“Why, he hasn’t—but, I say, what’s this? A runaway, by George!—a woman.

She’ll get thrown; she reels in the saddle,” jumping excitedly on a

seat. “She’s a brick. She’s pulling the brute. Yes—no—it’s Miss Lindsay.

She can do nothing. She’ll be killed if she loses her seat. The pace is

awful. She’s lost her head. She’s done for.”

Such were the exclamations rapidly uttered by Eugene Percival as the

fainting form of Miss Lindsay was borne past him like a flash.

“Magnificently done!” shouted Pommery. “That fellow is a man, whoever he

is.”

Just as the young girl was swaying heavily from side to side in her

saddle, and about to sink fainting to the earth, one of the onlookers

plunged forward, and, seizing the reins of the maddened horse in a grasp

of steel, brought the animal almost to his haunches. The swooning girl

was thrown violently forward, to be received in his arms as though she

were a down pillow cast at him in play.

Percival and Pommery forced their way through the crowd.

“Make way, please; we are friends of this lady,” cried Percival. “Let

her have air. Carry her into the shade.”

Miss Lindsay was borne to the pathway and placed upon one of the

benches, while some cold water was dashed in her face.

“How splendidly she behaved!” cried one of the bystanders.

“Such nerve!”

“Such English pluck!”

“Pshaw!” exclaimed the gentleman who had been the means of rescuing her,

“I know twenty Irish girls who would have brought that brute to his

senses without any of this sort of fuss.”

At this juncture Fred Lindsay galloped up.

“Is she much hurt?” he anxiously demanded.

“She’s not hurt at all; she’s frightened.” And half a dozen persons

volunteered a statement of the occurrence, all speaking together.

“How _can_ I thank you?” said Lindsay, turning to the stranger. “Let me

have your name and address. By Jove! I must do something to express our

gratitude.”

“I stop twenty horses a day in the fields at home, and wickeder brutes

than that, so don’t say one word.” And ere Lindsay could interpose the

other had mingled with the crowd.

“Did you see him?” asked Percival of Pommery.

“Who?”

“The young fellow who rescued Miss Lindsay.”

“Not particularly.”

“Why, it’s our Irishman.”

“So it is. I’m awfully sorry not to have spoken to him. What a fellow he

is, to be sure!”

* * * * *

Eugene Percival, amongst other invitations, received a card for a

dinner-party at the Lindsays’ for the following Tuesday.

“We’ve been sadly put about,” said Miss Lindsay as he arrived, “groomed

to a hair.” “Our party was made up, fitting oh! so nicely. I had my old

man and my old lady, and the man who can talk opera, and the girl who

can talk Tennyson, and my M. P. who can talk politics. I had the

agricultural element and the lawn-tennis element, and a man who can talk

across the table, and the man who knows everything—yourself—and lo! a

wicked fairy _bon gré mal gré_ adds two unexpected guests to my party by

a wave of her wand, and spoils it. Isn’t it awful?” cries the hostess

piteously, elevating a superb bouquet to her dainty nose.

“What did she give you?”

“Only fancy—two Irish people!”

“This is ironical of destiny,” laughed Percival.

“I won’t know what to say to them, what to do with them. I want you to

stand in the gap, Mr. Percival, to see me through this miserable

_contretemps_.”

“Put me down for anything, from the _Annals of the Four Masters_ to

dancing an Irish jig. I haven’t the faintest idea who the Four Masters

are, and I’ve never seen the jig danced, but ’shure I’ll troy,’”

endeavoring to imitate the Irish brogue, and failing dismally, as does

every cockney rash enough to venture upon the experiment.

“I’ve never seen these people. I called at their hotel yesterday, but

they were out doing St. Paul’s, or the Tower, or the Houses of

Parliament, or the Thames Tunnel, as is the habit of tourists proper.”

“How did you drop into this trap, Miss Lindsay?”

“This wise: My uncle, Sir Winifred, spent some weeks last autumn with

them in Ireland. He is a man who is ever anxious to repay a courtesy

twofold.”

“I wonder, if I lent him ten sovereigns, would he return me twenty?”

laughed Percival.

“If it was _en règle_, he would most decidedly. He, it appears, met

them—wherever do you think?”

“I’m sure I cannot say.”

“At Madame Tussaud’s.”

