisdictions--concerning which I wrote to your

Majesty quite fully in letters of last year.

[_Marginal note_: "Observe the ordinances according to the despatches

that have been sent you regarding this."]

22d. I have committed the inspection of this country--which your

Majesty ordered to be made by one of the auditors for the consolation

and relief of its miserable natives, and of which no memorandum

exists as to when it must be made--to Doctor Don Alvaro de Mesa,

as he is in better health and more suitable for that purpose than

are his other associates. Although he resisted (even saying that I

could not appoint him), and even gave me other excuses, I think that

he would do it after the conclusion of this despatch of ships, had

not the commissions come for the residencias that your Majesty has

entrusted to him. Consequently, when he concludes these, if there is

nothing else to hinder, or another associate who may then be regarded

as more suitable for it, he will have to do it. Yet I petition your

Majesty to have him advised of his obligation in this matter.

[_Marginal note_: "These inspections are very essential, since they

are based on the relief of miserable persons, and in no way can the

condition of affairs be fully ascertained unless by means of these

inspections; and the most advisable measures can hardly be well

understood, if the condition and facts of what ought to be remedied

and can be bettered are not known. Hence I again charge you to pay

especial attention to these inspections. The Audiencia is commanded to

observe the orders that you shall give in your capacity as president,

so that each auditor, when it concerns him, may observe his obligations

and go out on the inspections." [28]]

23d. On receiving your Majesty's despatch, in observance of your royal

order that was directed to me, I gave his despatch to the fiscal,

Don Joan de Alvarado Bracamonte, ordering him to refrain from going

to the Audiencia and from the exercise of such office, and that he

get ready to embark. He did so, and when he was ready for his voyage

and had placed on board what he had for it, and while he was making

his farewells preparatory to embarking: he was arrested by the judge

of his residencia, in order that he might give bail for the claims

and appear before the judge; and the property found to be his was

sequestered. Thereupon, what he had aboard ship was taken ashore. I

communicated to the Audiencia your Majesty's royal order to embark,

that he had received. It appeared right for him to give bail. That

and other things were referred to the said judge, to whom I also

showed the decree, so that he might facilitate the preparations of

the said Don Joan and act according to justice. But it must be that

he could not do so until now; for yesterday, when I had come from

Cavite, and the ships had sailed--even being outside the bay, since

they are not seen inside it--the notary of the residencia came to me

to say that the judge had now remitted the imprisonment and removed

the guards with whom he had arrested the said fiscal. As if now there

were any resource for his embarcation; or as if one could send him,

with his goods, household, and sea-stores, overland on the shoulders

of Indians, in order to intercept the ship at the landing-place

where these letter packets go out! I am sending a statement of the

time when I was informed of it, lest the matter should be forgotten,

or in case he should not choose to make this report. As I know him,

and here are now recognized the unjust complaints that he makes,

that the Audiencia have hindered him in part from the exercise of

his commission, I deem it advisable that the truth be recounted,

without leaving it solely to his relation; for I am sure that he

has not been restrained in anything, and that in this regard the

Audiencia has proceeded with circumspection and particular care, as

they also know him. Although to all there his ancient hostility to

us was apparent, for which reason the fiscal challenged his judge,

the only provision made in the matter was that he be accompanied as

should be deemed advisable by the acts. From them likewise will be

apparent the certainty of the guilt of which he has been accused.

[_Marginal note_: "Have this section filed with everything touching

the causes of this fiscal; and should there be any letter from the

latter that discusses this point, let a report of it be made when

this section is examined. Have the governor answered, that we are

advised of this; and that he will be answered in a separate letter

regarding this particular."]

24th. Answering the letters and decrees that I received from your

Majesty just now, in those matters that I shall not have answered

and satisfied in the course of this letter, I declare that I have

done or arranged most or a great part of what your Majesty orders

in them. For I have always been careful to do all that I knew with

certainty; or should consider to be advantageous to your Majesty's

service, the efficient management of your royal treasury, and the

welfare of this land, without halting therein because of the lack

of such royal commands and orders, but not exceeding those given to

this government. Consequently, when I received the said letters, I

had already suppressed the repartimiento of rice, a thing so unjust

and harmful, as they informed your Majesty and as I wrote last year.

[_Marginal note_: "In regard to what you say in this section, you are

to note that, for the better understanding of the correspondence that

is maintained with you, you observe in the future the order that is

always followed. You shall always advise us of the receipt of the

despatches, with the day, month, and year of their date, and also

the dates of your receipt of them. In its order you shall insert the

section written you; and, after answering it, you shall go on to the

next, observing the same order. By that means, what you have received

and what you have answered to that particular case can be separately

and explicitly ascertained, and although, with your good prudence,

you shall have enacted certain things beforehand, which are already

executed, in whole or in part, at the time of their ordering, or you

shall have been intending such action, yet you shall advise us of

what is ordered and of its fulfilment. That concluded, in a separate

letter you shall report, as you are doing, of the other matters that

it is advisable should be understood, in the department and office

to which your correspondence goes, of what is ordered you, and what

you have done, and the notice of what you say, so that you may be

answered and what is advisable be provided."]

25th. In the same manner, I have reduced the pay that it has been

customary to give, of all those who came here with me.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well."]

26th. In Terrenate there are four salaries of thirty pesos. Those who

enjoy them are men of service and merits, both for aiding the governor

and for their ability to enter and supply the lack of any captain, or

to be entrusted with any post or affair that demands such a person. I

am ignorant of the assignment and origin of these salaries, and by

whom they were made. I shall inform myself of it from the documents

of those forts, and ascertain what people are sufficient for them. I

shall give your Majesty a full account of everything, so that you

may take what measures you deem best.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well. Observe what is ordained."]

27th. The expense incurred in Terrenate, both in the pay and in the

reënforcements and other extraordinary demands, is of such nature

that it is very heavy, although according to the account, not very

adequate; and as yet I have not made it so large as your Majesty

has been informed. It is a fact that, without that drainage of men

and money, the expenses here would be much less; and we would get

along and live with very small expenditures, and much better. But

it must also be considered that if the enemy enjoy Maluco in quiet,

their profits and gains would be very great; and I think they could

consequently succeed in whatever plan they wished, and whatever they

did would result well. But because they do not possess it, there

is war--in which he will prevail and succeed better who has more

tenacity and force, especially on the sea. He who will remain lord

of them will be lord of many profits and riches, which can be taken

from these districts. Inasmuch as this is a matter that demands a

more orderly and full treatment, in regard to experience and certain

well considered relations, I shall not involve myself further in it,

until I shall be able to do so with these necessary conditions. But

I shall endeavor to do it as soon and as much better as possible.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well. Endeavor will always be made to

reënforce and protect those islands and your government with the

forces possible. But as these are limited, and consumed in so many

diverse occasions and armies in Germany, Flandes, and Ytalia, and

other places, it is highly advisable, as has been written you, to be

careful in your expenses and in the accuracy of their account. It is

also desirable that you endeavor to work the mines of the country,

and to carry on a factory and the trade of cloves and drugs as much

as is possible, so that you may sustain yourselves and may not prove

so expensive, as has been represented to you in preceding clauses."]

28th. I shall also endeavor to tell your Majesty what I shall ascertain

and hear about the duties on the cloves of Terrenate and the factory,

taking for that the depositions of the Audiencia and of the royal

officials--which I shall not do now, for want of time. In the opinion

that I asked from them some days ago in regard to sending [a vessel] to

trade for cloves on your Majesty's account with goods and money that I

had for that purpose, Don Alvaro opposed me so strongly in everything,

that one would think that he considers that the risks are mine and

that it is done on my account (as if the gains were mine), rather

than for your Majesty's service. However, I sent the goods necessary

for this trading, because of the gain that results from it and its

investment to the royal revenues and the provisions brought from India.

[_Marginal note_: "Council. You have already been answered as to

this."]

29th. If it is true, as has been said in regard to these despatches of

ships from Terrenate, India, and Nueva España, that the relatives and

followers of him who made and managed them have profited, now, thanks

to God, things are run more openly and honestly, at least in so far as

I have authority, and in matters that I can prevent or remedy. That I

do, in such manner that well do my condition and that of my servants

attest it; for the latter live on the rations and clothes that I

give them now, and they will do so until they be entitled to more as

citizens, and not by serving me, or by other merits. Consequently,

I can affirm that the offices that my predecessors have given to the

citizens, in fulfilment of your Majesty's orders, I have granted in

the same manner; and have even given them others to which they had

no right, either by custom or royal decree.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well, and I trust that you will govern

yourself in all matters as I expect from your person."]

30th. In regard to preferring one's relatives, I have thus far not

done anything that is not strictly in accordance with your Majesty's

service. Two companies are under one of my cousins and a cousin

of my wife, because of their many years of service when I gave

those companies to them. One of them I entrusted with the office

of alcalde-mayor in a place where he was, for an interim of four

days. Outside of that I remember nothing more in this particular.

I shall not neglect to tell your Majesty what occurs to me in this

matter, so that you may take what measures in it are deemed fitting:

namely, that eight out of ten of the influential men that come here

come with the governors, and the other two in various ways and through

various causes, and with honorable intents. Of those other and common

men who came to retail what they bought there [_i.e._, in España],

those who established a place in order to gamble, and those who came

under sentence (and these men are numerous), some, because of having

acquired money, try to imitate the men of rank and merits here. Of

a truth there are many of the latter to esteem, and I shall do it,

employing each one as he deserves and for what he is suitable. For

that reason, however, it is not advisable that the number of the

influential, good and useful men should not continue to increase. I

assure your Majesty that not a few of those whom I brought with me

were such, and some of them of qualities no less excellent than those

above mentioned possess. I believe that their deeds will remain and

testify as to that.

[_Marginal note_: "Observe in this matter what has been written

you; and whenever there is any occasion for any of these persons to

be employed, advise us of their qualities, and answer will be made

regarding them. In the meantime, furnish a good example, in your good

life, discipline, and manner of governing, so that the other people,

imitating you, may live as is proper and may obey and observe the

commands given them." _In another hand_: "It is well."]

31st. The deeds of Don Luis Fajardo, my brother, will, I trust in God,

judging from the road that he is taking, merit not only the honor

and favor that your Majesty has given him, with the pay of thirty

[pesos?] that he now enjoys (for which we both kiss your royal feet

in all humility and acknowledgment), if not even greater favors,

such as we his brothers receive and his father received.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well. In everything that pertains to you,

account of your person shall be taken, as well as just remembrance

of the services of your father."]

32d. In one of the letters and decrees of your Majesty, to which I am

replying, was a memorial signed by Joan Ruis de Contreras, concerning

posts, pay, and other things which were represented to your Majesty

as unnecessary. Because of it you ordered it to be sent to me for

the restriction of those things. I shall endeavor to observe it

with the circumspection and consideration that is advisable to the

service of your Majesty, consulting on the matter with the Audiencia,

the master-of-camp, and the royal officials. Whatever expense they

shall find that can be reduced will be reduced. If I believed that

it could be done throughout without any disadvantage, it would all

be done. But for greater justification I shall make this effort;

and if your Majesty shall yet order, notwithstanding what seems

best here, that it is more advisable to retrench everything, that

will accordingly be done. Security will at least be given for the

salaries that are not reduced, by the persons who should enjoy them,

so that they would be returned if your Majesty did not consider it

fitting; or if not, I shall pay them, although I should not do so

willingly. Inasmuch as the salaries of those of all the posts and

offices were not stated in the memorial I shall do so here.

The sargento-mayor of this camp and city of Manila receives forty

ducados of ten reals each per month.

There are three adjutants, two of whom receive pay of twenty-four

ducados per month; while the other serves in the ordinary post of

soldier, waiting until one of the two paid offices becomes vacant,

and on account of meriting more. All are necessary.

The captain of the guard receives twenty-four ducados of ten reals

per month.

The companies have their two drummers and the ordinary additional

pay but not all of them.

The reduction will include the companies that lately came new,

as that is more proper, in order not to cause the old colors to be

disbanded. But they will not be greatly restricted, if the captains

and officers with their staff have brought a year's advance pay from

Nueva Spaña.

The castellan of Manila enjoys eight hundred pesos per year, or

fifty-three ducados of ten reals, and three and one-third reals per

month. If he has an encomienda, in addition to this, as your Majesty

has been informed, it is a very small one.

His lieutenant receives twenty-eight ducados of ten reals.

The other lesser officers and soldiers receive the pay of those of

any company of the army.

The commandants of the forts of Nueva Segovia, the town of Arebalo,

and the city of Cibu, receive each thirteen ducadoes of ten reals,

plus three and one-third reals per month. Will your Majesty decide,

according to the clear statement of this relation, what you desire

to be reduced, and the reduction will be carried out, in accordance

with your royal order; and the said effort will be made immediately,

in order to assure this expense, as it certainly shall be reduced

from now on.

[_Marginal note_: "Join to this section what was written to him, and

bring them here this afternoon. What you write in this section has

been caused by some misunderstanding. In order that you may understand

it better, and that what is advisable be done, three points are to be

noted by you. The first is in regard to the number of men who have the

title of officer. If such offices are those of the old men--that is,

those offices that were introduced, and which have always existed,

since the creation of the infantry [there], and which have always been

filled by such men--there shall be no innovation. In case that other

and supernumerary offices shall have been added, this is what you are

to reduce, because this number of officers is costly and only serves

for expense and the ambition that there be many to command, and that

the infantry be in charge of many superiors. All that is contrary to

good military discipline. Such is usually tolerated in temporary armies

when they go out on a campaign, because of the special achievements

and undertakings in which they are occupied, all of which is usual

in the training of the militia. In the reductions ordered or made in

the armies of Flandes and other places, this order has always been

observed. The contrary is bad government, and means debt where there

is no revenue, and causes the accounts to be always in arrears and

to be never entirely paid--especially to the common soldiers, to whom

the officers are always preferred. The second point concerns the pay,

and what was ordered you by a section of the letter of December 19,

618, and what is contained in the relation of the secretary Juan Ruis

de Contreras. The pay of the ordinary officers shall not be entirely

suppressed but only lessened and reduced in accordance with the old

list; and the increase of pay that has been granted them shall be

reduced for the just causes contained in the despatches where this

is ordered to you. In this consideration, also, you are ordered, by

virtue of what has been given you in the said despatches, that if,

besides what there might be of this reduction of pay, you should find

any pay, even though of those long in service, that is not strictly

necessary, and that will not detract from the necessary defense,

it shall also be lessened and reduced, cautiously, as is advisable,

in order that the service be made effective, that as much expense as

possible be avoided, and that there be sufficient revenue with which

to pay the active and serviceable soldiers. The third point is what

you mention concerning consultation with the Audiencia and with other

persons, in order to avoid difficulties. If this cannot be secured

in executing what has been ordered you, and in the rest, it will be

advisable that you speak clearly and not in ambiguous and general

terms--especially stating what those difficulties are, what injury

they cause, and whether they concern the public, or only the private

affairs of certain interested parties. For to the latter no attention

is to be given, since it is certain that every one is working for his

own interest and profit. Whenever these reductions have been made in

armies and militia, they are resented at the beginning. Everything

is assured, as is advisable, with good management and the execution

of what is ordered. Hence I again charge you most earnestly that,

inasmuch as this matter of the expenses and revenues of those islands

is paramount and cannot be overlooked, you shall endeavor to preserve

whatever is possible, paying heed that the expense of what you shall

take upon yourself does not prove of greater harm than what you are

trying to remedy thereby."]

