infinite worlds, having made an apology for Galileo, and dedicates this
tenet of his to Cardinal Cajetanus. Others freely speak, mutter, and
would persuade the world (as [3116]Marinus Marcenus complains) that our
modern divines are too severe and rigid against mathematicians;
ignorant and peevish, in not admitting their true demonstrations and
certain observations, that they tyrannise over art, science, and all
philosophy, in suppressing their labours (saith Pomponatius),
forbidding them to write, to speak a truth, all to maintain their
superstition, and for their profit's sake. As for those places of
Scripture which oppugn it, they will have spoken ad captum vulgi, and
if rightly understood, and favourably interpreted, not at all against
it; and as Otho Gasman, Astrol. cap. 1. part. 1. notes, many great
divines, besides Porphyrius, Proclus, Simplicius, and those heathen
philosophers, doctrina et aetate venerandi, Mosis Genesin mundanam
popularis nescio cujus ruditatis, quae longa absit a vera Philosophorum
eruditione, insimulant: for Moses makes mention but of two planets, ☉
and ☾, no four elements, &c. Read more on him, in [3117]Grossius and
Junius. But to proceed, these and such like insolent and bold attempts,
prodigious paradoxes, inferences must needs follow, if it once be
granted, which Rotman, Kepler, Gilbert, Diggeus, Origanus, Galileo, and
others, maintain of the earth's motion, that 'tis a planet, and shines
as the moon doth, which contains in it [3118]both land and sea as the
moon doth: for so they find by their glasses that Maculae in facie
Lunae, the brighter parts are earth, the dusky sea, which Thales,
Plutarch, and Pythagoras formerly taught: and manifestly discern hills
and dales, and such like concavities, if we may subscribe to and
believe Galileo's observations. But to avoid these paradoxes of the
earth's motion (which the Church of Rome hath lately [3119]condemned as
heretical, as appears by Blancanus and Fromundus's writings) our latter
mathematicians have rolled all the stones that may be stirred: and to
solve all appearances and objections, have invented new hypotheses, and
fabricated new systems of the world, out of their own Dedalaean heads.
Fracastorius will have the earth stand still, as before; and to avoid
that supposition of eccentrics and epicycles, he hath coined
seventy-two homocentrics, to solve all appearances. Nicholas Ramerus
will have the earth the centre of the world, but movable, and the
eighth sphere immovable, the five upper planets to move about the sun,
the sun and moon about the earth. Of which orbs Tycho Brahe puts the
earth the centre immovable, the stars immovable, the rest with Ramerus,
the planets without orbs to wander in the air, keep time and distance,
true motion, according to that virtue which God hath given them.
[3120]Helisaeus Roeslin censureth both, with Copernicus (whose
hypothesis de terrae motu, Philippus Lansbergius hath lately
vindicated, and demonstrated with solid arguments in a just volume,
Jansonius Caesins [3121]hath illustrated in a sphere.) The said
Johannes Lansbergius, 1633, hath since defended his assertion against
all the cavils and calumnies of Fromundus his Anti-Aristarchus,
Baptista Morinus, and Petrus Bartholinus: Fromundus, 1634, hath written
against him again, J. Rosseus of Aberdeen, &c. (sound drums and
trumpets) whilst Roeslin (I say) censures all, and Ptolemeus himself as
insufficient: one offends against natural philosophy, another against
optic principles, a third against mathematical, as not answering to
astronomical observations: one puts a great space between Saturn's orb
and the eighth sphere, another too narrow. In his own hypothesis he
makes the earth as before the universal centre, the sun to the five
upper planets, to the eighth sphere he ascribes diurnal motion,
eccentrics, and epicycles to the seven planets, which hath been
formerly exploded; and so, Dum vitant stulti vitia in contraria
currunt, [3122]as a tinker stops one hole and makes two, he corrects
them, and doth worse himself: reforms some, and mars all. In the mean
time, the world is tossed in a blanket amongst them, they hoist the
earth up and down like a ball, make it stand and go at their pleasures:
one saith the sun stands, another he moves; a third comes in, taking
them all at rebound, and lest there should any paradox be wanting, he
[3123]finds certain spots and clouds in the sun, by the help of
glasses, which multiply (saith Keplerus) a thing seen a thousand times
bigger in plano, and makes it come thirty-two times nearer to the eye
of the beholder: but see the demonstration of this glass in