“Sir Winifred at such a place! What an old wax-work it is!”

“He loves that Chamber of Horrors, and every time a murderer’s head is

added to it my uncle potters off directly to have a look at it. He

encountered his Irish friends in this Chamber last Saturday, and

instantly takes them to the Star and Garter at Richmond to dine. He had

them at the Zoo on Sunday, last night at the opera, and to-night he has

foisted them on me; so you won’t mind roughing it a little, will you?”

“Certainly not. Is there anything Irish in the house? One must talk

Ireland, you know.”

“Nothing except a genuine Ulster that never crossed the Channel in its

life. We bought it last year at the Robber of the North’s, McDougal, at

Inverness.”

“Were you in Scotland lawst year?” drawled a pink-faced young man,

lounging up.

“Oh! yes; we did the Kyles of Bute, and the Crenan Canal, and Oban, and

on by Ballachullish to the Pass of Glencoe, and we slept at Bannavic,

and went up the Caledonian Canal.” And Miss Lindsay went off into a gush

of rapture over the glorious scenery of the land o’cakes.

A powdered-headed flunky announced Mr. and Miss Devereux, but in such a

manner that the name might as well have been Smith. Miss Lindsay

courteously advanced to receive her guests with “So pleased to see you!

Called at your hotel yesterday. How long have you been in London? How do

you like Babylon? Your first visit?”

Charley Devereux—for ’tis he—gazes very hard at his hostess. Could he be

mistaken, or is not this the young lady whom he “chucked off” the

runaway horse?

“Are you fond of riding?” he abruptly asked.

“Oh! passionately. I ride every day.”

“Did you ride in the park on Friday?”

“Yes, and was nearly killed. My horse, a thoroughbred, bolted. I fought

him as long as I could. I got giddy, and I can recollect nothing till I

found myself stretched on a bench beneath one of the trees on the side

path.”

“Were you thrown?” asked Miss Devereux, of whom more anon.

“Well, yes and no. A man in the crowd—a young mechanic, my brother

says—stopped the horse and caught me as I was flying through the air.”

“Charley, don’t _you_ know something—”

A look from her brother silenced Miss Devereux.

“Were you present?” asked Miss Lindsay.

“I should rather say he was,” interposed Lindsay, who had just entered,

giving a finishing touch to his toilette as he bounded down the stairs.

“Why, hang it, Alice, don’t you know that it is to this gentleman you

probably owe your life?”

Miss Lindsay opened her blue eyes very wide.

“Is this possible?” she cried.

“Why, of course it is. My dear fellow,” exclaimed Lindsay, seizing

Charley Devereux by both hands, “need I say what intense pleasure it is

to find my sister’s rescuer in the person of a friend of my uncle?”

“Mr. Devereux,” added Alice, presenting two dainty hands in gloves of

many buttons, and impulsively flinging away her brother’s hands, “this

_is_ a joyous surprise. Why, Fred told me you were a mechanic—that is,”

she added with a blush—“you see he is awfully near-sighted.”

“Don’t apologize, Miss Lindsay. My old home-spun suit is becoming very

dingy, but I like it so well that I wouldn’t part with it for one of

Smallpage’s marvellous frocks.”

The pompous flunky announced dinner.

“You will take _me_ down, Mr. Devereux. I shall jilt Lord Jocelyn for

the _preux chevalier_ who has so charmingly proved that the age of

chivalry is not yet dead. By the way, I must do _my devoirs_.” And

summoning Percival from a distant corner of the room, she presented him

to Miss Devereux.

He did not catch the name, but, offering that young lady his arm, he

moved towards the door.

“Now for pigs and potatoes,” he thought.

He took a good look at the young girl on his arm, and he beheld a very

charming form, soft brown wavy hair in a glorious luxuriance, tastefully

and neatly bound up in plaits, a fair skin slightly freckled, a nose a

little tip-tilted like the petal of a flower, a rich red mouth, and

earnest gray eyes shaded by long, sweeping lashes.

“Your first visit to London?”

“My first.”

She turned her face to him, and then he perceived its delicate oval, its

low, straight forehead, its pencilled brows, its charming innocence and

purity of expression. This was not the brogue he expected to hear. This

was not the face or form he had so dreaded to meet. Why, he could get on

with this charming bit of Emerald without any reference to the Isle,

save what it might please her Serene Greenship to indulge in.