33d. I shall endeavor to have the same done in all the expenses that

should be increased, when their utility and necessity should not be

clear and evident, if they are not approved and confirmed by your

Majesty. I shall exercise constant care that the expenses do not

increase in the treasury sessions. I have also tried and shall try to

lessen the expenses of the articles that are generally requested from

Nueva Spaña, and that can be avoided; for never have fewer things been

requested than now, as will be seen by the enclosed certifications.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well."]

34th. The most considerable and valuable part of the abundant aid that

your Majesty was informed was given me in Nueva Spaña, when I came

here, was the soldiers; and of them the most and best, and those who

made the best appearance, were the men that I brought from Spaña. The

greater part of these, or nearly all, came aided and helped with my

money, and even with the plate and silver pieces of my household. I

do not know that notice of it should have been given to your Majesty,

for one should not charge to you so slight a service to whom all his

possessions, his blood, and his life are due. Consequently, I am not

surprised that this should have been passed by for another.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well."]

35th. The number of tributes will be placed in the titles of the

encomiendas, what they pay, the value of their products, and in what

district they are located, as your Majesty orders.

Your Majesty has some encomiendas apportioned to your royal crown,

some distance from here and in a district where their products cannot

be used. That is the most serious thing; for the collectors generally

defraud [the royal officials] by saying that it was a bad year,

and that they collected in money. If they confess to have collected

something in kind, they say that it was too great trouble to bring it;

and they sell it there, as they wish--perhaps selling it at retail to

one who immediately returns it to them, and, besides this, harassing

the Indians. On account of the distance, that is not often discovered,

and less often can it be proved. And so that your Majesty might have

much greater benefit from another equal number of tributes, I think

that, as the encomiendas of private persons of La Pampanga and those

in other districts near here, which yield a good harvest in products,

continue to fall vacant, they should be exchanged for the said distant

ones; for the latter will not be unsuitable with which to reward

services. If they have a private person as encomendero, the Indians

will be much better treated, and the tributes will be well collected

and administered, with more justification and mildness. The tributes

near here will result well for your Majesty through the profit on those

paid in kind, which can come from this bay overland and by rivers,

straight to the door of the magazines. It would be better for your

Majesty to have charge of them than the encomenderos, for they are

so near the Indians that they never fail to gather in a harvest of

some kind--either in services, or some other thing. Being so near the

governor, no collector would dare to treat the Indians badly. For

the above reasons I think that I shall place this in execution as

opportunity offers, unless I am so strongly opposed in this as in

other things, that I would be embarrassed in it--although I cannot

see what arguments they would have for doing so.

[_Marginal note_: "Council. This scheme and method of management that

you present is excellent, and thus you shall do. In the council of the

treasury, you shall always continue to deliberate on what could be of

greater advantage to my royal revenues. Thus shall you do and advise,

since it will all be so proper and justifiable, as I expect from

you. You have noted one matter of unjust government, namely, excess

[in the collections.] Accordingly, you ought to censure and punish

it, and not permit any officer of justice or collector, whether for

himself or for third persons, to be able to collect in public auction,

or secretly outside of public auction, any products or articles that

are owed by tributarios, landlords, Indians, or debtors. For great

frauds are wont to ensue in that, and the laws punish and prohibit

such acts as you are advised. For greater justification in the matter,

the above shall be set forth as a clause in the patents made out for

each one of these collectors, with a penalty of four times the amount

of any excess that they might obtain."]

36th. All the letters and decrees directed to this royal Audiencia,

and your Majesty's orders therein, will be punctually fulfilled,

although in the sale of offices, the city declares that it has sent

a petition to your Majesty with representations of the justice in

not diminishing here the little that there is with which to reward

services. However, those that might bring a considerable price will

be sold, and likewise those that might cause no great difficulty.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well. In these matters of difficulties,

you shall observe the order written to you in the preceding section."]

37th. I have heard that some of the reports of services and merits

that are generally made by order and officially, which your Majesty

commands and orders to be made, as is fitting and as is ordered,

have been too much exaggerated and favored by the opinions of the

Audiencia. By this new system, and by what I am attempting and shall

attempt to fulfil, I hope this will be corrected--although since

the making of these reports is usually divided among the auditors,

each one appears to be favorable to his own client. If they agree in

their opinions, this difficulty would scarcely intervene.

Among the reports made and despatched this year are three, seemingly

most justifiable. One is that of Captain Francisco Moreno Donoso,

a man of honorable character, and who, as I have understood, has

fulfilled his obligations as he should--both in peace, where he has

been esteemed and honored; and in affairs of war that have occurred

and have been entrusted to him. If your Majesty be pleased to occupy

him in one of the posts that he desires, and of which the Audiencia

expresses its opinion, my opinion is that he deserves it, and will

give excellent service.

I cannot refrain from saying the same in the second report, that of

Admiral Rodrigo de Guillestegui, for many reasons, especially those

that have moved me to what I have written your Majesty in other

letters, because of his honored abilities, services, and merits.

Admiral Joan Baptista Molina has no less, but as much as he who

deserves them most. He is an old soldier, having served from his

youth, and is as obedient and attentive as when a youth. He deserves

thoroughly what is said in the opinion, but I would be sorry to have

him go from here before me, for I am glad to have the aid of soldiers

who have always professed the trade of arms. On that account your

Majesty should not neglect to concede him the favor that he requests,

for he has also deserved it, as appears from his papers.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well. In these relations and reports made by

the Audiencia, charge them in the assembly that they try to make them

with the exactness and integrity that the case requires. Inasmuch as

the importunity and presumption of the parties necessitates at times

that unsuitable things be said or done, the remedy for that will be for

you to send--in a separate letter, that treats only of this matter--an

annual relation of the persons who have had their reports taken under

color of remuneration for services. You shall say of each one whatever

offers; and here the necessary secrecy will be maintained. Although

you have been informed at length regarding this matter, inasmuch as

it is an essential point you are again charged with it."]

38th. On finishing the present despatch, I shall do what your Majesty

orders me to do, together with the archbishop, both of us summoning

the provincials of the orders who reside here, and charging them with

the reformation of the matters contained in the section that treats

of this.

He who made such a relation to your Majesty might have made it more

complete by saying what is so true, that there are in these orders

(in which also there are those of every sort, as in all countries),

religious so virtuous and exemplary that if laymen did not divert and

engage them in their affairs, they would, I believe, work miracles. But

they are so importuned that many cannot stay in their cells; nor do

those who go to their cells to disturb them leave them until they

negotiate with them what they desire. It might easily happen that any

one who had received an unmerited favor from their hand, gave pay for

it by such a relation, which is the one practiced here. The relation

that I can make for your Majesty is, that there are among them men very

pentitent and of most exemplary life, and of great utility for souls;

and also others who render vain any merits in one who does not fulfil

their command and will. If it has been said that they distress the

Indians, this is not to be believed of all of them, for most of them

at most times respond with great charity and love to the defense of

the natives of their districts, even when the latter are of such a

nature that almost all do not care to have this protection.

In what pertains to your Majesty's service, according to what I

have experienced, I can say that thus far all the orders--each one

in what concerns it generally--have often responded well, for which

I render them many thanks. The fact is, that since that does not

keep them satisfied in all matters (for that is impossible), I have

found the secret for this particular, namely, to refer everything to

the religious of the district where such [_i.e._, personal, by the

Indians] service is rendered to your Majesty, making them masters and

intermediaries in the pay, which takes precedence of all else, as I

have done. Everything is executed in a wonderful and perfect manner;

but without this expedient, there is nothing to hope, but rather the

reverse. For anything that the religious do not wish cannot be done,

by any means or method; for no one has any influence without them,

except themselves. In my opinion, and that of many, they are lords

in the temporal and spiritual affairs of the Indians, both men and

women, and even of the Spaniards. There is no one who can oppose

or who does oppose them, for there is no one from whom to obtain

redress, not only in such things, but in regard to the complaints of

Indians. For the provincials and superiors have before their eyes

the end of their offices, and the necessity of their returning to

be inferiors. Consequently, so long as your Majesty furnishes no

remedy--either by your order that some superior should be sent who

would not have to remain here afterward without acting as superior;

or by giving authority to the bishops of those districts over the

ministers of the missions--it must continue forever as hitherto. Well

might Maestro Don Fray Diego de Guevara tell the little rigor that

the provincial of St. Francis displayed toward certain friars who

lost respect for him--among whom was one who went for the bishop with

a sword and dagger, as if the right of each one was to lie in such

armor. I have heard that he drew up a testimony in order to give your

Majesty an account of it, and also of what little need there is for

a bishop in his bishopric.

I can also tell what happened to me with this same provincial, when,

on the arrival of the morning of holy Thursday, I freed Pedro Alvarez,

government notary--who is said to be some relative of his, and who

was arrested on the charge of that desertion of which I have already

written your Majesty in the present letters, telling you that I would

have recourse to the judge who tried his cause. He succeeded in making

the provincial resolve, and decide obstinately as to what he had to do

for him, or had to preach of me, just as he pleased. He fulfilled it,

as a man of his word. Although it was not much, it was so uncertain,

that his conscience obliged him, according to what the other religious

say, to retract it publicly in another sermon. This is Fray Pedro de

Sant Pablo, one of those considered here as a most holy man. I think

that he must be one.

As appears, by his protection and by that of Fray Joan Baptista of

the same Order of St. Francis, Pedro Alvarez resolved to have me told

that, unless I determined to give to his office the distribution of

the Sangley licenses, he would write [information] against me. That

threat did not give me any anxiety, but such audacity made me angry,

as did the fact that those fathers had given hospitality in their

house for it, if not for my being a magistrate, at least for what I

represent, and since this is the royal patronage. But the latter is

here regarded by them as nothing. Then they draw copies of what my

predecessors in this government thought.

[_Marginal note_: "Ecclesiastical council. In regard to this matter

of the religious, in another section what has been written you is

the order that you must observe; and to the Audiencia, so that they

may order that in no case shall religious be admitted as witnesses,

except in the manner ordered. The same has been said in regard to

the insertions, so that like things or matters may be embarrassed in

no manner. Thus shall you fulfil the order. In accordance with this,

general letters are being written to the provincials of the orders,

which will be given them by your hand. In regard to what you say here

of the sermons, and that the religious reserve approbation or reproof,

with censure or gratefulness, for the persons whom they wish, this is

prohibited by different general laws, councils, orders, etc. In some

of their own special rules, a penalty is assigned them, among others,

of reserved excommunication [29] to the [_MS. holed_]lation. Thus shall

you be advised of this, so that you may govern yourself according

to the matters that arise; and you shall inform those fathers. You

shall endeavor to avoid the trouble caused you by what you say in

this section, and shall reduce matters to plain and open terms, so

that what you say at the last shall not contradict what you say in

the beginning. Have general letters written to all the provincials

of the orders, who already know that it is forbidden under the most

severe penalties by divers councils, canonical rules, orders, laws,

etc., and by our decrees, for preachers to censure the government

in the sermons that they give to the people or in conversation with

private persons, or to speak evil of their ecclesiastical or secular

superiors, by censuring their management or action, in order that the

people or private persons may not cast discredit on their superiors

and be scandalized. Neither shall they meddle or interfere in secular

affairs; but shall continue in their seclusion, and in the observance

of their vows, as they are obliged. Inasmuch as it has been learned

that, contrary to the tenor of all this, and to the serious harm of the

administration of justice, many religious and preachers, and others

who hold special offices transgress against the above rules, from

which results odium cast on the religious, factions, the intimidation

of justice, the reduction of affairs to their way of thinking and to

their will, and other great annoyances, which they cause continually

under pretext of insertions, importunities, and impositions hidden

under the name of charity: I charge and warn you to take particular

care that the religious of your order and you, in what concerns you,

observe the aforesaid, and they likewise. They shall not transgress

in proceedings of that sort, for such things being so, it will be

necessary to use other and more special remedies, as has already

been called to your attention by the said decrees despatched to the

viceroys, audiencias, and governors of their districts. I expect from

your devotion, and from your obligation for the continued kindness that

is shown you, that you will endeavor to inculcate the reform and proper

method of procedure in this that is required for the good government

of those islands, and the preservation of the public peace."]

39th. In order that your Majesty may know what this Pedro Alvarez

demands, I shall relate it here as briefly as possible, referring you

to the report made concerning it (which is enclosed with the licenses

of the Sangleys), since these licenses have been given in writing here,

many years since [30] the imposition or tax of the eight pesos, for

distribution by different persons to whom the governor committed it,

or whom he appointed. Of these the Sangleys paid two reals for the

cost of the document, whether printed or written. The notary, judge,

interpreter, and other agents who made this distribution, according

to the order of the judge himself or of the governor, were ordered to

distribute them. In this the government notary never had any hand,

share, or participation. Many years after the payment of the eight

pesos which were collected for it, and slightly before the death of

Don Juan de Silva, Gaspar Alvarez, then government notary, petitioned

the governor to allow him to countersign them after the former had

signed them, in order to get hold of it. This is the same thing that

his nephew demands now. Don Juan, who was under many obligations to

him, and was by nature very liberal, did not hesitate to concede it

to him. Consequently, Gaspar Alvarez countersigned the licenses by

declaring that he did so. I do not know why so special a commission

as this should belong to the government notary--especially when,

because he may be busy or for just reasons, the governor does not

sign them, and entrusts them to a trustworthy and qualified person

who signs them. For if this had to be given to the charge of the

government notary, although from the division of the two reals he

would get only the third, which would amount to five hundred pesos,

besides another four hundred that he demands annually from the royal

treasury, by arguments that moved them at a meeting of the treasury

to concede them to him--but which I abrogated because it did not seem

proper, as I have advised your Majesty before now, from which has

resulted that anger of his--the whole would amount to nine hundred

pesos of sure income, which means a principal of eighteen thousand

pesos, although it only cost seventeen thousand, for which your

Majesty sold the office to him. The office yielded [_MS. holed_:

last?] year, without counting these nine hundred pesos, more than

two thousand five hundred. In other matters pertaining to this,

I refer to the report that, as above stated, in enclosed herewith.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well. Have the fiscal examine this

section." _In another hand_: "It was taken to the fiscal."]

40th. I had already made a beginning in what your Majesty orders to

be done in the opening and working of gold mines, as I was desirous

of obtaining such an order by authority, with excellent news. What I

can impart of it is the news written me by Captain Garcia de Aldana,

to whom I entrusted it. [31] Consequently, I am sending his letter

and a copy with this, and his duplicate, in which he adds that they

have greater hopes than those that we promised ourselves from the

mines, since we had to continue the entrance into those provinces,

and endeavor to enjoy the fruits of our labor, with the pacification

and reduction of so many people to the service of your Majesty,

and their souls to the service of God (which is the thing of

chief importance). If all cannot be obtained at once, it is well

to have already made a beginning, and that it shall continue to

advance. Touching the gold, it cannot be little, since those Indians

who are called Ygolotes do not extract more than what they need

for trade and barter--for cattle, salt, and iron--with our peaceful

Indians with whom they trade. One year ago, from that province alone,

according to the report here, the latter brought for sale to this

city about twenty thousand taes, each of which is equivalent to

a peso of ten reals. When we secure efficient management of these

mines and the duties from them, it may be that they will help in

many expenses. That I shall do this with as great energy and force as

possible, there is no doubt. The fathers of the Order of St. Dominic

have assisted me greatly in this; and those of St. Augustine, in this

and in whatever has offered in the service of your Majesty. For what

I owe in all this, and in order to declare the truth in all things,

I certify this to your Majesty.