[3124]Tarde, by means of which, the sun must turn round upon his own
centre, or they about the sun. Fabricius puts only three, and those in
the sun: Apelles 15, and those without the sun, floating like the
Cyanean Isles in the Euxine sea. [3125]Tarde, the Frenchman, hath
observed thirty-three, and those neither spots nor clouds, as Galileo,
Epist. ad Valserum, supposeth, but planets concentric with the sun, and
not far from him with regular motions. [3126]Christopher Shemer, a
German Suisser Jesuit, Ursica Rosa, divides them in maculas et faculas,
and will have them to be fixed in Solis superficie: and to absolve
their periodical and regular motion in twenty-seven or twenty-eight
days, holding withal the rotation of the sun upon his centre; and all
are so confident, that they have made schemes and tables of their
motions. The [3127]Hollander, in his dissertatiuncula cum Apelle,
censures all; and thus they disagree amongst themselves, old and new,
irreconcilable in their opinions; thus Aristarchus, thus Hipparchus,
thus Ptolemeus, thus Albateginus, thus Alfraganus, thus Tycho, thus
Ramerus, thus Roeslinus, thus Fracastorius, thus Copernicus and his
adherents, thus Clavius and Maginus, &c., with their followers, vary
and determine of these celestial orbs and bodies: and so whilst these
men contend about the sun and moon, like the philosophers in Lucian, it
is to be feared, the sun and moon will hide themselves, and be as much
offended as [3128]she was with those, and send another messenger to
Jupiter, by some new-fangled Icaromenippus, to make an end of all those
curious controversies, and scatter them abroad.
But why should the sun and moon be angry, or take exceptions at
mathematicians and philosophers? when as the like measure is offered
unto God himself, by a company of theologasters: they are not contented
to see the sun and moon, measure their site and biggest distance in a
glass, calculate their motions, or visit the moon in a poetical
fiction, or a dream, as he saith, [3129]Audax facinus et memorabile
nunc incipiam, neque hoc saeculo usurpatum prius, quid in Lunae regno
hac nocte gestum sit exponam, et quo nemo unquam nisi somniando
pervenit, [3130]but he and Menippus: or as [3131]Peter Cuneus, Bona
fide agam, nihil eorum quae scripturus sum, verum esse scitote, &c.
quae nec facta, nec futura sunt, dicam, [3132]stili tantum et ingenii
causa, not in jest, but in good earnest these gigantical Cyclops will
transcend spheres, heaven, stars, into that Empyrean heaven; soar
higher yet, and see what God himself doth. The Jewish Talmudists take
upon them to determine how God spends his whole time, sometimes playing
with Leviathan, sometimes overseeing the world, &c., like Lucian's
Jupiter, that spent much of the year in painting butterflies' wings,
and seeing who offered sacrifice; telling the hours when it should
rain, how much snow should fall in such a place, which way the wind
should stand in Greece, which way in Africa. In the Turks' Alcoran,
Mahomet is taken up to heaven, upon a Pegasus sent on purpose for him,
as he lay in bed with his wife, and after some conference with God is
set on ground again. The pagans paint him and mangle him after a
thousand fashions; our heretics, schismatics, and some schoolmen, come
not far behind: some paint him in the habit of an old man, and make
maps of heaven, number the angels, tell their several [3133]names,
offices: some deny God and his providence, some take his office out of
his hands, will [3134]bind and loose in heaven, release, pardon,
forgive, and be quarter-master with him: some call his Godhead in
question, his power, and attributes, his mercy, justice, providence:
they will know with [3135]Cecilius, why good and bad are punished
together, war, fires, plagues, infest all alike, why wicked men
flourish, good are poor, in prison, sick, and ill at ease. Why doth he
suffer so much mischief and evil to be done, if he be [3136]able to
help? why doth he not assist good, or resist bad, reform our wills, if
he be not the author of sin, and let such enormities be committed,
unworthy of his knowledge, wisdom, government, mercy, and providence,
why lets he all things be done by fortune and chance? Others as
prodigiously inquire after his omnipotency, an possit plures similes
creare deos? an ex scarcibaeo deum? &c., et quo demum ruetis
sacrificuli? Some, by visions and revelations, take upon them to be
familiar with God, and to be of privy council with him; they will tell
how many, and who shall be saved, when the world shall come to an end,
what year, what month, and whatsoever else God hath reserved unto