“And how do you like London?” he asked, after the gentle fuss of

seat-taking had subsided, and every person had opened his or her napkin

after his or her own particular fashion.

“It oppresses me.”

“In what way?”

“It is too vast, too grand, too colossal. It wearies. I have had more

headache since I came here than ever I earned over my Latin grammar.”

“Latin grammar! Are you so deep as Latin?”

“I have taught Latin,” and, seeing his puzzled expression, “to my _very_

young brothers.”

“By Jove!” It’s all Percival has to say, and he says it.

Miss Devereux indulged in a low, musical laugh at her cavalier’s

expense.

“You’re laughing at me?” said the bureaucrat, giving a tremendous tug to

his moustache.

“I am,” was her reply.

“Why?”

“It’s singularly amusing to hear an Englishman focus all his energies

upon his favorite exclamation.”

“And what do you say in Ireland?” he retorted, somewhat nettled.

“You must ask my brother.”

“If he waits till I ask him,” thought Percival, “he’ll be as gray as a

badger.”

Mr. Percival indulged in another gaze at his fair companion, who was

engaged in the unromantic task of enjoying her dinner, while he found

himself _hors de combat_ after a spoonful of soup and a devilled

whitebait. He discovered a certain magnetism about her that irresistibly

attracted him. The charm of her beauty was not in her golden hair, whose

wavelets threw up the brilliancy of her rich color; not in the pure

cream-tinted skin, not in the exquisitely delicate curve of the chin and

cheek, nor in the sauciness of her _retroussé_ nose; it was the

unconscious pleasure in her face, a joy that positively breathed

happiness from every feature.

“How does it come that you have no brogue?” he abruptly asked.

“Oh! dear, yes I have. I would shame the bogs of Ballynashaughnagaun if

I did not fairly represent them in the land of the Saxon.”

“Do pronounce that jaw-breaker again.”

“Ballynashaughnagaun.”

“How dreadful!”

“We have longer names than that.” And Miss Devereux, to Percival’s

intense amusement, proceeded to run over the townlands surrounding her

wild Connemara home.

“Only fancy if a man got lost in Knocka-what-you-may-call-um; why, he’d

perish by the wayside ere he could ask his way to the place from whence

he came.”

“I am quite prepared to think that you would,” she laughed.

“I’m rather a dab at languages,” he said, with a certain tinge of

self-satisfaction in his tone.

“I beg your pardon—a what?”

“A dab.”

“May I ask which of your languages is that word borrowed from, Mr.

Percival?”

“It’s supposed to be English,” he laughed.

“Oh! I am so relieved. I was afraid you were going to attach it to

Ireland, and then—”

“And then?”

“_Guerra al cuchillo_—war to the knife.”

“Are you a dab?—I beg pardon; do you speak Spanish?”

“I do; we are quite an Irish-Spanish colony.”

“An Irish-Spanish colony! In the name of wonder what is that?”

“I’ll tell you. The _Infanta_, one of the largest of the vessels

attached to the Spanish Armada, was wrecked on the coast of Mayo. The

survivors settled along the coast as far as Galway. My great, great,

great, ever so great-grand-mamma was a daughter of one of the officers.”

“How is it that you come to have such glorious gray eyes?” This was said

enthusiastically.

“Do not let that iced _soufflet_ pass, Mr. Percival; it is too good to

snub so unmercifully.”

“What a facer!” thought the Foreign Office clerk as he called back the

servant with the _entrée_ in question.

Miss Devereux did not understand any gentleman’s gushing in this manner

upon an acquaintance of twenty minutes. If young ladies would only ice

menkind occasionally, instead of permitting them to say what they will,

their sway would be absolutely without limit; but, alas! the girls of

to-day are too—but I will not be cynical.

“What part of Ireland do you come from, Miss ——?” He has not heard her

name, and mumbles something unintelligible to fill up the gap.

“Connemara.”

“I know some people living out there.”

“Indeed! As I know everybody living _out there_, I am quite sure we

shall discover mutual friends.”

Now, Mr. Eugene Percival, not having the remotest idea of who Miss

Devereux might be, imagines that this is a very good opportunity for

being very amusing, and he accordingly plunges _in medias res_ without

more ado.