Although the fathers of the Society have no missions in those provinces

near there, they supported very well by writing and speech the reasons

and just rights that we had for making this entrance, so that no one

doubted them--not even the members of the Audiencia, as I have written

to your Majesty in this letter. What I can say of the Jesuits and their

devotion, system, procedure, and prudence, and their gain of souls, is

that they differ in no wise from what they are and do in those kingdoms

[_i.e._, España and Portugal], and in those where they exert themselves

in the conversion of new Christianities. For that reason, and because

they do not return [to Europe] daily, as do others, it will be a good

thing for your Majesty to grant them the religious that they request.

The discalced Recollects of St. Augustine also help toward the same

end of the pacification of the said provinces. I have known naught but

humility among them in all things hitherto, and they do not meddle

with the government of what does not concern them; nor do they do

anything else outside their profession--offering to take charge of

certain missions on the entrance into Ytuy, which lies on the other

side next the missions of the Ygolotes. I bear them in mind and will

try to act in concert with them by this same path, God helping. May

His Divine Majesty, as He is able, bring it to pass so that they may

know Him as their God, and your Majesty for their as well as our king.

[_Marginal note_: "Ecclesiastical."]

41st. Thanks to our Lord, this country is peaceful and prosperous

in other things. The native vassals are orderly and full of courage,

and those who were living in the forests have been reduced to their

settlements and missions, being very confident that their possessions

will not be taken from them, and that no repartimiento or [_MS. holed_:

edict?] will be made among them, or that any other service will

force them to flee or to be made slaves, in order to make them render

service, as has happened to innumerable of these poor wretches; for

they hope that what I have done hitherto to relieve them from so many

burdens will be continued. If I avail myself of their services in any

unavoidable and necessary labor, I do so, by paying them beforehand,

saving the money from other things for it. Consequently, they now

rather desire the opportunity to earn money by their services or the

products of their fields, which now they reckon and hold as their

own. I trust that, with divine favor, this will go daily from good

to better, and that everything will succeed in the same way, until

acts of injustice to these poor wretches will be avoided. Although

I was taking delight in doing thus, now I am very happy, for I have

learned what your Majesty desires, and that you commit this to me.

They and we are so well supplied with churches that inside this

city and about one legua around it, there are thirty of them, unless

I have counted wrong; and of those not three are of other material

than stone, nor are there as many others that fail to cause expense

to your Majesty and labor to the natives--and this in one legua about

the city as I have said, in a semicircle, which is even not entire,

for the other half falls within this bay. I have not resolved before

now to inform your Majesty of it, because I hesitated, on the grounds

that our Lord would be just so much better served by the increase of

churches, and these Christians would be better governed. But since your

Majesty is discussing the limitation of this, I cannot refrain from

answering you with the plain and naked truth. Well do I know that this

and the other things that I have related have not [_MS. holed_] me,

because I am already advised of it; and [_MS. holed_] resolution and

execution of many, among whom are some who have issued a proclamation

[for the services of the Indians?], while it was prohibited, for anyone

in the world, not only of their profession but also for seculars,

to issue one. But considering as surely slight any peril that will

result, if revenge is to be taken on truth as truth, while, on the

contrary, the neglect to tell the truth will result in great risk,

I am convinced that I am doing my duty in this. [32] If they should

say that I am a very good governor, your Majesty does not excuse me

from my residencia for that reason. If they should say that I am very

evil, I petition you to hear us all, and that you will pardon me for

saying this which was unnecessary.

[_Marginal note_: "Ecclesiastical government. You mention some

things in this section which it is advisable for you to understand

thoroughly because of their gravity and for their better management,

as follows. What you say of the good treatment of the natives, and

of the burdens and evils that come upon them, is excellent. Endeavor

that what you think best be carried out in regard to their services,

relieving, consoling, and comforting them by good works, equity, and

administration of justice, taking their cause _ex officio_ against the

more influential and powerful who [_MS. holed_: oppress?] them. This,

being to the service of our Lord and good government, will give a most

effective example and method for the reduction of the rest of the

natives of those islands, and their incorporation into the Catholic

church and our government. Accordingly endeavor to do what you have

so thoroughly understood, and live with the prudence that the matter

necessitates. Inform yourself by all means of what is being done,

and of the fruit that results from it. No church or convent, not

even a chapel, ought to be, or can be, founded unless concurrent

with your permission, and that of the Audiencia, together with

that of the ordinary. You shall demolish and reduce to its former

state what should be done in violation of this, for the contrary is

disobedience, spoliation, and offense; and it is not proper that

reward, or permission to contradict what is proper, should follow

from such assumptions, and that the insolent shame by their license

those who are obedient and modest. The number of churches that you

mention seems great, and there is excess in that, about which it is

proper to be cautious. For few churches, well served and endowed,

are advisable and are sufficient, while from a great number of them

signal disadvantages arise. You shall take note of all this, for

religious zeal, when unaccompanied with the knowledge and prudence

necessary, becomes excess and disorder, and a matter for troubles,

which will be avoided by seeing that the churches are established in

the manner above mentioned."]

42d. One of those of this profession, named Pedro Leussara, has been

arrested on the petition of parties whom he has greatly offended,

by word and writing, in the most vital part of their honor--and

without proof, as will be seen by the writ. In this matter, if natural

inclination frees from guilt, he will have to remain free.

[_Marginal note_: "It is well."]

43d. A ship just now in from Malaca brings as news that it was known

there that the Dutch and English were already allied; but when the

relief that we are awaiting arrives, I hope, with Divine favor,

for better results. May our Lord give them to us, as He is able;

and may He preserve the royal Catholic person of your Majesty, as

Christendom needs. Manila, August 15, 1620.

[_Marginal note_: "War. It is well. You have already been advised

concerning this."]

44th. While about to direct these despatches, so that they might cross

over to Mindoro--where the ships generally stop in order to lighten

and get sailors for their voyage--I am told that the ships had not

even been able to double the island of Fortuna, because of the violent

head-winds, which have continued there with so great force; and also

that [_MS. holed_] from China, which, although it is more than one

month since they left, have not had the weather to enable them to

get entirely free of the shoals and promontories of this bay, which

is in [_MS. holed_] the greatest difficulty. I trust, God helping,

that the weather will moderate, for the sake of all.

_Don Alonso Fajardo de Tença_

[_This belongs to the second section_: "Have a letter written to

the viceroy of Nueva España, enclosing a copy of this section,

and advising him at the same time of what is being written to the

governor. Having informed himself of these disorders and lack of

good management that have been observed in the government agents

and persons who take part in that despatch of ships, he shall be

advised that he must investigate and punish it. What results from

that is being awaited for public example, which is so necessary,

and for the better despatch of those ships. Inasmuch as both the

remedy and the punishment are to be included in this investigation,

you [_i.e._, the viceroy of Nueva España] shall endeavor to procure

the execution of this with the earnestness demanded by the matter. In

the future very trusty men shall be appointed, namely, men who do

not commit the offenses and disorders so strongly prohibited. The

vessels particularly shall sail very lightly laden, and in the order

mentioned in the preceding section. Inasmuch as I understand that what

the governor notes in his letter about sending unnecessary and costly

things has been remedied, you are again charged to send a detailed

relation every year to the Council of everything sent [to Filipinas],

so that we may know what articles and products are sent, their prices,

and whether they contain any things mentioned by the governor. It

is a serious matter, and one that heavily charges your conscience

and the reputation of the officials--who in that matter are aware

that it is declared that in order to burden the royal treasury and

to give advantages to third persons, opportunity is given for such

actions. The service that you would perform would be very grateful

to us, if you would advise us immediately of the condign punishment

of any official guilty of such an offense; for it is a great offense

for those who are placed in offices to protect the royal treasury,

and to benefit the public cause, to convert the exercise of their

offices into all manner of wrongs like this."]

[_Note to section 4_: "Have a copy of this section sent to the

[India] House of Trade. State that although the matter there mentioned

has always been considered harmful to the general commerce of these

kingdoms; and although the silver which must come here from Peru would

in great part, if not all, be taken to Eastern Yndia, and delivered

to our enemies, whereby two wrongs would ensue, since the Filipinas

serve only as a station and bridge: still we have considered whether

adjusting the matter in the following manner would be a suitable

expedient, and one that would avoid all the troubles mentioned. That

the reënforcements be sent straight to Filipinas from Panama, since

it is a road so sure and favorable; and also, as pointed out in this

section, one could take the merchandise from España that would be

useful and valuable in Filipinas, with which the blessing of this

trade could be enjoyed; and that the soldiers could sail from España

until they should disembark for the short journey from Chagre River to

Panama. In order to avoid any silver from Peru being taken in these

vessels on their departure to Filipinas and so that the merchandise

of those islands might not be brought to Peru on the return trip

(which is forbidden), it shall be ordered that the return trip

of those ships be to Acapulco, as now--prohibiting them under any

circumstance from returning to Panama, Callao, or any port of Tierra

Firme; and so that these boats should not remain [idle] in Acapulco

without making a voyage, they might be used for the voyage to Peru,

because of the permission that has been decreed for the preservation

of mutual correspondence and trade between Peru and Acapulco. They

shall advise us of their opinion, so that all expedient measures

may be taken. Likewise have all the matter bearing on this in the

Peruvian secretarial office collected, so that, upon the arrival of

the relation from Lalasa, the most expedient measures in all things

may be taken, and the [present] section of this letter answered."]

[_Note to section 13, which these decrees concern_: "Have a letter

written to the Audiencia telling them that inasmuch as it has

been learned that some government officials, both lawyers and

clerks, notwithstanding the prohibition decreed by royal acts,

laws, and decrees--forbidding them to trade or engage in business,

buy, sell, or lade vessels, themselves or through intermediaries,

under the penalties contained in the said laws, acts, and decrees

against all the aforesaid--secretly and clandestinely, under cover of

intermediaries, make confidants of certain persons, so that, by means

of the said trade, they not only become rich but prove an obstacle to

the benefit of the royal revenues, besides causing other evils which

are not mentioned because they are well known: for the correction of

all this it has been commanded and ordered that if any of the said

officials should be guilty of like transgressions, the president and

governor and captain-general of those islands shall investigate and

verify the aforesaid and send us a report, so that, after examining

it, justice may be meted out and the fitting remedy applied. When

the said investigation shall prove guilt, we have ordered the said

president by an act, to sequester property, and to be rigorous in

the sentence of this execution, according as we decreed it, and in

the form ordered. In order that you understand this, this decree is

despatched." _In another hand_: "Despatch a decree to the Audiencia,

so that if there should be any mutual doubt--whether any on the part

of the president toward the Audiencia, or on the part of the latter

toward the president, concerning the matters of ceremony that must be

observed toward the said president and governor and captain-general

of those islands and his wife--in such case, the claims of each

side shall be considered with the modesty, gravity, and promptness

that are desirable; and I shall be advised of the result, so that

after examining it I may decree what is expedient. And inasmuch as

time spent in such matters is not only the loss of time necessary for

other things, but also the causing of certain rivalries harmful to the

common welfare; and inasmuch as under this pretext they are accustomed

to revenge themselves for certain causes of anger: in order to avoid

disturbances from persons who are obliged to give so good an example,

I thus also order and command, and desire that you understand that,

together with decreeing what shall be expedient in such matters, I

shall order that he who shall be at all guilty of this, or who should

violate customs or make any demonstration at public celebrations that

is observed, or who leaves the body of the church or the public place

where he ought to be, be punished severely and exemplarily; for that

very thing serves as a scandal to the public, and a bad example to

all, and these acts would arouse mutual enmities, to the harm of the

royal service."]

[_Note to section 20_: "Have a letter written to the Audiencia saying

that inasmuch as letters were sent to them in regard to these matters

in the despatch of a former year, on such and such a day of such a

month and of such a year, a section to the following effect (here

insert the section). And now it has been learned by a letter from

Don Alonso Faxardo, present governor of those islands, that those

criminals have been set at liberty; and, in order that what happened

in this matter may be understood, it is ordered that you send a

copy of the records, together with the part of the fiscal, with a

memorial collated by him of all that results from the deed; so that,

having examined it, the expedient measures may be taken, and that

the condition of everything may be understood. The memorial and the

records which shall be remitted shall be communicated to the governor,

so that if there should be anything of which to advise, he may do it."]

[_Note to section 22_: "Have a letter written to the Audiencia and

a copy of it sent to the governor, in which mention shall be made

that although it has been ruled by royal ordinances and decrees, and

by other divers letters and orders, as to those things which must be

observed, and the official visits to the natives in all and whatsoever

parts where there are missions and where justice is administered,

this is not obeyed with the exactness required by the case; and

on that depends the relief and compensation of the poor, and the

punishment of those who live licentiously, or make bad use of their

offices. The visits were introduced for the consolation and relief of

the natives--not only on that account, but in order to ascertain the

characteristics of each region, and the products and articles that can

be produced in them and carried in case of need to any other region;

and in order to take what measures may be advisable for justice and

good government. It has been learned that this has not been done with

the exactness required, and that on account of the personal occupation

and toils that generally accompany it, you excuse yourselves and state

other objections, in order not to make those visits; but I order you

to busy yourselves in them, in accordance with the order that shall

be given you by your president, Don Alonso Fajardo, who shall advise

me of what shall be done in this. You shall take very special care

to send a minute copy of the findings for the districts visited; for

thus it is advisable for the good government and for the information

that must be had of affairs there; and so that what has been ordered

for the benefit of the natives may not be converted into mischief

and burdens for them, especially since that land is pacified. It is

ordered to you that, in going to make the said visits, you observe

the order decreed, avoiding followers and retainers. And in order

that we may have the satisfaction necessary from this, when you send

a relation of the said visits, you shall send one of the men whom

the visitor took with him, and an account of what occurred in this."]

Letter from Felipe III to Fajardo

The King: To Don Alonso Faxardo de Tenza, my governor and

captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, and president of my royal

Audiencia residing there. The letter which you wrote me on the tenth

of August of the past year has been received and examined in my royal

Council of the Yndias; and the resolutions adopted in regard to the

matters discussed therein will be explained to you in this.

You say that Francisco Lopez Tamayo, on account of his many years and

ill health, has left the office of accountant which he occupied, and

that you have appointed in his place Pedro de Lenzara, as he appeared

to you a suitable and intelligent person. In filling this office you

have used the care and attention which the matter demands; accordingly

the appointment will remain with [him as] a person competent for

this employment.