himself, and to his angels. Some again, curious fantastics, will know
more than this, and inquire with [3137]Epicurus, what God did before
the world was made? was he idle? Where did he bide? What did he make
the world of? why did he then make it, and not before? If he made it
new, or to have an end, how is he unchangeable, infinite, &c. Some will
dispute, cavil, and object, as Julian did of old, whom Cyril confutes,
as Simon Magus is feigned to do, in that [3138]dialogue betwixt him and
Peter: and Ammonius the philosopher, in that dialogical disputation
with Zacharias the Christian. If God be infinitely and only good, why
should he alter or destroy the world? if he confound that which is
good, how shall himself continue good? If he pull it down because evil,
how shall he be free from the evil that made it evil? &c., with many
such absurd and brain-sick questions, intricacies, froth of human wit,
and excrements of curiosity, &c., which, as our Saviour told his
inquisitive disciples, are not fit for them to know. But hoo! I am now
gone quite out of sight, I am almost giddy with roving about: I could
have ranged farther yet; but I am an infant, and not [3139]able to dive
into these profundities, or sound these depths; not able to understand,
much less to discuss. I leave the contemplation of these things to
stronger wits, that have better ability, and happier leisure to wade
into such philosophical mysteries; for put case I were as able as
willing, yet what can one man do? I will conclude with [3140]Scaliger,
Nequaquam nos homines sumus, sed partes hominis, ex omnibus aliquid
fieri potest, idque non magnum; ex singulis fere nihil. Besides (as
Nazianzen hath it) Deus latere nos multa voluit; and with Seneca, cap.
35. de Cometis, Quid miramur tam rara mundi spectacula non teneri
certis legibus, nondum intelligi? multae sunt gentes quae tantum de
facie sciunt coelum, veniet, tempus fortasse, quo ista quae, nunc
latent in lucem dies extrahat longioris aevi diligentia, una aetas non
sufficit, posteri, &c., when God sees his time, he will reveal these
mysteries to mortal men, and show that to some few at last, which he
hath concealed so long. For I am of [3141]his mind, that Columbus did
not find out America by chance, but God directed him at that time to
discover it: it was contingent to him, but necessary to God; he reveals
and conceals to whom and when he will. And which [3142]one said of
history and records of former times, God in his providence, to check
our presumptuous inquisition, wraps up all things in uncertainty, bars
us from long antiquity, and bounds our search within the compass of
some few ages: many good things are lost, which our predecessors made
use of, as Pancirola will better inform you; many new things are daily
invented, to the public good; so kingdoms, men, and knowledge ebb and
flow, are hid and revealed, and when you have all done, as the Preacher
concluded, Nihil est sub sole novum (nothing new under the sun.) But my
melancholy spaniel's quest, my game is sprung, and I must suddenly come
down and follow.
Jason Pratensis, in his book de morbis capitis, and chapter of
Melancholy, hath these words out of Galen, [3143]Let them come to me to
know what meat and drink they shall use, and besides that, I will teach
them what temper of ambient air they shall make choice of, what wind,
what countries they shall choose, and what avoid. Out of which lines of
his, thus much we may gather, that to this cure of melancholy, amongst
other things, the rectification of air is necessarily required. This is
performed, either in reforming natural or artificial air. Natural is
that which is in our election to choose or avoid: and 'tis either
general, to countries, provinces; particular, to cities, towns,
villages, or private houses. What harm those extremities of heat or
cold do in this malady, I have formerly shown: the medium must needs be
good, where the air is temperate, serene, quiet, free from bogs, fens,
mists, all manner of putrefaction, contagious and filthy noisome
smells. The [3144]Egyptians by all geographers are commended to be
hilares, a conceited and merry nation: which I can ascribe to no other
cause than the serenity of their air. They that live in the Orcades are
registered by [3145]Hector Boethius and [3146]Cardan, to be of fair
complexion, long-lived, most healthful, free from all manner of
infirmities of body and mind, by reason of a sharp purifying air, which
comes from the sea. The Boeotians in Greece were dull and heavy, crassi
Boeoti, by reason of a foggy air in which they lived, [3147]Boeotum in
crasso jurares aere natum, Attica most acute, pleasant, and refined.