“The name is Devereux,” he said.

“Devereux?” she repeated. “There is but one family of that name in

Mayo.”

“Of Bally—something.”

“Ballybo?”

“That’s it. Ballybo. Do you know them?”

She gave one short, sharp glance at him. Was this Englishman about to

amuse himself at her expense? Was he going to exercise his English

stupidity in a practical joke? No; she instinctively felt that Percival

was a gentleman and would not _dare_ take a liberty; and she perceived

him so full of suppressed mirth that she resolved upon letting him have

it all his own way.

“Yes, I know them,” she replied.

“What sort of people are they?”

“Oh! very commonplace, and somewhat old-fashioned in their ways,” hardly

able to keep back a burst of laughter.

“I thought as much. I’ll tell you a capital thing that has occurred

within the last week.” Here he indulged in a series of gentlemanly

chuckles. “I had a letter from Ballyporeen.”

“Ballybo? _You_, Mr. Percival?” she exclaimed in a surprised way.

“Yes, from an excellent lady, who addresses me as her cousin, and signs

herself Martha Mary Grace Devereux, and who informed me that her son and

daughter were coming to town, and begged of me to take care of them.”

Miss Devereux, dropping her knife and fork, gazed steadily at Percival.

She became very white, while a sudden anger flamed in her expressive

eyes.

“You, then, are Mr. Eugene Percival?” she said, a harshness in her

voice.

“Yaas.”

“Of the Foreign Office?”

“I have the honor to be attached to that blundering institution.”

“If I do not mistake, Mr. Percival, you received more than _one_ letter

from Ballybo.”

“Yaas, I got one from a sulky young Irishman who—”

“Have you met him?” she interrupted.

“No, thank Heaven! and I hope I never shall.”

This was uttered so fervently that Miss Devereux, yielding to an

ungovernable impulse, rang out a peal of musical laughter so bright, so

joyous, so contagious that the remainder of the company ceased their

colorless prattle in order firstly to listen and then to join in it.

“You are having all the fun to yourself,” cried Lindsay, addressing

Geraldine Devereux. “What is the _mot_? Do send it round; we want

something more _piquante_ than an _entrée_ at this stage of the

proceedings.”

Geraldine, all blushes at this unlooked-for notoriety and isolation,

declared that her laughter arose from a story that was being narrated to

her by Mr. Percival.

“It’s the first time Percival ever succeeded in making anybody laugh

_with_ him,” exclaimed a sour-looking old gentleman who wore the red

ribbon of a C. B. round his neck.

“Let us have it, Percival, _pro bono publico_.”

“Is it any secret of the office, Mr. Percival?” demanded Miss Lindsay.

“Because if it is there’s ’a chiel amang ye takin’ notes.’ Eh, Lord

Jocelyn?”

“Like the ghost of Hamlet’s father, I am forbid to tell the secrets of

my prison-house,” was Percival’s retort.

“Is it worth hearing?—that is the question.”

“Very well worth hearing,” said Geraldine.

“It’s merely an Irish adventure,” observed Percival.

“Merely? Why, where is adventure to be achieved, if not in Ireland?

Come, Percival, let us have it,” urged his host.

This was too good a chance for the member of Parliament. “I was in the

House the night the Home-Rulers—” And he commenced an anecdote under

cover of which the Foreign Office clerk was enabled to beat a retreat.

“It’s an awfully funny story, but some of the people here wouldn’t see

it, you know.”

“I can’t see it yet, Mr. Percival; you have only just commenced. Pray

proceed.”

“Well, you see, I got this letter raking me up, you know, and the other

letter from the young Irish wolf-dog, who wouldn’t have me at any price.

How awfully emerald these people must be to imagine that _I_ could—may I

use an Irish word?”

“No,” hotly.

“Bother myself about them, especially in the height of the season.” And

Mr. Percival emptied a glass of champagne to his own sentiment.

“Poor things! And you don’t intend taking any notice of them?”

“No more than if they never existed.”

“And are you their kinsman?”

“I believe so, now that I have looked into the matter.”

“Don’t you think you are acting rather shabbily?”

“So Jack Pommery says.”

“And Jack Pommery is right,” exclaimed Geraldine, clinching her little

left hand and bringing it down into the rosy palm of her right.