You inform us that in a council held in the time of your predecessor,

which consisted of himself, the auditors of the Audiencia there,

and the officials of my royal exchequer, it was decided to give,

distributed among them and the archbishop of the metropolitan church of

that city, and other officials of the said Audiencia, three thousand

four hundred fanégas of rice at the price at which my tributes are

given to me; and when you saw that they had not my order for this,

you ordered that the said grant of rice should not be continued, and

that what had been received should be restored if I did not decree

otherwise. In this order, and in discontinuing the four hundred pesos

which were given to the governor's secretary, you have done well,

and this action was advisable, and conformable to justice; and you

are to understand that, if there are other affairs of this kind

beside those which you have pointed out, they are to be corrected,

and an account of everything given to my fiscal, so that in respect

to them he may fulfil the obligation of his office.

You have done well in having ordered that the money from the treasury

of property of deceased persons in that city--which used to be taken

to the treasury at Mexico without benefit in the property for their

souls or their heirs, being divided or invested by order of the court

having the jurisdiction in such matters--should be placed in my royal

treasury and be paid in the said treasury of Mexico from the money

which on my account is to be sent to those islands. What you have

decreed in regard to this is just and expedient; and as for what

you mention in regard to the proceeds of the bulls, you will do the

same if the circumstances and conditions of their collection allow

of it. You will act according to previous directions.

You say that the licentiate Andres de Alcaraz, my auditor in that

Audiencia, wished to go to Mexico last year in the ships which left

those islands for Nueva España; and that, he did not do so because

he was sick, and because of your urgent request that he should not

desert the Audiencia until the other auditors thereof should become

proficient in the despatch of business and the duties of their offices,

on account of the lack of harmony among them. As it is fitting that

those things which you mention in general terms should be explained

in detail, you will advise me what they are, and in regard to what

persons, since as president of that Audiencia you are in duty bound to

give the information, so that, having been considered, provision may be

made according to justice; and in the meantime you ought to correct and

warn them in such manner that all shall be peaceful and that scandal

shall cease--for this is the sole cause of bad government, of justice

losing its prestige, and of those who are appointed to remedy evils

being the authors thereof. In order to do away with this, I have had

letters written to the other auditors (a copy of which is sent you),

warning them that they must be subject to your person, and maintain

the respect and ceremony due to you by virtue of your office. Of the

rest which you mention in that clause I have been informed.

As for what you say in regard to not considering it expedient for my

royal service that the order which I have given should be executed

which directs that, on the death of the governors of those islands,

the duties of the office of captain-general should be exercised by

the oldest auditor of that Audiencia; and what seems best to you

to provide in this matter in order to do away with the difficulties

which might be feared if, the licentiate Andres de Alcaraz being gone,

the licentiate Jeronimo de Legaspi should enter upon the said office,

as he is the next oldest auditor, considering the scandal and evil

example with which he and his son, Don Antonio de Legaspi, are living:

may God be pleased to grant you health, so that this thing will not

happen which you wish to anticipate; and for this office there are

always persons appointed, and therefore you need not be anxious about

this. Since you show so much dissatisfaction with the said licentiate

Jeronimo de Legaspi, and he and his son have conducted themselves

ill, you will make such investigation as seems most fitting to you;

and with the results thereof you will prefer charges against him,

together with his answers thereto, and send them to my Council, so

that, having examined the documents, they may provide a remedy. I send

you a commission for this with this letter, and you are warned that

your principal duty as president is to watch and be attentive to the

method of procedure of every one of the officials who are dependents of

this government. With which I charge your conscience, and warn you of

the account which you have to give to our Lord therefor, that you may

proceed in a manner not to intimidate justice, nor to propose anything

which shall not be purely for the service of His Divine Majesty, and

the relief of your conscience and mine. Accordingly, let it be noted

that you favor your friends with commendatory reports, or injure those

who are not so well disposed to you by accusing or censuring them;

for, considering that there is no other person there in whom this

trust can be placed except yourself, this warning is necessary.

You recount the service of the licentiate Don Juan de Albarado

Bracamonte in the office of fiscal of that Audiencia, and the

confidence that you have in him. As I have decreed what has appeared to

be expedient in regard to this man, and you will have heard thereof,

I have ordered him to be investigated on account of the continual

complaints I have received in regard to him. I warn you, as in the

preceding clause, that you shall proceed in these reports as justly

and cautiously as is necessary, considering the account which you must

give to God of them; and before you make them you should consider

them with the great attention which I confidently expect from you,

on account of the injuries which would follow if this were not done,

both to the welfare of the people and to yourself.

What you say in regard to the affair at the seminary of Santa

Potenciana, and the investigations which were made in regard to it by

the licentiate Jeronimo de Legaspi, concerning the persons who were

guilty, and the state in which its lawsuits were, may be reduced to

three points. The first, which concerns the seclusion which ought to

be maintained in this seminary, is of the gravest importance; and it

is necessary that there should be special care exercised in regard

to its prudent management, its reception-rooms, and doorkeepers,

and especially the porters. To this end it would be desirable to

inspect the said seminary often, and that its superior should place

only approved persons on guard in the house and residence of those

who are inmates, so that it may be as well secured and safe as is

right; and that with its inmates, if they are guilty, the measures

provided for by the sacred canons and councils should be taken. For

it is not right that a house of prayer, seclusion, and retirement

should be an offense, and scandal, and a cause for sacrilege. As for

the secular persons concerned, I charge and order you to inform them

that the crime which they have committed is one of the greatest which

cry out before God our Lord, defy justice, and offend the nations

and the public cause. And a severe example must be made of them,

not only in the maintenance of justice but in the prompt despatch of

the suits and cases of those who were implicated in so vile a deed;

accordingly you will advise me fully, at all opportunities, of the

condition in which they are, and of the execution of penalties,

and of the corrective measures that have been applied to the said

seminary. The second point concerns the complaint which you present in

regard to the appeals from your decisions which are interposed. This

is so well provided for by the laws that merely by commanding that

these be observed you will have at your disposal all that can be used

for good of justice and of your government; for, in spite of the

appeal of the parties, you can execute the sentence when the guilt

of the accused and the gravity of the case require it. It cannot be

presumed that the Audiencia will hinder you in its execution in such

cases; for what is permitted to an ordinary judge could not justly be

hindered in you, being the person that you are, and the head of that

government. Accordingly, for the fuller justification of the case,

I have ordered that the letter which goes with this be written to

the said Audiencia, and by the copy [sent to you] you will be aware

of its tenor. The third point concerns the lack of obedience in

military matters, and the hindrance to punishment therein. This evil

will be charged to you if you do not exercise in it the most thorough

vigilance, in punishing not only insolent and lawless acts, but even

the appearance of them, and all that would approach either possible

or actual disobedience. For you know that without such strictness

there can be no military discipline, nor any successful result; and

the arms which are borne for the defense of the commonwealth will be

turned to its damage. Accordingly you must treat such cases summarily,

in such manner that there shall be no delay permitted in the punishment

of the act, so that it shall not cause an evil example or scandal. As

for what you mention concerning appeals in this regard, a decision

is sent in the said letter to the Audiencia, as you will there see.

You inform us that the king of Japon and several private persons--great

vassals, and lords of ports of that kingdom--have usually had presents

and valuable articles sent to them from your city at my expense, every

year when a ship went to that country; and for several years this

has not been done, and various religious persons have considered the

matter, and say that those Japanese have observed this, and attributed

it as a lack of esteem for their friendship; and this has aroused them

to resentment, and to prefer the friendship of the Dutch, on account of

the many presents which they give to the Japanese from the spoils they

have taken. You say that since there are some advantages in retaining

friendly intercourse with that country, and for other reasons, you

give me an account of this that I may order what is most fitting for my

service. This consists in the measures suggested by your own prudence,

with the information that you have of the present state of affairs,

and the ordinary relations with Japon; and to whom, how, when, and

in what quantity it is best to make these gifts, in such manner that

they shall only serve to win back their friendship, and not appear a

regular and settled thing, in the manner of an acknowledgment [_i.e._,

of subjection to them]--for that, in the course of time, might be

troublesome in other matters. Accordingly, examining into this in

conformity with your obligation for the benefit of my royal estate,

you will do in this matter what, considering the time and occasion,

you shall judge suitable for the interests of our religion, which is

introduced into Japon, and for peaceful intercourse and friendship,

and the greatest benefit to the traffic and commerce of those islands.

All you say in regard to the affection with which the citizens

of that city came forward to serve me on the occasion of the last

year--offering not only their persons and servants, but lending the

slaves that they have and a hundred and ninety-five thousand pesos--is

very gratifying. To these persons in especial, and to all generally,

you will show this reply, that they may understand how grateful I

am for their loyal service and fidelity; and that on occasions which

may arise for their advancement and benefit in property, they will be

remunerated, as will be seen in future. As to what you say in regard

to Don Juan Ronquillo no resolution will be adopted in regard to him

until the termination of the suit in which he is engaged. The affair

will be settled as soon as possible after the arrival of the papers,

and on that will depend what shall be done with this person--of whose

service and their good results I am well informed, and for which I

wish to show him favor. In regard to Rodrigo de Guilestegui you will

advise me more fully in what way provision can be made for him. I

have been advised of the good qualities and merits which you say are

displayed in Don Fernando Centeno Maldonado. You mention likewise

how little justification there is for some of the informations

which have been made by that Audiencia concerning the merits and

services of those who claim that I should favor them. This has been

so understood in my Council of the Yndias; and, for its remedy, you

will so conduct this matter in the session of the Audiencia that no

information shall be despatched, notwithstanding that it shall have

been reviewed by an auditor, without its being again looked over by

the whole Audiencia in its entirety--you being present as president,

governor, and captain-general--and in no other manner; and each one

giving his opinion, even if he alone should think that the merits of

the person are insufficient because, on account of favor or by other

means, they are presented when not based upon adequate services. In the

case of Gonzalo Bazquez de Lara, notary, what you have done is proper;

and you will advise me in detail of the execution of sentence in this

case, as you know the great evils which this would cause in the future,

and which have come from it in the past, and how important it is to

purge the commonwealth of such persons.

The orders of the Society and St. Dominic have been provided with

the persons whom their superiors asked for, as you will be aware;

thus your suggestion in regard to this has been carried out.

Since you say that the Order of St. Augustine has taken in its charge

with great zeal to facilitate and execute all which has been and is

necessary to accomplish in my royal service--and especially Fray

Alonzo de Baraona, the provincial, and the definitors have done

so--it will be very desirable that you should therefore confer

with them, and likewise with the provincial and definitors of the

discalced [Augustinians], and give them to understand my gratitude

to them. You will especially express to them the pleasure which I

have experienced in learning their good reputation for procedure,

religion, and prudence, and suggest that they should continue this,

as I trust they will; and say that I shall always remember, both in

general their order in those islands, and themselves individually,

as they shall see by the results. And you shall take care to encourage

them to the preaching of the gospel, and the benefit and enrichment of

souls, so that the public welfare shall not suffer for lack thereof;

for it is my intention to aid them so far as possible; and the affairs

of those islands, although they lie so far distant from my court, are

very near to my thoughts. I trust through our Lord that, He lending

you His divine favor, and you meriting it by your good government,

you may put all in such good order that it will be preserved and

advanced, and the enemy shall lose more.

There are none of your letters which have not been answered, and the

same may be said of those from the Audiencia, the officials of my

royal estate, and other officers. Madrid, December 13, 1620.

_I The King_

By command of the king, our lord:

_Pedro de Ledesma_

Memorial, y Relacion para sv Magestad

By, Hernando de los Rios Coronel. Madrid: Fernando Correa, 1621.

_Source_: This is translated and synopsized from the copy of the

original printed work owned by the Library of Congress.

_Translation_: The translation and synopsis are made by Robert

W. Haight and James A. Robertson.

_Memorial_,

_And Relation_

_For His Majesty, of the Procurator-General of the_

Filipinas, of what it is advisable to reform, and of the wealth

contained in them, and in the Islands of Maluco.

In the year 1621.

_Madrid_

By _the widow of Fernando Correa_.

Memorial and Relation of the Filipinas

Sire:

I, Hernando de los Ríos Coronel; an ordained priest, and

procurator-general of the Filipinas Islands, Maluco, and all that

archipelago, declared that, about thirty-two years ago or more,

I went to the Filipinas Islands, where I lived a considerable time

in the military habit and exercise, and as a citizen of the city of

Manila, but with greater desires than strength to serve your Majesty,

and endeavoring to give indications of this to all the inhabitants

of that kingdom. On that account, they charged me with, and loaded

upon my shoulders, in the year 1605, the weight of their cares and

troubles. I came to this court, where I prostrated myself many times

before the royal feet of his Majesty who is in heaven, and gave him

an account of those things. I returned to that kingdom in the year

1610, to give account there of myself, and of my mission, undergoing

many hardships and perils. Although such might have been avoided,

and I could have made stipulations for my comfort and rest, as I had

opportunity to do in your royal Council of the Indias, I confess that

I know not what interior force and natural inclination has always

induced me to prefer the service of your Majesty, and the welfare and

increase of that kingdom, to my own rest or comfort--which, in order

to follow your service, I have never regarded as important, or given

it any care. Inasmuch as times change affairs, and considering the many

casualties caused by the enemy from Olanda, things have come to a very

different pass from that in which I then left them. For that reason,

that entire kingdom and its estates resolved that I should return again

to confer with your Majesty and your royal councils concerning what was

most advisable for your royal service and the welfare and relief of

that land. And although I found that I needed some rest in a corner,

and it was a severe trial for me to consent again to undergo more

arduous labors, and difficulties so much greater as are the gravity of

affairs in those islands and the multitude of the enemies with whom the

seas are infested, yet that desire and inclination [for your Majesty's

service] had so much power over me that I postponed all my rest.

I offer your Majesty this relation, which, when I came to this court

about three years ago, [33] I gave to his Majesty who is in heaven,

so that he might be informed, as was desirable, of that kingdom so

remote from his royal eyes. I felt now that I was obliged to present

it to your Majesty, and on this occasion I have taken the opportunity

to extend it to greater length, and to give your Majesty a fuller

account--being encouraged to do so by seeing the glorious beginnings

that your Majesty has given to your monarchy, on which, in the name

of that kingdom, I give your Majesty a thousand congratulations,

and may you enjoy it very many years, with the greatest happiness

and increasing prosperity. I have written this relation with entire

exactness and truth regarding all the facts that I have collected

during so many years--and thus as well as was possible to me--without

considering any human respects, which are what usually obscure such

mirrors, in order that they might not give the light that is desirable

in such an account. I relate, then, what has occurred in Filipinas,

from the time of their first discoverers; their tendency toward,

advancement; and the mildest and most advisable measures for the

attainment of admirable ends. I trust, through God our Lord, that,

if this child and offspring of my intellect has the good fortune

to pass before the royal eyes of your Majesty, it will be of great

importance to your royal service.

[The present book is divided into three parts. Part first, consisting

of ten chapters, is a short résumé of Philippine history from the

earliest discoveries until the naval battle at Playa Honda with

the Dutch. The second part, consisting of seven chapters, deals

more intimately with the needs and resources of the islands, and

the importance of their conservation--that is, of matters that fell

particularly to Los Rios in his capacity of procurator-general. The

third part, in five chapters, relates to ecclesiastical matters in the

Philippines, and contains brief remarks on the Moluccas. The first six

chapters of part first are here only synopsized, with some extracts,

as they deal with matters rather fully presented heretofore in this

series. All the remainder of the book is translated in full.]