The clime changes not so much customs, manners, wits (as Aristotle
Polit. lib. 6. cap. 4. Vegetius, Plato, Bodine, method. hist. cap. 5.
hath proved at large) as constitutions of their bodies, and temperature
itself. In all particular provinces we see it confirmed by experience,
as the air is, so are the inhabitants, dull, heavy, witty, subtle,
neat, cleanly, clownish, sick, and sound. In [3148]Perigord in France
the air is subtle, healthful, seldom any plague or contagious disease,
but hilly and barren: the men sound, nimble, and lusty; but in some
parts of Guienne, full of moors and marshes, the people dull, heavy,
and subject to many infirmities. Who sees not a great difference
between Surrey, Sussex, and Romney Marsh, the wolds in Lincolnshire and
the fens. He therefore that loves his health, if his ability will give
him leave, must often shift places, and make choice of such as are
wholesome, pleasant, and convenient: there is nothing better than
change of air in this malady, and generally for health to wander up and
down, as those [3149]Tartari Zamolhenses, that live in hordes, and take
opportunity of times, places, seasons. The kings of Persia had their
summer and winter houses; in winter at Sardis, in summer at Susa; now
at Persepolis, then at Pasargada. Cyrus lived seven cold months at
Babylon, three at Susa, two at Ecbatana, saith [3150]Xenophon, and had
by that means a perpetual spring. The great Turk sojourns sometimes at
Constantinople, sometimes at Adrianople, &c. The kings of Spain have
their Escurial in heat of summer, [3151]Madrid for a wholesome seat,
Valladolid a pleasant site, &c., variety of secessus as all princes and
great men have, and their several progresses to this purpose. Lucullus
the Roman had his house at Rome, at Baiae, &c. [3152]When Cn. Pompeius,
Marcus Cicero (saith Plutarch) and many noble men in the summer came to
see him, at supper Pompeius jested with him, that it was an elegant and
pleasant village, full of windows, galleries, and all offices fit for a
summer house; but in his judgment very unfit for winter: Lucullus made
answer that the lord of the house had wit like a crane, that changeth
her country with the season; he had other houses furnished, and built
for that purpose, all out as commodious as this. So Tully had his
Tusculan, Plinius his Lauretan village, and every gentleman of any
fashion in our times hath the like. The [3153]bishop of Exeter had
fourteen several houses all furnished, in times past. In Italy, though
they bide in cities in winter, which is more gentlemanlike, all the
summer they come abroad to their country-houses, to recreate
themselves. Our gentry in England live most part in the country (except
it be some few castles) building still in bottoms (saith [3154]Jovius)
or near woods, corona arborum virentium; you shall know a village by a
tuft of trees at or about it, to avoid those strong winds wherewith the
island is infested, and cold winter blasts. Some discommend moated
houses, as unwholesome; so Camden saith of [3155]Ew-elme, that it was
therefore unfrequented, ob stagni vicini halitus, and all such places
as be near lakes or rivers. But I am of opinion that these
inconveniences will be mitigated, or easily corrected by good fires, as
[3156]one reports of Venice, that graveolentia and fog of the moors is
sufficiently qualified by those innumerable smokes. Nay more,
[3157]Thomas Philol. Ravennas, a great physician, contends that the
Venetians are generally longer-lived than any city in Europe, and live
many of them 120 years. But it is not water simply that so much
offends, as the slime and noisome smells that accompany such overflowed
places, which is but at some few seasons after a flood, and is
sufficiently recompensed with sweet smells and aspects in summer, Ver
pinget vario gemmantia prata colore, and many other commodities of
pleasure and profit; or else may be corrected by the site, if it be
somewhat remote from the water, as Lindley, [3158]Orton super montem,
[3159]Drayton, or a little more elevated, though nearer, as
[3160]Caucut, [3161]Amington, [3162]Polesworth, [3163]Weddington (to
insist in such places best to me known, upon the river of Anker, in
Warwickshire, [3164] Swarston, and [3165]Drakesly upon Trent). Or
howsoever they be unseasonable in winter, or at some times, they have
their good use in summer. If so be that their means be so slender as
they may not admit of any such variety, but must determine once for
all, and make one house serve each season, I know no men that have
given better rules in this behalf than our husbandry writers.
[3166]Cato and Columella prescribe a good house to stand by a navigable
river, good highways, near some city, and in a good soil, but that is
more for commodity than health.