“Do you know Jack Pommery?” asked Percival.

“I—I have met him.”

“Here?”

“No.”

“It must have been in Ireland, then,” earnestly.

“It was.”

“By Jove!”

This exclamation caused Geraldine to observe Percival. There was a

mysterious knowingness on his face that sent the mercury of her

curiosity up into the nineties.

“Is Mr. Pommery an acquaintance of yours, Mr. Percival?”

“He is my _alter ego_, my better man; and I think I have got at his

secret.”

“Surely such strong friends have no secrets from one another.”

“Jack kept one bottled up ever so tight, wired down like the bitter beer

they send to India. May I ask you a question?” turning abruptly to

Geraldine.

“You have asked so many that usage has almost become a right, Mr.

Percival.”

“Are you fond of violets?”

A red, red rose-blush spread itself over the young Irish girl’s face and

neck and shell-like ears—a blush that came and glowed and refused to be

put down—a blush that wooed and caressed and fondled.

“Why do you ask me?” she palpitated.

At this moment Miss Lindsay telegraphed for the ladies to retire, and

the usual uprising, and rustle and removal of chairs, and grim punctilio

of menkind, and saucy _insouciance_ of womenkind took place. When the

gentlemen had reseated themselves the host cried:

“Close quarters, _mes braves_. Approach to the attack of this fortress

of Château Lafitte. Get up here, Percival; you were lost to me for the

last two hours.”

In obedience to the mandate of his host the bureaucrat moved more above

the salt, and, casting his eyes across the table, he was astonished and

delighted to discover the young Irishman who had so pluckily

distinguished himself upon the two occasions already detailed in this

truthful narrative.

“I am awfully glad to meet you,” he said, taking up his glass and moving

to a vacant chair beside Charley Devereux.

Charley bowed stiffly and awkwardly.

“I was at the Albion with a friend last Thursday when you dropped upon

that disgusting cad.”

Devereux blushed like a schoolgirl.

“He was a low, swaggering blackguard, and, only I had an appointment

with my sister, I’d have kicked him into Covent Garden among the

cabbages,” he warmly exclaimed.

“He wanted my friend and I to witness what he called the assault, but we

gave him scant encouragement. I also saw you the very same day do a very

plucky thing in Hyde Park.”

“Oh! I know what you mean. Pshaw! it’s not worth mentioning.”

“Isn’t it? The eyes of our fair hostess tell another story.”

Charley Devereux drained a glass of claret and remained silent.

“As you announced your nationality at the Albion, I know that you are

Irish.”

“To the backbone, I hope.”

“Do you reside here?”

“No; I’ve only run over for a few days.”

“I shall be glad to make you an honorary member of my club.”

“What club is it?” asked Charley.

“I belong to two, the Garrick and the Reform. I can make you an honorary

member of the Reform; at the Garrick we are powerless.”

“Thanks. I won’t trouble you, my stay is so short. I know, at least I do

not know, a member of the Garrick.”

“What’s his name?”

“Well, he’s not worth naming. He’s what you call in this country a cad.”

“We don’t patronize cads in Garrick Street, Covent Garden,” said

Percival, somewhat coldly.

“Well, you’ve got one full-blossomed cad amongst you at all events—what

we would call in my country a _shoneen_.”

“Of course, as there’s a black sheep in every flock, there’s a shady man

in every club. May I ask who this _shoneen_ is?”

Charley Devereux was on the point of uttering the two words “Eugene

Percival” when Lindsay burst in.

“I say, you two fellows, you’re snubbing my cellar most awfully. You

remind me of two pashas whom I met at a dinner-party at Constantinople,

who—”

“Speaking of Constantinople,” interrupted the member of Parliament, “Sir

Stafford Northcote on Tuesday night—” commencing a sing-song, Dryasdust

House of Commons story which lasted until coffee was announced.

As the gentlemen were ascending the stairs Percival observed to

Devereux:

“I took a countrywoman of yours down to dinner.”

“You took my sister.”

“Indeed! You do not resemble one another.”

“There is just a family likeness, that’s all.”

“Do you reside in Dublin?”

“Not exactly; we live in the wildest portion of Connemara.”

“Will you permit me to exchange cards with you?”

“I haven’t got a card, but my name is Devereux.”

“Devereux!” exclaimed Percival, staggering against the wall.