Part First

[Chapter I treats "of the first discoverers of the Filipinas, and of

their location." In rapid survey Los Rios sketches the expeditions of

Magalhães, Loaisa, Villalobos, and Legazpi, although wrongly placing

the latter's death in 1574 instead of 1572. The location of the islands

is briefly described and the names of some of the principal ones given,

among them "Mindanao, which is the largest, and with which we are at

war, although it had formerly rendered your Majesty homage." Continuing

his narrative, the governorships of Guido de Labaçares (whose

death is wrongly stated as occurring in 1575), Francisco de Sande,

the two Ronquillos (who are mentioned as brothers), and Santiago

de Vera, are lightly mentioned. Limahon's expedition against Manila

(wrongly ascribed to the period of Legazpi's governorship), and Sande's

expedition to Borneo are particularly mentioned. The latter sacked the

Bornean king's city "with but little justification." In his time also

the Chinese trade begins to be steady. Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa

on coming to assume the governorship, according to the terms of his

contract, brings a number of colonists, "who were called _rodeados_

[34] because they had come by way of Panama ... He was a peaceful

man, although--because he had brought two sons with him, besides

other relatives, whom he allowed to live with considerable laxity;

and because numerous complaints had been written from the city to

his Majesty--his Majesty, seeing the great trouble experienced in

preaching the gospel, the evil example that those sons and relatives

furnished, and the harm that this would cause unless it were stopped,

removed Ronquillo from his governorship, and sent the royal Audiencia

to govern, and as governor and captain-general its president, one

Santiago de Vera." On the latter's arrival he finds Diego Ronquillo

governing because of Gonzalo's death. An Indian, in snuffing the

candles on the latter's catafalque, accidentally sets fire to some

rich draperies. The fire remains unnoticed and smoulders until, the

friars in attendance having left the church, it bursts into flame,

and the city is entirely burned, and the site of the fort, Santiago,

becomes a lake. Tomas Vimble (Candish), who captures the Santa Ana near

California in 1587, sets all its crew ashore, with the exception of

a priest whom he hangs. Alonso Sanchez's voyage to Spain and Rome as

procurator-general is influential in the suppression of the Audiencia

and the election of Gomez Perez Dasmariñas as governor. Sanchez

"wrote some treatises about the justification of the kings of España,

and their right of title to the Filipinas, which merit that time do

not bury them, although they exist in the archives of the Council

of the Indias. He seems a prophet in many of his statements in those

treatises." [35]

In Chapter II some of the leading events of the term of Gomez Perez

Dasmariñas are noted, and his unfortunate death. Such is his activity

and care "that he alone aggrandized that city more than had all

his predecessors, or his successors to this time." Negotiations

are opened with Japan, and the embassy from Camboja begging for

aid against Siam is received at Manila. "I believe," says Los Rios,

"that if he had done it, it would have been a great stroke of fortune,

and your Majesty would justly be lord of that kingdom and of Sian,

which is very wealthy. That is the only thing in which I believe that

Gomez Perez erred."

The succession of Luis Perez Dasmariñas to the government of the

Philippines, and the designs of the Chinese to capture the islands,

form the subject matter of Chapter III. By virtue of his father's

will and a royal decree empowering the latter to name his successor in

case of absence or death, Luis Perez takes over the command from Pedro

de Rojas, who has been elected by the city, with which "all the city

received great happiness, both because of what they owed the father,

and the love that they bore the son, of whose heroic virtues much

might be said." The Chinese send a vast fleet to Manila in charge of a

number of mandarins, in order to conquer Luzón, because they fear the

Spaniards, and "would much rather see us very far from their kingdom

than to have the gain derived from us ... The governor received the

mandarins and their embassy, who pretended that they came to trade,

and asked us not to receive the Japanese in our ports, who are their

mortal enemies; and taking farewell of them with a good countenance,

he sent them to their own country. The next year one of those mandarins

returned disguised, in order to act the spy, but as I was inspecting

the ships, I noticed and arrested him; but such is the cunning of

those people, that he was able to clear himself, so that it seemed

better to the governor and to Doctor Antonio de Morga, his lieutenant

of justice, to allow the mandarin to return to his own country."

The expedition to Camboja by Gallinato, and events there, and the

arrival of Mendaña's ship at Manila are told in Chapter IV. Blaz

Ruyz, Diego Veloso, and Pantaleon Carnero, having seized the vessel

on which they were being carried as prisoners to Siam from Camboja,

arrive at Manila, and induce the sending of the three vessels under

Gallinato. [36] The latter, however, is blown out of his course as

far as the strait of Sincapura. The other two vessels under Blas Ruyz

and Diego Veloso reach Camboja, but the ship of the latter is wrecked

on the coast. "A relative of the legitimate king was then ruling,

one Nancaparan Prabantul," whom their arrival does not please. The

trouble with the Chinese follows, of the three thousand of whom, the

Spaniards kill five hundred, and the consequent embassy of Blas Ruyz

with forty men to Sistor. The king's refusal to treat with them unless

they make reparation to the Chinese, and his evident preparations

to seize their small body of men, lead to the attack on the palace,

the killing of the king and one of his sons, and the flight to the

Spanish ship, leaving three killed--one Indian, one Japanese, and one

Spaniard--but with many wounded. Gallinato's arrival at this juncture

puts an end to affairs there, and all depart for Cochinchina, where

Blas Ruyz and Diego Veloso go to find the legitimate king of Camboja

at Laos, "crossing those kingdoms for more than two hundred leguas,

through territory where a Spaniard had never been seen ... I have

related this event because of the many fictions that were told

here about Captain Gallinato, who, although a good soldier, did

nothing else in the kingdom of Camboxa. Of it Fray Diego Duarte,

a Dominican, now residing at Alcala de Henares, procurator of his

order in the Filipinas Islands, who was one of those who were present

at the death of the king of Camboxa--and not the least important

one there--and Captain Don Miguel de Xaque de los Rios, now at this

court, are witnesses." The arrival at Manila of "Doña Isabel Varreto,"

wife of "Alvaro de Amendaña," is chronicled. The discovery that they

attempted to make from Peru can be made better from the Philippines,

and at less cost, because of its proximity to those regions.

Chapter V treats of events during the term of Francisco Tello, the main

part of the chapter being devoted to Louis Perez Dasmariñas's ill-fated

expedition to Camboja. Tello "began to govern with forbearance,

although one thing that he did before reaching the city seems to have

presaged the evils of the future." This was in his detention of the

ship bound for Nueva España, until he could reach Manila and make

a report to the king. As a consequence the vessel, sailing late,

experienced so great storms that it was compelled to put in at a

Japanese port, "and King Taycosama took their goods away from them, and

it was the cause of the martyrdom of twenty-six Franciscan religious,

and of the ruin of Manila ... Don Francisco began his government, in

amusing himself with his authority and abundance, and in neglecting to

despatch the ships on time; of which he should have taken warning by

the loss of which he had been the cause, in the wreck of the galleon

'San Felipe' as above stated. But he did not amend his ways, and

for that same reason other vessels were wrecked later--one called

'Santa Margarita,' which was wrecked among the Ladrones Islands;

and another called 'San Geronimo' which was wrecked at the island of

Catanduanes,... and another which sailed from Cibu, called 'Jesus

Maria,' which was seen no more. And the worst of all was that such

neglect became so firmly established, that it would not have been

remedied later, and the same troubles would have occurred, unless we

had made use of two royal decrees that his Majesty, King Don Felipe

Third, conceded to me in the year of 68; [37] and on account of that

neglect great need has come upon that kingdom." The expedition of

Oliver van Noordt is very lightly touched. Luis Perez Dasmariñas fits

out an expedition of three ships for the relief of Camboja at his own

cost, and Los Rios sails in the flagship. Misfortune follows them,

and the flagship is lost on the Chinese coast. Such is the hatred

of the Portuguese at Macao to the Spaniards "that as soon as they

heard of our disaster, they issued an edict that no one should aid

us under penalty of confiscation of his property, and three years in

the galleys." Los Rios with eight men lands in order to seek a pilot,

and after various adventures is granted audience by the Chinese, who

offer asylum to the Spaniards and rebuke the Portuguese. Continuing,

a short description is given of Macao, which has about five hundred

Portuguese inhabitants; its duties and other gains, however, belong to

the Chinese monarch. The principal occupation of the inhabitants is the

raw-silk trade with Japan. For the benefit of trade and religion, Los

Rios thinks it advisable to depopulate Macao and suppress it. Indeed

the hate of the Portuguese goes so far that they attack the remnants

of Luis Perez's expedition as it is about to return home. All their

hostility they clinch with "a royal decree given more than thirty

years ago, in which your Majesty [38] orders Castilians not to go to

that port to trade. It is very important for your Majesty to order the

Portuguese not to use that decree for the evil that they do us--not

only those of us who go there to trade (which was the reason of its

being granted), but also to those of us who make port and arrive

there wrecked."

Events of Pedro Acuña's government occupy the sixth chapter. "Don

Pedro was a restrained and absolutely uncovetous gentleman, and lived

temperately. He was affable and open to all; but signal disasters

occurred during his term. The Indians of Mindanao ruined those islands,

carrying away many captives and quantities of wealth, burning churches,

and injuring images, to the great loss of our prestige. Also more than

twenty thousand Chinese revolted in the city; and because the warnings

of the archbishop and many other persons were not believed, the remedy

was not applied in time, which would have been easy. However, although

we prevailed against them (with evident miracles), the kingdom was

ruined." This neglect of Acuña results in the massacre of Luis Perez

Dasmariñas and more than one hundred and fifty men, only one of the

company escaping. To neglect Los Rios charges "the greatest ills" that

have happened in the Indias. The expedition made to Maluco by royal

command succeeds well. The victory reacts on the Spaniards, however,

because of the ill-treatment inflicted by the latter on the king of

Ternate, whom they take captive to Manila; and the Moluccans ally

themselves with the Dutch. Los Rios begs that good treatment be given

to the captive king, who is still in Manila, who, although well treated

during Acuña's life, is afterward neglected and uncared for. [39] Los

Rios asks that good treatment be accorded to the king "for the sake

of your Majesty's reputation with those nations; for they will think

that you order your ministers to inflict that ill-treatment.... Don

Pedro de Acuña died when he was beginning to open his eyes, and to

govern very acceptably to all. It is rumored that he was poisoned,

although I cannot persuade myself of that fact." As governor _ad

interim_ the viceroy of Nueva España sends Rodrigo de Vivero, who

governs until the arrival of Juan de Silva, when he sets sail in the

ship "San Francisco," but is wrecked at Japan, because it sailed late.]

Chapter VII. Of the government of Don Juan de Silva, and events with

the Dutch.

On the death of Don Pedro de Acuña in the year 606, your Majesty sent

Don Juan de Silva to govern.

Upon his arrival at that kingdom, he was given an opportunity to put

his wishes into effect. A Dutchman arrived there with four ships and

one patache, and, having stationed himself at the entrance of the

bay of Manila, remained there six months, capturing and pillaging

all who came to the city. Don Juan de Silva had no ships ready to

go out to drive the Dutch from that port; but, with the stay of the

enemy, he set to work to repair four ships that were there, and to

finish another that was being built in a shipyard. He made haste,

and used the iron gratings from the houses of the citizens for the

nails that he needed, which the people gave willingly, as well as

whatever else was necessary. Further, he also cast five large pieces

of artillery, with which, and with the artillery in the forts, he made

ready and equipped five ships with high free-board, and three galleys,

and manned them with the most valiant of the soldiers and citizens,

among all of them more than one thousand men being Spaniards alone. He

found the enemy very careless, his ships filled with wealth from

many rich vessels that they had pillaged, belonging to the Chinese

which were coming to Manila, laden with the merchandise that came

yearly. He found only three ships, and attacking and grappling with

one of them, it was blown up because of a fire that unfortunately

caught. The other two surrendered, although the victory was not

bought cheaply, for many people were killed. It had been stated two

months before that that victory would be gained on St. Mark's day,

[40] as happened, and, as he recounted one night, had been told to

him. But who would say that that victory was to begin his perdition,

and so many troubles as I shall relate?

Don Juan de Silva was made very rich by that victory, for the fifth

of the booty which your Majesty conceded to him was worth more than

two hundred thousand pesos, as I learned from his own mouth. Besides

that, the victory induced in him thoughts for great undertakings,

and he did not stop to compare the wealth of that kingdom with his

designs. He discussed building a fleet to go to Terrenate, and put the

matter into execution. Although he was greatly opposed by the entire

city--and especially by the royal Audiencia and royal officials, who

judged from their experience that the plan was not advisable--yet he

acted in defiance of them, and left Manila with his fleet, leaving

the natives grievously burdened with taxes, your Majesty's treasury

indebted to a vast amount, and the city without artillery. He went

to Maluco, and not only did he not accomplish any good result, but

he even returned with little reputation derived from that expedition,

as all had foretold.

He desired to correct that mischief, and determined, without any

one's counsel, to build seven galleons, which, with the three that

he had, would make ten in all, and also six galleys. That was an

undertaking disproportionate to the possibility of his forces, and

innumerable evils resulted from it, just as they generally result to

him who does not proportion means to ends, and who does not measure

desires with strength. When he fought at Playa Honda with the Dutch,

as he grappled he recognized the advantage that the larger ships had

over the others. Consequently, he determined to build his ships so

large that they should be superior to any ship that the enemy would

bring. For that purpose he made them of one thousand, one thousand

five hundred, and nearly two thousand toneladas. He began to make

arrangements for putting his desire into execution, and at the same

time to write to the viceroy of India to send him ten more galleons

and six galleys, so that the forces of both governments being united,

they might at the same time complete the expulsion of the Dutch from

the archipelago and seize their forts and factories. That idea would

have been very commendable, and the most efficacious means of all,

if he could have carried it out as he conceived it. I believe that,

in order to facilitate that, he wrote to your Majesty, whereupon this

court was filled with hopes. But to place it in execution, he had

as much foundation as will be seen here. The forces of India are so

few, that, although Silva was told that the viceroy could not send

him six ships--and those that could go would be poorly equipped;

and that if he did send them, the coasts of India would be left

unprotected, which were daily being infested; and, besides, that they

knew by experience--the little love that the Portuguese bear to the

Castilians and that he should not trust in them--still by sending money

to build galleons and for the men, of which at least one-half million

[pesos] would be necessary, the viceroy would send that fleet. Don

Juan de Silva was without funds; on the contrary, the royal treasury

was deeply in debt from the expedition to Maluco. Still, in order

to forward his designs, he sent his master-of-camp, Christoval de

Azqueta, with pledges and securities made out by the royal officials,

binding your Majesty's royal treasury in order to get the money

there from merchandise, and paying interest on them--a transaction

which was considered ridiculous to those who knew India. He gave the

master-of-camp sixteen thousand pesos which he borrowed in gold from

the inhabitants of Manila, in order that he might bring back some

necessary things. The master-of-camp sailed in a ship accompanied by

forty Spaniards to indicate his authority. As yet, not one of them

has been seen; and it is considered certain that all were drowned,

since no further news has been heard of them. On the other hand, Silva

wrote to the viceroy of Nueva España that he was building that fleet,

and requested money, men, and ammunition from him. He despatched so

late the ships, which had arrived on time, that although the viceroy

made his utmost exertions he could not perform the friendly offices

that Silva desired.