The best soil commonly yields the worst air, a dry sandy plat is
fittest to build upon, and such as is rather hilly than plain, full of
downs, a Cotswold country, as being most commodious for hawking,
hunting, wood, waters, and all manner of pleasures. Perigord in France
is barren, yet by reason of the excellency of the air, and such
pleasures that it affords, much inhabited by the nobility; as Nuremberg
in Germany, Toledo in Spain. Our countryman Tusser will tell us so
much, that the fieldone is for profit, the woodland for pleasure and
health; the one commonly a deep clay, therefore noisome in winter, and
subject to bad highways: the other a dry sand. Provision may be had
elsewhere, and our towns are generally bigger in the woodland than the
fieldone, more frequent and populous, and gentlemen more delight to
dwell in such places. Sutton Coldfield in Warwickshire (where I was
once a grammar scholar), may be a sufficient witness, which stands, as
Camden notes, loco ingrato et sterili, but in an excellent air, and
full of all manner of pleasures. [3167]Wadley in Berkshire is situate
in a vale, though not so fertile a soil as some vales afford, yet a
most commodious site, wholesome, in a delicious air, a rich and
pleasant seat. So Segrave in Leicestershire (which town [3168]I am now
bound to remember) is situated in a champaign, at the edge of the
wolds, and more barren than the villages about it, yet no place likely
yields a better air. And he that built that fair house, [3169]Wollerton
in Nottinghamshire, is much to be commended (though the tract be sandy
and barren about it) for making choice of such a place. Constantine,
lib. 2. cap. de Agricult. praiseth mountains, hilly, steep places,
above the rest by the seaside, and such as look toward the [3170]north
upon some great river, as [3171] Farmack in Derbyshire, on the Trent,
environed with hills, open only to the north, like Mount Edgecombe in
Cornwall, which Mr. [3172]Carew so much admires for an excellent seat:
such is the general site of Bohemia: serenat Boreas, the north wind
clarifies, [3173]but near lakes or marshes, in holes, obscure places,
or to the south and west, he utterly disproves, those winds are
unwholesome, putrefying, and make men subject to diseases. The best
building for health, according to him, is in [3174] high places, and in
an excellent prospect, like that of Cuddeston in Oxfordshire (which
place I must honoris ergo mention) is lately and fairly [3175]built in
a good air, good prospect, good soil, both for profit and pleasure, not
so easily to be matched. P. Crescentius, in his lib. 1. de Agric. cap.
5. is very copious in this subject, how a house should be wholesomely
sited, in a good coast, good air, wind, &c., Varro de re rust. lib. 1.
cap. 12. [3176]forbids lakes and rivers, marshy and manured grounds,
they cause a bad air, gross diseases, hard to be cured: [3177]if it be
so that he cannot help it, better (as he adviseth) sell thy house and
land than lose thine health. He that respects not this in choosing of
his seat, or building his house, is mente captus, mad, [3178]Cato
saith, and his dwelling next to hell itself, according to Columella: he
commends, in conclusion, the middle of a hill, upon a descent.
Baptista, Porta Villae, lib. 1. cap. 22. censures Varro, Cato,
Columella, and those ancient rustics, approving many things,
disallowing some, and will by all means have the front of a house stand
to the south, which how it may be good in Italy and hotter climes, I
know not, in our northern countries I am sure it is best: Stephanus, a
Frenchman, praedio rustic. lib. 1. cap. 4. subscribes to this,
approving especially the descent of a hill south or south-east, with
trees to the north, so that it be well watered; a condition in all
sites which must not be omitted, as Herbastein inculcates, lib. 1.
Julius Caesar Claudinus, a physician, consult. 24, for a nobleman in
Poland, melancholy given, adviseth him to dwell in a house inclining to
the [3179]east, and [3180]by all means to provide the air be clear and
sweet; which Montanus, consil. 229, counselleth the earl of Monfort,
his patient, to inhabit a pleasant house, and in a good air. If it be
so the natural site may not be altered of our city, town, village, yet
by artificial means it may be helped. In hot countries, therefore, they
make the streets of their cities very narrow, all over Spain, Africa,
Italy, Greece, and many cities of France, in Languedoc especially, and
Provence, those southern parts: Montpelier, the habitation and
university of physicians, is so built, with high houses, narrow
streets, to divert the sun's scalding rays, which Tacitus commends,
lib. 15. Annat., as most agreeing to their health, [3181]because the
height of buildings, and narrowness of streets, keep away the sunbeams.
Some cities use galleries, or arched cloisters towards the street, as
Damascus, Bologna, Padua, Berne in Switzerland, Westchester with us, as
well to avoid tempests, as the sun's scorching heat. They build on high
hills, in hot countries, for more air; or to the seaside, as Baiae,
Naples, &c. In our northern countries we are opposite, we commend
straight, broad, open, fair streets, as most befitting and agreeing to
our clime. We build in bottoms for warmth: and that site of Mitylene in