“Yes, Charley Devereux.”

“Of Ballybo, County Mayo?” turning red and white by turns.

“Quite right.”

“And—and—the girl I took down to dinner is _your_ sister?”

“You took Miss Devereux into dinner,” said Charley proudly.

Percival said nothing. The situation revealed itself in a lurid flash.

It was too ghastly. Miss Devereux had listened to his miserable story,

and, while he imagined he had been amusing her, he had been engaged in

digging a pitfall in which it were well he had broken his neck. He had

been constructing a pillory wherein he had sat to be pelted with

contumely and ridicule. And Devereux, this lion-hearted young Irishman,

whose pluck was of the age of chivalry—this splendid specimen of an

Irish gentleman whom he had disowned—had written him down a cad. What

should he do? What _could_ he do? What could he say? All the water in

the Irish Channel were not sufficient to wash him clean of the stains

imprinted by his own bovine ignorance. What idiotic folly tempted him to

rush into the details of that wretched episode? Why had he not acted as

a gentleman? Why had he not replied to the letter of Mrs. Devereux and

left his card on his kinsfolk? The affair would have died out then and

there, and he would have done his _devoir_. He felt sick and giddy. The

worst impeachment is that which comes from one’s self. No sentence so

stern, no torture so severe. He felt that, blinded by prejudice, he had

acted a mean, unmanly part, and was now hoist on his own petard. Nemesis

had followed him, and the sword of Damocles descended how unexpectedly!

Of course Miss Devereux despised him. She was civil because

conventionality demanded it and because true blood always tells. To her

brother he should reveal himself, cost what it would. All that a

gentleman can do is to apologize, and the _amende honorable_ was already

an overdue draft.

To do Eugene Percival justice, he was not a bad sort of fellow. He was

only thoroughly English; and, whilst the English love the Irish

individually, collectively they despise them. This farcical ignorance of

Ireland and the Irish leads to a deal of misconception, and there are

thousands of Saxons who would travel across Central Africa sooner than

undertake the four hours between Holyhead and Kingstown, the sixty-three

miles separating North Wales from the county of Dublin.

They had reached the drawing-room landing. At the open door Miss

Devereux was chatting with considerable animation to Miss Lindsay.

“Mr. Devereux,” said Percival, “will you oblige me by stepping this

way?” advancing to where the ladies stood.

“Well, Mr. Percival,” exclaimed Alice Lindsay, “when are we to have your

Irish story?”

“Now.”

There was something in the tone that compelled attention. Miss Devereux,

with a woman’s quick perception, felt the approaching _dénouement_, and,

like a true woman, endeavored to spare this man his utter humiliation.

“Irish stories should be told in Ireland,” she cried.

“There is one Irish story that must be told _here_, Miss Lindsay,” said

Percival gravely, “and I would beg your attention for a very brief

moment.”

“Why, it must be a very tragic one,” cried the hostess. “You are as

grave as the entire senate when Othello addressed them,” to Percival.

“_You_, my dear little Irish girl, from being as joyous as Nora Creina,

are as sad as poor suffering Erin herself; and you, _caballero mio_,” to

Devereux, “have summoned a winter cloud of frown to your brow, behind it

thunder. If Mr. Percival insists let us hear his horrible tale in

comfort. _Messieurs et mesdames, asseyez vous._”

No one took a seat but the hostess, and she sought a coigne of vantage

upon the stairs.

“I hardly know how to begin,” said Percival very slowly. “I can make no

_amende_ beyond the utter humiliation the narration of the story will

inflict, and no ordeal that I could be put to could possibly prove more

bitter. Until five minutes ago I was in utter ignorance that to Miss

Devereux and her brother I could claim relationship.”

“Relationship! How awfully jolly!” exclaimed Miss Lindsay, fanning

herself violently.

“You, then, are Eugene Percival?” cried Charley Devereux, surveying him

with a glance in which scorn and anger struggled for mastery.