He began to place the said galleons on the stocks, and, as they

were so large, scarcely could he find the necessary timbers in

the forest. Consequently, he had to have them sought under great

difficulties, and by penetrating the thicker recesses of the

woods. There having found them, it was necessary, in order to drag

and carry them to the shipyard, to depopulate the surrounding villages

of the Indians, and to drag the timbers with immense labor, hardship,

and cost to the Indians. The masts of one galleon cost the Indians, as

is affirmed by the religious of St. Francis, and as I heard declared

by the alcalde-mayor of the province where they were cut--namely, La

Laguna de Bay--the labor of six thousand Indians for three months to

drag them over very rough mountains. They were paid by the villages

at the rate of forty reals per month apiece, but were given nothing

to eat, and therefore, the wretched Indian had to look for food. I

shall not relate the cruel and inhuman treatment of the agents, and

the many Indians who died in the forest. Had those galleons been of

moderate size, and twice as many, they would not have cost one-half as

much. Neither shall I tell your Majesty of the Indians who were hanged,

those who deserted their wives and children and fled exhausted to the

mountains, and those sold as slaves to pay the taxes imposed on them;

the scandal to the gospel, and the so irreparable wrongs caused by that

shipbuilding; and with how great inhumanity they passed sentence on and

executed on the poor Indian not only what was necessary, but also what

the lawless greed of agents took from him. In short, the hardships,

injuries, and harm inflicted upon the Indians were vast, and there

was no remedy for it. And hence those ships had so disastrous an end;

for all were wrecked in a storm, and all those in them were drowned

forty leguas from the city--divine permission, which is so offended

at injuries done to the poor, exacting those lives in order to make

reparation for such wrongs. Now more than one million [pesos] is due

to the Indians and there is no hope of recompense. From that may be

inferred how great should be the trustworthiness and Christian spirit

of those persons who are to govern the Filipinas, since they have no

one to restrain them for the injuries that they commit. Besides the

said wrongs, those that I shall now relate were no less.

When he discussed building those ships, three years before that fleet

should be taken out, he ordered all the soldiers of the islands to

be collected, and the forts and important posts to be abandoned,

especially a fort in the city of Cibu. He took all the artillery

and carried it to Manila, which was the cause of the Mindanaos

destroying those islands when they learned that, without any one

opposing them. He also ordered that no one leave the city without his

permission, under serve penalties. On the one hand, he kept the men

there desperate, who could not go out to find food; and on the other,

gave them nothing. Therefore, many men fled through those surrounding

kingdoms. And, when he most needed sailors, more than two hundred of

them fled because of ill treatment and because they were deprived

of one-half their rations. He imposed many taxes upon the Indians,

with great oppression to them on account of the food that was ruined

because it was not needed so early. As a result, he brought the country

to the extreme of poverty, even worse than if the enemy had sacked it.

On the other hand he sent to Japon for metals with which to cast

artillery, and for saltpeter for powder; and they brought him what

he had sent to ask. In two years he cast one hundred and fifty

large pieces of artillery; but he had no master who understood it,

and consequently the pieces were so poorly made that none of them

stood the test. I saw twenty pieces out of thirty-six burst at the

first shot, as the gunner, one Pedro Castaño, who is in this court,

will tell; consequently they did not dare to test the cannon with the

royal test. There was an excellent founder there, named Don Diego de

Prado, who had made considerable artillery in Lisboa. Silva refused to

accept him, but on the contrary let him go to España by way of India,

although he should have diligently looked for him. He is a friar here

now, named Basilio. They were unable to get a piece that could be

used, although they tried in various ways. They continued these efforts

until certain Japanese built some ovens, in their own fashion, and made

some bellows which forced in a great quantity of air. Those produced

better artillery, although some of these pieces also burst, for they

did not hit upon the alloy of copper in accordance with its quality.

Don Juan de Silva persisted in his intentions; and, seeing after two

years had passed that the master-of-camp Azqueta had not arrived,

and that it must be believed that he had been drowned, he sent a

father rector of the Society of Jesus, named Juan de Ribera, [41]

and Captain Don Diego de Miranda, a Portuguese, to Goa, so that,

in his name, they might ask the viceroy for the said galleons; and

they did so. Although with great objection and opposition from the

city of Goa, the viceroy gave them four galleons and four galliots,

with very few and badly disciplined crews. What took place in India

in regard to that matter is a pity. Your Majesty needs to make many

reforms there, because of the danger of losing that country through

the poor discipline of the soldiers, as they themselves confess,

and warning of this has been given in many memorials.

They started for Manila, and arrived at Malaca and at the Strait late

and in bad weather. The commander did not dare pass on, although he

was urged and pressed to do so by the rector of the Society. Matters

came to such a pass that the commander told the father that he would

put him below decks, and the soldiers tried to kill him, for they

said that he was going to drown them. Thereupon they remained, and

returned to Malaca, advising Don Juan de Silva that they were there

awaiting his order.

Don Juan de Silva learned the news of the galleons and determined to

send a patache to Macan, and as its commander, Pilot Juan Gallegos,

in order to purchase some ammunition and to go thence to Malaca. He

ordered the four galleons to await him in the Strait, saying that he

had resolved to pass there, and that all would go together to attack

the factory of Xava, the chief factory of the enemy, which had no

fortress; thence they would go to Banda and to Maluco. That would

have been a very suitable idea if it could have been executed during

the season for navigation. Juan Gallegos went to Macan, and thence

to the Strait of Cincapura, where he found six Dutch galleons and

one patache. They seized him, and learned from him of the coming of

Don Juan de Silva with so large a force. They did not dare await the

latter and so left the Strait. Shortly after Don Juan de Silva arrived,

two ships of Goa came from China with the goods and merchandise from

India, which it was our Lord's will to save in that way.

Before the enemy happened to seize the patache of Juan Gallegos,

they had negotiated with the king of Hachen, a country located in the

island of Samatra, near the Strait, in regard to uniting with them

to attack Malaca with more than four hundred craft, that would hold

more than forty thousand men. That king fought with the galleons, and

his presence there was of great importance. He burned one galleon,

but returned without accomplishing any other exploit, although he

carried a quantity of large artillery. After the king had gone,

the Dutch arrived. What they did was to burn the three remaining

galleons in the river of Malaca. Then they went to the Strait, where

they captured Juan Gallegos, as above stated. The Portuguese gained

little reputation--or to say better, lost much--in not defending

themselves. But since it is not my intention to meddle with another

jurisdiction, I shall not discuss that.

Don Juan de Silva left Manila with ten galleons--larger than have

been seen in Europa--and four galleys, on February 28, 1616. He laid

his course toward the Strait, as he thought that he would find there

the four galleys from Goa, in accordance with the order that he had

sent. He learned what had happened in the Strait; and although he

might have gone to Bantan, in Xava Major, to avenge the injury, since

he might expect to find the enemy there--and he might at least have

destroyed that factory and exacted satisfaction for what had been

done--he did not choose to do so, but left the galleons anchored

in the Strait, while he went to Malaca with the galleys. There he

was received under the pall with great solemnity, honored with great

festivities, and called that city's savior, since the ships had taken

flight because of his coming. Don Juan became sorely perplexed, and

could not come to a decision as to whether to careen his vessels and

wait until the following year for the viceroy of Goa, or whether to

return to Manila. Death overtook him in that perplexity, on April 19

of the same year.

He left orders for the fleet to return to Manila, and to convey thither

his embalmed body. Thereupon our fleet returned. It was in as bad shape

as if it had been a year at sea; for at that part of the Strait where

it was anchored the air was so unhealthful and the water so poisonous

that the soldiers began to sicken immediately, and to die swollen up

and yellow; and some days forty or fifty of them were thrown into the

sea. All asserted that had they remained there one fortnight longer,

not enough men would have been left to manage the sails, nor could

they have brought back the galleons--which returned without anchors,

for the few that they carried were lost in the currents, which are very

strong. And had they not found nineteen anchors, which they bought,

they would have perished.

Chapter VIII. Of the opposition to Don Juan de Silva from all the city,

and the opportunity that he lost by not taking the advice that they

gave him.

Strange are the judgments of the Most High, and nothing happens by

chance that His infinite providence does not register. The Portuguese

regarded as certain the coming of Don Juan de Silva to the Strait with

his fleet, and attributed to him, as was evident, the saving of their

possessions. But he who regards the opportunity that Silva lost, and

how much more important it would have been not to have left Manila,

but to have been there when the enemy (who passed through the Strait

of Magallanes) arrived, will see how unsatisfactory was the Malaca

expedition.

Don Juan de Silva had already prepared his fleet, and his yards

were already squared, when a discussion arose as to whether it was

advisable for him to go in search of the enemy, for which purpose

he had prepared it. A general meeting of ecclesiastical and secular

cabildos, the bishop, and the orders, was called, together with the

royal Audiencia. Silva made them a harangue, and showed a royal decree

that he had received shortly before, in which it was ordered that

he should make the expedition. He read what was most suitable to his

purpose, whereupon Doctor Vega, your auditor, asked him to give it to

the secretary to read publicly, as they wished to know its contents. It

was read, and your Majesty ordered in it that the viceroy of India

be advised, so that both should join forces and go in pursuit of the

enemy with their fleets, and that the viceroy should act as superior

officer if he came in person. From this, they took occasion to oppose

Silva, and said that he was not obeying your Majesty's orders. They

reminded him that he did not have sailors, because while the fewest

number of sailors necessary for ten galleys amounted to fifty, he did

not have twelve effective ones, because they had fled, as above stated.

_Item_: That he was only carrying two iron anchors for each galleon,

disproportionate to their size, besides two others of wood, which

are called _cenepites_; and that he was going into seas with strong

currents and shoals, where he had to anchor every day, with evident

peril and known danger of losing his fleet.

_Item_: That he was not carrying suitable rigging or sails. At the

same time they told him that he was leaving the city depopulated of

the men who might defend it in any sudden need.

_Item_: That he had dismantled the forts and walls of artillery, and

had left no good piece, contrary to the ordinances of your Majesty,

and to all good government.

_Item_: That it was easy for the enemy, knowing the route that he

was taking, to attack the city, which was surrounded by more than

fifteen thousand Chinese, and a considerable number of Japanese,

all of whom were angered by the many annoyances and injuries that

they had received; especially the natives, of whom it could be feared

that they would revolt at any news of an enemy, and what would most

encourage them would be to see the city without defenders or artillery.

_Item_: That he was taking a route very foolishly chosen, because the

season and monsoon (as it is called) for seeking the enemy was already

past; and he was going with a known risk of suffering shipwreck,

or of accomplishing nothing.

_Item_: That it was advisable for him to inform the viceroy of his

expedition, as your Majesty ordered, and in the meanwhile to continue

to provide himself with everything necessary. The following year he

could leave, as was advisable and as your Majesty ordered. In short,

they reminded him of many other difficulties; but none of them were

able to make him postpone his purpose. Doctor Vega gave him a memorial

which is printed, in which he declares all the above and many other

arguments; and the fiscal issued many injunctions and protests against

him. They became so angered that he tried to arrest the fiscal, who

absented himself, together with many influential persons. The city

was very much in danger of being lost, and was divided into factions

and different opinions; although it is true that all desired Silva's

absence. After so many difficulties, and after having defied them all,

Silva left the city with his fleet, leaving the walls dismantled,

as above stated. When he embarked, many men of those that he had

provided from the inhabitants of the city, and single men, were not

to be found, for they had run away.

Scarcely had he left Manila when news came that a Dutchman with five

ships was coming, and within one week he came to anchor at the mouth

of the bay of Manila. It was our Lord's pleasure that the Dutch

did not learn the city's condition, which would have placed us in

the greatest embarrassment and danger. The Dutch remained there one

fortnight, and then, learning that Don Juan had gone toward their

forts and factories, they set out for them. In the opinion of all

it was the greatest misfortune that the news had not arrived sooner,

so that our fleet could have gone to meet it; for not a single ship

would have escaped; and, had he followed them to Maluco, he would have

destroyed their forces without difficulty--as Don Geronimo de Silva,

his cousin, wrote to him, whose letter I have. I heard afterward from

the same man that he had made a treaty with all of them to surrender

their forts to him if Don Juan arrived. God did not so ordain it,

for our sins or for His secret judgments. So great an opportunity,

which might have ended the war, was lost, for all the natives were

resolved to become our friends; for they always cry "long live the

conqueror!" Sections 1, 9, and 15 of Don Geronimo's letter are of

the following tenor.

Letter of Don Geronimo de Silva, Governor of Maluco

I am replying to the duplicate of your Lordship, which I received by

the hand of Captain Juan Cutirez Paramo and Sargento-mayor Don Pedro

Tellez, dated at the Strait of Sincapura, March 15, in which your

Lordship gives me advice of the resolution that you took in Manila

to make your voyage to Malaca, expecting to find there the viceroy of

India, or at least the squadron of galleons from that state--a thing as

generally desired by all as it is deemed difficult by me. For I could

never persuade myself that the viceroy of India would decide to send

a larger fleet this year than the four galleons; and, supposing this,

I would have been glad had your Lordship not gone in search of the

viceroy this year. For, as I understand the decree of his Majesty,

the preparations were for the coming year; and by that time matters

would have been suitably arranged, and, both powers having united,

his Majesty's will would have been realized, without the possibility

of any fears of danger. But if the resolution taken by your Lordship

to go out with your fleet, because of the great expenses incurred,

had been taken then to come to employ that fleet here, it would have

arrived at so good a season and opportunity, that all these islands

would have surrendered to you. I could answer with my head that his

Majesty would possess them without your Lordship's needing to fire a

single shot, for the material for this truth was very well arranged. I

alone was unfortunate in that your Lordship did not come directly here

when you left Manila. I would give you as a witness of that the king of

Tidore, only he cannot declare it in writing; but he will be a witness

on that day that our Lord brings your Lordship to these islands.

Your Lordship orders me at present to despatch to you what galleys are

here. In fulfilment of that order Don Pedro Tellez is returning in the

galley that brought him, for Captain Juan de Guassa's galley was such

that it could not be repaired at all, although I summoned the royal

officials, and persons who understood it, to examine it. To my summons

they replied that it absolutely had nothing of use on it but the nails;

accordingly, with their advice, it was beached. I have only the galliot

left here and that is as free from iron and rigging as the galleys

here have always been. The galliot is the feet and hands of these

islands, and that which serves as a caracoa; for, glory be to God,

the Meldicas [_sic; sc._ mestizos] and native Christians are wanting

to me. The reason that moves me to this will be told your Lordship by

Don Pedro Tellez, whom I wished to make a witness of this unfortunate

state of affairs, and of what the service of his Majesty suffers.

Will your Lordship advise me of your resolution to come to these forts,

and whether the viceroy of India is coming now with the squadron that

your Lordship has built. What I can say is that your Lordship's speedy

arrival here matters so much, although it be with only your galleys,

that on that alone depends the restoration of these two islands,

which will be maintained with the hope that your Lordship will come

hither in the time above stated. If you do not come, the islands and

the Spaniards who inhabit them will certainly perish; for although the

king of Tidore is our friend, he is the only one, and he does not have

the same assurance of his island as hitherto. For that reason, it is

advisable for me always to keep in this island the greater part of the

infantry of this camp, divided among the fort of Santiago, the fort

of Principe Tomanira, and Socanora. From the above your Lordship will

infer that I have need of protecting myself not only from the Dutch

but also from the natives and our intimates; for things are very much

changed from what your Lordship is informed. Tidore, July 29, 1616.

_Don Geronimo de Silva_

Chapter IX. Of the coming of the Dutch to Manila in search of Don

Juan de Silva.

It was learned in Maluco from the Dutch commander who passed through

the Strait of Magallanes and infested the coasts of Piru and Nueva

España--the same one who arrived at Manila just after the departure

of Don Juan de Silva--that Don Juan had laid his course toward Malaca

and thence to Maluco. Immediately all their ships were collected,

and, repairing many, they equipped the ten best ones, taking the

best artillery and men from their forts for that purpose, with the

determination of awaiting Silva. But when they saw that he delayed so

long, and that he could not come to Maluco now, because of bad weather,

thinking that he would have returned, they went to try issues with

him at Manila. On reaching the island of Mindanao, they learned of

his death from the Indians. They made a compact with the latter that

each side should go to destroy the islands, even as far as the city of

Manila. The Mindanaos set out with a fleet that they had prepared, of

seventy caracoas, which resemble galliots. They anchored with them in

the province of Camarines, where they had heard that one ship and two

pataches were being built for your Majesty. They killed and captured

about thirty Spaniards and many Indians, set fire to the ships, and

pillaged whatever they could lay hands on. That disaster, which was

very great, was the result of neglecting to send there fifty picked

soldiers to guard the shipyard. The chiefs of those caracoas divided

into two parties because of disputes between them. One party went

toward Manila in search of the Dutch. The other went to the island of

Panay. Captain Don Diego de Quiñones, who was stationed in that island

as commandant and captain of the Pintados Islands, hearing of this,

sent Captain Lazaro de Torres with seven caracoas in pursuit of them;

he defeated them, and captured four caracoas. The rest took to the

open sea in flight, and, those vessels being small, all of the men

were drowned; for no news that they have reached their country has

been heard here since.

That island of Mindanao is the farthest of the Filipinas Islands,

and is about twenty leguas from Cibu. That part that faces Cibu

is pacified, and the Indians pay tribute, and there are a number

of Christians. The entire island formerly rendered homage to your

Majesty. It extends east and west, being somewhat inclined to

the northeast and southwest. It is more than three hundred leguas

in circumference. The southern part lies in six degrees of north

latitude. It has many gold mines, as those say who have seen them,

although they are but little worked, and many cinnamon trees and

much civet.

Captain Estevan Rodriquez de Figueroa went to pacify it in 1596 at his

own cost, with the title of governor and captain-general of the island

conceded by your Majesty. But he was so unfortunate that, the first

time when he set foot on land, he was killed by an Indian concealed in

ambush. Captain Juan de la Xara, who was master-of-camp, continued the

enterprise; but as he, like his master, died, the whole enterprise

was destroyed by accidents that came upon them. Consequently, not

only were the natives not pacified, but more angered and desirous of

vengeance. For that reason, they began to build vessels and to make

inroads among those islands during the term of Don Francisco Tello,

to commit depredations. They captured many Indians and their wealth

(for the latter had considerable gold) through the fault of the

captains and alcaldes-mayor who were governing those islands, and

were not punished for it. And although punishment is one of the two

arms of justice that preserves states, there has been so great lack

of it in Manila, that signal injuries have thereby resulted.

The Moros became excited by those captures, and through the exercise

of war they became more skilful and daring. To such a height has

their boldness reached, through the carelessness and neglect of the

governors, that all those islands have been destroyed and ruined. They

could very well have been restrained, but the reasons why they

neglected to do that cannot be explained here, because the case in

hand demands that many things be passed by; but if your Majesty cares

to know, I will explain them.

Those Indians [_i.e._, the Moros] are so vile and cowardly that they

have never engaged in close combat with the Spaniards, very few

of whom have dared to resist vast multitudes; yet the Moros have

inflicted signal injuries. The worst is that these last few years

they have committed greater ones, so that there is no Christian or

friendly Indian who is safe in his house or country. These, although

Indians, set forth arguments that must have shamed your Majesty's

governors considerably; since, although the latter are so careful

not only to collect their tributes, but to impose continually so

many taxes, and to cause the Indians innumerable troubles, yet they

do not defend them from their enemies. Consequently the Indians say,

"Let us be free, and let us have arms, and we shall be able to defend

ourselves, as we did before the advent of the Spaniards." And, surely,

did not the religious--especially those of the Society, who instruct

nearly all those islands--entertain them with hopes and fair arguments,

they would all have revolted, as some have done. I have related this to

your Majesty so that you may order your governor to remedy that matter,

which is so incumbent upon your Majesty's royal conscience. But how

poorly he informs your Majesty; since at the very moment when those

people were destroying your churches, the governor wrote that they

were all peaceful and quiet. It is very easy to conquer that island, if

its inhabitants are made slaves, as I have said in special memorials.

Chapter X. Of the result obtained by the coming of the Dutch to the

Filpinas Islands and the city of Manila.

The enemy learned from the Mindanao Indians, as above stated, of the

death of Don Juan de Silva, whom they had intended to go to seek. They

went to the island of Panay, to a port called Yloylo, with the design

of building a fort there, in order to gain possession of those islands

and to get the quantity of food that was stored for the relief of

Terrenate. (whence the forts of Maluco are chiefly maintained), and

at the same time to make themselves masters of the island. For, two

years before, and during Don Juan de Silva's term, another Dutchman

had arrived at that island at a Spanish town called Arevalo, burned

it, seized its provisions, made quantities of dried beef at stock

farms near there, and then returned, without any one having dared

to fire a shot, although there was a captain there with two hundred

soldiers. Then he made a pact with the natives of the country, by

which they were to render him homage.

Three or four days before the arrival of the enemy, the news reached

the ears of Captain Don Diego de Quiñones, who was there with about

seventy soldiers. He resolved to die there or to prevent the enemy

from following out his designs. As hastily as possible, he threw up

a redoubt, or small fort of fascines, stakes, and gabions, which he

filled in with earth. Then having assigned his men to their positions,

he awaited the enemy's arrival. The Dutch arrived with their ten

galleons and went to anchor within musket-shot of the small fort,

which they began to bombard with their artillery, and with musketry

to pick off those who showed themselves. But seeing that they were

defending themselves, and that so great a multitude of balls could

not dislodge them, they threw seven companies of infantry ashore,

and assaulted the fort twice with the batteries which were free;

but the infantry, getting the worst of it, had to retire. Don Diego,

although shot through the thigh by a musket-ball, was encouraged;

and had sent Captain Lazaro de Torres outside with forty soldiers to

make an ambush. He pressed so heavily against the enemy that they had

to embark hurriedly, leaving on the field and taking away many dead

and badly wounded, while we suffered in dead and wounded twenty or

a few more. Thereupon the enemy weighed anchor and left the port in

great ignominy and sorrow. That feat of arms was of great importance

as can be understood from the condition of the country and of the

natives of that island and others near by. I cannot keep silent on

one thing that happened through the fault of him who was governing,

since my intention is to make your Majesty understand the state of

that kingdom. The building of a fort in that port of Yloylo, and the

sending there of six pieces of artillery and one engineer to Don Diego,

had been discussed in Manila. But there was the utmost remissness

and neglect in sending those pieces, for it was considered certain

that if the enemy came he would manage to make himself master of the

port. And although they could have been sent him one month before,

they reached him one week after the opportunity was gone--when, if Don

Diego had had them, he would have sunk half the enemy's fleet. Such

injury is done by the remissness and neglect of him who governs.

The enemy thought that they would make little from Don Diego, and

consequently left that place, and went to anchor in the mouth of the

bay of Manila. They reached an island which is situated in the middle

of the entrance, called Marivelez, where a sentinel is always posted

to give notice of the ships that come to the city. He made signals,

and hence, as we had advices, their arrival was known. They anchored

their vessels at both entrances, so that no ship could enter or leave

without being seen. They captured a few provision-boats, and on some

days they entered the bay with two or three ships to reconnoiter

the port of Cabite, with the desire of having an extended view, and

then returned. They had some communication with the Japanese, who,

as arrogant and barbarous people, despised our fleet. Those people

informed the Dutch that they had nothing to fear, for we were unable

to prepare our fleet because of the lack of many things, so that they

could be quite easy. Consequently they proceeded as would those who

feared nothing.

Licentiate Andres de Alcaraz was then senior auditor, and was

exercising the duties of captain-general. At several councils of war,

it was discussed whether it would be proper to prepare the fleet

that was in port, in order to drive the enemy away. Most were of

the opinion that the fleet should go out, founding their opinion on

the ignominy and taunts that the enemy flung upon the Spaniards, the

reputation that we would lose among so many nations who were watching

us, the need of provisions that the enemy were making them endure,

and the design of the latter to await the ships from China in order to

enrich themselves from the merchandise that the Chinese were bringing

to Manila. Those vessels were to come by April, and, besides the

general danger of depriving the community of the necessities brought

to it by the Chinese, many of the inhabitants were interested in the

said ships. Although this last could be obviated by sending advices

to China, the captain-general refused to do it, although he should

have done so, because of the harm that might ensue to your Majesty's

service, the common welfare, and the great harm that would result to

the enemies. [42] For opportunity was given to the enemy to enrich

themselves exceedingly with the spoils [of the Chinese], at the expense

of the community; then, too, the Chinese were losing so much there by

favor of their friends, since they would be ruined. The cause of that

error was that, in that former year when the other Dutchman came with

five vessels thinking to stay there until he pillaged the Chinese (for

he bore instructions to that effect), advice was given the Chinese so

that they should not come. They obeyed the advice and did not come,

and as the enemy went away, the inhabitants conceived that they had

signally erred, ruined the city, and deprived the royal treasury of

the great sum that the duties on the merchandise brought by the Chinese

would be worth. For that reason Alcaraz neglected to do that, although

it was so desirable, whence so great injuries have resulted. When he

who is governing heeds the murmurs that may be raised against him,

and consequently neglects to take the measures that are advisable

and to which he is obliged, such troubles generally follow.

Returning to the case [under consideration], almost all the city urged

the preparation of the fleet, and it even came to such a pass that

injunctions and protests were served on him by means of the entire

ecclesiastical estate. Innumerable difficulties were represented

to Licentiate Alcaraz: one that there were many repairs to make in

the fleet, which had come in quite bad shape; that it even lacked

considerable of its sails and rigging, and what was left was rotten;

that, as no ship had come from Nueva España that year, the royal

treasury was considerably in debt, and had no money with which to

prepare the fleet; that for the same reason the citizens could not

possibly loan what was needed; that most of the artillery was under

suspicion, and it was necessary to recast it; and, above all, that if

it did not succeed well the entire kingdom was about to be endangered.

While affairs were in that perplexity and confusion, the vessels that

had gone out laden with the goods of the kingdom returned to port;

for, as they had sailed late, they could not make the voyage. That

is a matter that is never remedied, although by its neglect the

people are so heavily punished. They had some artillery, more than

one hundred and fifty sailors, and many passengers. That was very

important, and it was a fine piece of luck that the enemy did not

know it, for it would have been easy to capture them; for one of

those vessels had discharged its cargo about twenty leguas from the

enemy and transfered its goods overland to the city. The other went

to a port at a distance from there, at an island called Cibuian.

At this same time, the Mindanaos who had remained with the other

squadron of caracoas came to the coast of Manila, to a village called

Balayan. The Mindanaos landed, and the inhabitants fled. They set fire

to the village and to more than one thousand quintals of your Majesty's

rigging, through the fault and neglect of him who was governing. For

although the master-of camp, Don Juan Ronquillo, had advised them--on

account of the news that had come that the Mindanaos had burned the

shipyard, and were pillaging--that fifty soldiers be sent to Balayan

for its defense, and because the alcalde-mayor had sent to request it,

they did not do so, but postponed it from day to day; and consequently

the enemy was able to destroy that place. But as the inhabitants

were warned, as soon as they saw the Mindanaos coming, they had a

chance to get into the place of safety that was being prepared for

them. Our Lord ordained that, although they set fire to the rigging,

little of it was burned; for God kept it for the preparation of the

fleet, without which that would have been impossible.

At the news of the coming of the Mindanaos, two galleys were sent

under one commander, in order to prevent the junction of the Moros

with the Dutch, and to try to scatter them. Although the Mindanaos

had thirty-five caracoas, that would have been done without any

danger, as caracoas are vessels which can be sunk with only the

oar of a galley. He went out to look for the Mindanaos; and as he

left by night, because of the proximity of the Dutch, he was not

perceived, and found the Mindanaos in the best position that could be

desired. The Mindanaos were intent on, and desirous of, gaining honor,

for they were stationed with all their fleet within a river called

Baco in the island of Mindoro. The galleys having been stationed at

the mouth of the river, it was impossible for even a single caracoa

to escape. Consequently when the enemy learned that the galleys were

there, they were disturbed, and let go their prize, and begged the

captives to intercede for them. They were determined, on seeing the

galleys, to desert their caracoas, and to go inland into the forests,

where not one would have escaped. But the courage to undertake the

most glorious enterprise (and one of importance for all the kingdom)

that could be offered was lacking; and, turning about, the galleys

went to another island, under pretense that there was a heavy wind,

and that they did not dare enter until it ceased, in order not to run

the risk of losing a galley. However that withdrawal was not without

profit, for they met one of the ships that had sailed for Nueva España

from Manila, which was coming back to port; and had the latter not been

warned it would have fallen into the hands of the Dutch, being ignorant

that they were at the mouth of the bay. Thereupon, although the wind

ceased at midnight, the galleys did not return until the afternoon of

next day, and were told that, just as soon as the enemy heard that they

were gone, they had very joyfully taken flight toward their country,

and with so great fear, that they did not even wait for one another.

One would believe that our Lord was doing everything necessary for

the preparation of the fleet in order to encourage them; for at the

same time came news that the two ships despatched that year from Nueva

España with the goods of the city and the reënforcements sent by the

viceroy both in money and in men for Maluco, had been forced to put

in at Japon in July because of the vendavals; and that the almiranta

had been wrecked, although the goods and men had been saved. Having

awaited favorable weather there, the commander (one Don Francisco de

Serna) had come, and had arrived on the coast of Pangasinan, twenty

leguas from where the Dutch were stationed. Being warned of the

Dutch, the commander put into a port there, and with the help of the

alcalde-mayor of that province they discharged the ship, removed the

artillery, and fortified themselves with two hundred soldiers of the

vessel, so that they could defend themselves if the Dutch heard of

them. As quickly as possible they carried the silver and everything

else to the city. The enemy were advised of it, but at a time when

everything was safe except the ship, which our men had to set afire,

so that the enemy could not take it.

God was encouraging them in this way, and ordaining what was

to be done; they appointed Master-of-camp Don Juan Ronquillo as

commander, and he went immediately to the port to make effective

the equipment of six galleons, for the others could not be made

ready. Trustworthy persons were despatched in order that they might

send what was necessary from the islands. In another direction,

tests of the artillery were begun, and what burst was recast; and

it all proved satisfactory, so that no piece turned out badly. All

were encouraged--he who had means, to give what was needed, and all

to go out to fight the enemy. The enemy, seeing that the season for

the coming of the Chinese merchants had arrived, left the mouth of

the bay, and went twenty leguas away to a port called Playa Honda,

where all the Chinese ships come to make land, and where the other

Dutchman who surrendered to Juan de Silva was pillaging in the year

1610. Thereupon, since the entrance of the bay was unoccupied, they

sent for the almiranta, which had put in and had been unladed. It was

brought to port, laden with the food that had been collected there for

the purpose of being brought by the said ship if the enemy gave any

opportunity for it, as they did. Everything resulted as we desired. The

ship carried thirty pieces of artillery, with which they managed to

equip it, for it did not have to be repaired. Seven galleons were made

ready for sailing, and even the one that carried the least artillery

numbered thirty large bronze pieces. Then captains and commanders were

appointed for the galleons, and each of the commanders was given the

duty of directing and conveying the soldiers and inhabitants who were

inclined to go with him; whereat each one labored to caress and attract

not only his friends, but others also. The commanders were as follows:

of the galleon "San Juan Bautista," Admiral Pedro de Heredia; of the

galleon "San Miguel," Admiral Rodrigo de Vilastigui; of "San Felipe,"

Captain Sebastian de Madrid; of "Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe," Captain

Juan Bautista de Molina; of "San Lorenço," Captain Azevedo; and command

of the galleon "San Marcos"--which was called the almiranta, as it

had been with Don Juan de Silva in the expedition which he made to

Malaca--was given to Don Juan de la Vega, son of Doctor Vega, auditor

of the royal Audiencia. There were many disputes over his appointment

as admiral, for many of the commanders to whom it was due claimed it,

especially Don Diego Quiñones, who had been brought from Oton for that

purpose, although he had not recovered from his musket-wound; also

Hernando Muñoz de Aramburo (who had come as admiral of the caravels),

and Francisco de la Serna--who had gone as commander of the ships,

and at the restoration of the country was a very great soldier, who,

with twenty gentlemen, served in that expedition at his own cost. Also

for certain reasons, which I can not well recount, those captains

were at odds, a mistake that caused much regret later, when there

was no remedy. It is certain that no one would have escaped who would

carry news of the enemy. Yet, so that it might not appear that they

were shunning the opportunity, they offered their persons. Aramburu

went as associate of the commander, being skilful in war. Don Diego

was given a galley and the title of _quatralvo_. [43] Don Alonso

Enriquez took another galley, with the title of commander [_general_];

Don Pedro de Almazan, another. The galleon "Salvador" was flagship,

the best and largest galleon ever seen in the sea. It carried fifty

large pieces of artillery, many of them of twenty-five and thirty

libras' caliber, but most of them of eighteen. The fleet left port

on the eighth of April, in pursuit of the enemy. That afternoon,

which was Saturday, it anchored at the mouth of the bay in order

to ascertain the location of the enemy. They had heard already that

the enemy had plundered many Chinese and had filled their ships with

great riches. It was ascertained from a spy, who was the one who sent

advices of what the enemy was doing, that two ships were six leguas

from there, and the rest at Playa Honda. That report was false, and

was the reason why the most fortunate victory that could be desired

was not obtained without bloodshed, and without any one escaping, as

will be seen in this relation. On receiving this news the commander

began to trim his sails, in order to reach the two ships by dawn. But

finding nothing, he passed on to Playa Honda, where he arrived late,

more than two hours after the sun had risen. Had the spy not deceived

them, they would have reached the four of the enemy's ships at dawn,

and the commander with most of his men could have slept on shore,

entertaining guests with the booty that had fallen into his hands. But

when they sighted our fleet, they were able to get aboard their vessels

and to join the other two, which were coming with two more very rich

Chinese prize ships. They spread their sails and went away together,

and the fleets did no more that day than to watch one another,

but our fleet always kept very close to, and did not lose sight of,

the enemy. Next morning, Friday, our fleet came up scattered, either

because of their inability to follow the flagship, or through the

fault of the pilots. What is the most certain thing is that faults

are not investigated in the islands, nor are they punished. Because

there was no almiranta to collect the vessels, the flagship, the

"San Miguel," and the "San Juan Bautista" were very near the enemy,

while the others were more than three leguas to leeward. The

enemy tried to improve the opportunity, and determined to grapple

our flagship with all their fleet, which they had carefully

collected--thinking that if it surrendered the war would be ended;

for they thought that ship alone carried force, and that the others

could only be carrying the pretense of it. The enemy worked to get

to windward of our fleet, and our flagship, which was an excellent

sailer, did the same; but on tacking, the latter threw a rope to the

galley of Don Alonso Enriquez and towed it a short distance. That

allowed the enemy time to get to windward, and they came down upon

our fleet to attack it in the following order: their flagship came

first and then the other vessels, the bow of one right against the

stern of the other. Although they could have raked the "San Juan

Bautista," which was astern of the flagship, or have borne down upon

the "San Miguel," which lay to leeward, they cared only to defeat the

flagship. Since our ships could not get to windward, they passed it

very closely, each ship raking it. But our flagship was not asleep,

and kept replying in such a way that, although the enemy's vessels

came so close together, so great haste was made that it gave each

ship a full broadside volley from that side, namely with twenty-five

pieces. With that they were so crippled that they did not dare return

the fire, and so gained nothing. That night the enemy held a council

of war, as some prisoners reported. All advised flight, as they had

been surprised by our flagship. But their commander assured them

that there was nothing to fear, and that the flagship had all the

force, and he dared to defeat it. Don Juan Ronquillo collected his

fleet that night and sent an order by the galley of Don Diego de

Quiñones for each vessel to grapple with the one that fell to its

lot, and for the "San Lorenço" to act as a reserve in order to help

the most needy. Next morning, Saturday, April 15, our fleet bore

down upon the enemy and succeeded in getting to windward of it. Don

Diego de Quiñones went with his galley to tell the commander that he

was waiting to attack the enemy. The commander gave the same order,

and also to leave the enemy's flagship for him. Invoking our Lady of

the most pure Conception, whom they had taken as patroness of that

undertaking on their departure, they attacked the enemy. The Dutch

were confident, when they were aware of the dash of the Spaniards,

that our men would board their ships when they grappled. Accordingly

they prepared for it by so many stratagems that all who boarded would

be killed; but Don Juan Ronquillo, taking precautions against that,

issued an order for no one to board until the galleon with which he

was fighting had surrendered. That order was obeyed; and our flagship

grappled its adversary, and although almost all the latter's crew

were killed it refused to surrender. Finally it was reduced to such

a condition that it began to roll violently, a sign that it was

sinking, whereupon our flagship drew apart from it, and it went to

the bottom. The commander and several who were left alive got into

their small boat and escaped. It was said that the ship contained

great wealth that had been pillaged along the coast of India, and the

best that they had pillaged from the Chinese. That galleon was called

"Sol Nuevo de Olanda" [_i.e._, "New Sun of Holland"], and it set very

wretchedly for them that day. Captain Juan Bautista de Molina was

the first to grapple another galleon, and the galley of Don Diego

went to his aid. It had already surrendered, and the Dutch had been

made prisoners, when another galleon, all on fire, bore down upon two

galleons with which Rodrigo de Guillastegui had fought. It set fire to

one of them, and it bore down ablaze upon the one defeated by Captain

Molina, so that he was forced to ungrapple. Those two burning vessels

bore down upon that of the Dutch admiral, with whom Pedro de Heredia

had grappled, and whom he had already defeated and most of whose crew

he had killed. When he saw the two burning galleons bearing down

upon them, they threw off the grapples and separated. Consequently

the admiral had opportunity to escape, but in so bad a condition that

his vessel sank next day, according to the report of some Indians and

Chinese who saw it. Captain Sebastian de Madrid, on going to grapple

with another galleon, was killed by a musket-ball; and when his

vessel was about to grapple, Don Juan de la Vega, with the galleon

"San Marcos," came between. Those aboard the "San Felipe" thought

that he would grapple, but he made for the open sea, whereupon they on

seeing it went after him. Captain Azevedo grappled the other galleon,

and after fighting gallantly, the grapples were thrown off, whereupon

both Dutch galleons took the opportunity to escape. That battle was

the most bloody ever seen, for all had come with the determination to

die rather than surrender, and they did so. "San Felipe," "San Juan

Bautista," and "San Marcos" went in pursuit of the three galleons of

the enemy; but since flight has so many advantages to the one escaping,

the enemy threw overboard all their cargo into that sea, and, their

sails being wet, the sea became narrow for them, notwithstanding it

was so wide; and when dark night came, they changed their route and

our ships lost sight of them. Thereupon the "San Juan Bautista," the

"San Felipe," and the "San Marcos" changed their course, and returned

two days later for the evil result that disturbed that victory.

The commander determined to return to Manila, for their drinking-water

was gone, and the galleon "San Miguel" was leaking badly, and they were

unable to overcome the leak at the pumps, while the galleon of Pedro de

Heredia arrived at the mouth of the bay in very bad condition. Next day

two other galleons belonging to the enemy, which had not been present

during the battle, reached the place where it had been fought. They had

a Japanese prize-ship, laden with flour. Ignorant of the past event,

they spied the "San Marcos" coming. One of them went to reconnoiter

the latter, and upon seeing that it was our vessel went to advise its

companion. Both bore down upon our vessel, whereupon it turned its

course to the shore. For reasons known to its commander--and I think

because he was mainly influenced by cowardly advisers--the ship was

run aground and burned, so near the enemy that the latter flung at

them innumerable insults. The largest galleon of the fleet, next to

the flagship, was lost. It had thirty-six large pieces of artillery,

most of which have been taken out of it. The commander was arrested,

as well as his associates Captains Pedro de Ermura and Salvador de

Oñate. The most notable thing is that that galleon was lost on the

very day of St. Mark, by whose intercession Don Juan de Silva had

obtained the last victory.

Don Juan Ronquillo heard of the disaster of Don Juan de la Vega, and

set out in pursuit of the enemy. He was unable, however, to overtake

them, for a Dutch lad aboard the "San Marcos" escaped by swimming and

went to the enemy, to whom he related what was happening. Thereupon

the Dutch returned to Japon, laden with spoils.

Some have doubted whether the enemy had ten galleons, since only

six fought, besides the two above mentioned, [and ask] what became

of them. I answer that doubt by saying that one fled on the day of

battle, and refused to fight, for which reason its captain was hanged

at Maluco. The Dutch commander sent the other vessel back with the

wounded and some sick men, as soon as the engagement with Don Diego de

Quiñones had happened, chiefly because that galleon was leaking badly.

Captain Molina carried a carved image of our Lady in the galleon

"Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe." It was kept in a little wooden

tabernacle. An eighteen-libra ball entered one of the ports, struck the

tabernacle of the image, and knocked it into a thousand splinters. I

saw the latter and the ball with my own eyes. But the image remained

on its base, and not a hair of it was touched, which was obviously

a miracle.

Pedro de Heredia was carrying another picture of our Lady, painted

on a board beside a crucifix, on the galleon "San Bautista." Another

ball of twelve libras entered and struck it on the breast, without

doing it other harm than that the gold with which the drapery had

been made stuck to the ball, which fell there at her feet, while the

board was unbroken. I certify to that, for I saw it.

An artilleryman went below decks to apply fire to a piece with which

he had fired several shots. He applied the fire to it three times,

although on similar occasions it was wont to catch without that, but

it would not go off. The artilleryman was surprised and approaching to

ascertain what was the matter found the piece open. Had it taken fire,

it would have caused a very great disaster, and perhaps have burned

the ship. Whence one could clearly see that the Virgin, our Lady,

was not slothful on that occasion. Neither was the city of Manila

slothful, for they carried our Lady of Guidance, which is outside

the walls, in solemn procession to the cathedral, whose advocacy is

of the immaculate conception; and all the people confessed and took

communion. Having exposed the most holy sacrament, all accompanied it

during all those days, making many prayers to God and to His blessed

mother, which were also answered. May He be blessed forever. Amen.

Part Second, Which Treats of the Importance of the Filipinas and of

the Means for Preserving Them

Chapter I. Of the importance to your Majesty of preserving that

country.

For many reasons, which those who do not possess thorough information

in regard to the Filipinas ignore, but which show how important

to your Majesty is the preservation and increase of those islands,

I shall insert them here as clearly as possible.

The first is the increase and extension of the holy gospel and the

glory and honor of God, which is so incumbent upon your Majesty--in

the first place, because your Majesty has inherited from your blessed

father and glorious ancestors this pious and holy zeal for spreading

and extending the holy Catholic faith, by reason of which your Majesty

enjoys the wealth of the Indias; in the second place, because it

is so suitable to the greatness of your Majesty's sovereignty and

your reputation. For to leave this work when begun would be a great

scandal before the world, and the occasion of much complaint to all

its nations--and especially to the heretics, who would say that your

Majesty was influenced not by the glory of God, nor the preservation

of the Indias, but by private interest, since where you had not that

you allowed Christianity to perish.

The second concerns the peace of your royal conscience, if you should

not preserve those islands while possible.

The third is for causes of state; for it would amount to giving your

enemies arms and forces against your Majesty, and encourage others

to the same enmity who are envious of your Majesty's greatness. It

may well be inferred that since the enemy are attempting this with

so great expense and labors, they have understood its importance to

themselves. The possibility of this can be easily understood, for they

could not persevere so long with their own forces only, if they were

not privily incited by the secret enemies of your Majesty, and those

who are envious and fearful of your greatness--who clearly recognize

that, if they could possess that archipelago without opposition,

it would be worth more to them than eight millions clear (as I will

demonstrate to whomsoever may be curious or may desire to know it),

through the profit which they can make in spices, drugs, and the

trade with Great China, Japon, and the neighboring countries.

The fourth is, because straightway the whole of Portuguese India

would be infallibly lost; and, if it is not lost, it is because we

so harass the enemy from Filipinas that they need all their forces

in order not to lose what they hold.

The fifth is the knowledge (as is evident) of the immense wealth which

lies in the Filipinas, as I shall explain further in this treatise,

and which hitherto has been unrecognized.

The sixth would be the loss of the most convenient and important

post which your Majesty holds in all his kingdoms, not only for the

extension of the holy gospel in so many kingdoms of idol-worshipers who

are capable of receiving it, but, as these are in the neighborhood of

the Filipinas, the hope, consequently, of enjoying the immense wealth

which they possess through their trade and commerce--not to mention

the risk which is incurred by the Western Indias through the South Sea.

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 — Volume 19 of 55 1620-1621 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century. · 第 1 / 7 章