“I am Eugene Percival, your kinsman. Stay,” he added as Charley was

about to interrupt him. “I ask to be heard—that is all. To err is human,

to forgive divine. I have made a ghastly mistake; I now eat the humblest

of pie. I can urge nothing in extenuation for my silly small-talk. It

was weak, it was shabby. I pillory myself. I beg to assure you, my

cousins, that within the last five minutes I have passed through a

bitter agony. I did not catch your name, Miss Devereux, when the honor

was conferred upon me of taking you down to dinner. I had not the

faintest conception who you were whilst my stupid tongue babbled. I was

not aware that this gentleman was your brother. I did not know who he

was until within five minutes. Fate has been playing at cross purposes

with me. I offer no apology for my bad form in not replying to the

letters I received. There is none that could be accepted. A chain of

circumstances has woven itself which ties me to the earth. I can only

say that I earnestly hope some chance may be granted me of showing how

anxious I am to redeem myself with my Irish cousins.” And making a deep

bow, Eugene Percival hurried down the stairs and from the house.

* * * * *

Upon the day following this _dénouement_ Percival called upon Jack

Pommery at the lodgings of the latter in New Bond Street.

“Have you been appointed secretary of legation at Ujiji?” laughed Jack.

“You look about as cheerful as if you were in for the yellow fever.”

“Drop chaff, Jack; I want to have a long talk with you.”

“Take that chair, old fellow, and out with it, whatever it is,” cried

Pommery, rolling a luxurious arm-chair to his companion and flinging

himself upon a sofa.

“Jack, go and call at the Charing Cross Hotel to-day.”

“What to do?”

“Miss Geraldine Devereux is stopping there.”

“Miss who?” demanded the other, springing like an acrobat to his feet.

“Miss Geraldine Devereux, of Ballybo, County Mayo.”

“You don’t mean it, Percival!” a great wave of joy passing over his

handsome face.

“I do indeed.”

“How did you come by this?”

“I met her at dinner yesterday at the Lindsays’.”

“What!”

Percival repeated his reply.

“And I was asked there, and refused for a vile whitebait dinner at

Greenwich,” said Pommery with a dismal groan.

“She is absolutely charming, Jack—so naïve, so frank, so coquettish, and

so pure.”

“Are you hit?”

“I would be if my proof-armor had not been buckled on by my friend

Pommery. No, Jack, I want to ask you all about these people, and I’ll

tell you why: they are my Irish cousins.”

“Not the—”

“Yes, the writer of one of those fatal letters was Mrs. Devereux; of the

other, Charley.”

“This is a bad business, Percival,” observed Pommery after a silence.

“It is a bad business. I am written down a cad, and, by George! I

deserve the appellation,” cried Percival, smiting the arm of the chair a

severe blow.

“Giving those letters to that ass Minniver was bad form, and I said so.”

“I have got them here. Luckily, Minniver has been down with Bertie

Baging for the Ascot week, and, except to old Fladgate, he has never

shown them to mortal. Do you know who Devereux turns out to be?”

“Who?”

“The young fellow who so pluckily sat upon the rowdy at the Albion.”

“By Jove!”

“And only fancy, he did not know who Alice Lindsay was until he came to

dinner at Curzen Street.”

“By Jove!” repeated Jack Pommery.

Impart a piece of startling intelligence to an Englishman, and he will

always exclaim, “By Jove!”

“Now, Jack, tell me all about the Devereux—all that you know. She has

younger brothers. Has she a sister?”

“She has.”

“Younger?”

“Yes.”

“Anything like your girl?”

“She is _not_ MY girl, Percival. I only wish that she was,” he added

with fierce energy.

“You should have seen how she blushed when I asked her if she liked

violets.”

“Percival!” exclaimed Pommery, “that was hardly fair.”

“Don’t agitate yourself, old fellow; the subject was handled, as we say

at the office, ‘delicately.’ How old are the younger brothers?”

“One is about eighteen.”

“Bright?”

“Very. He showed me one of Browning’s poems done into Latin, French, and

some other language—I think German.”

“You are certain of this, Jack?” cried Percival earnestly.

“I am certain the lad showed them to me, and that he said they were his

own translations. He’s in Trinity College at Dublin.”

“What are they going to do with him?”

“They were speaking of the civil service or the Irish bar. _Entre nous_,

they haven’t much money, and it’s a wonder they have a stiver, they are

so recklessly hospitable. Why, my dear fellow, there were fifteen guests

stopping at Ballybo while I was there, and we met a whole caravan

traversing the beautiful road that runs from Westport along the Atlantic

when _en route_ for the train.”

“This is admirable,” muttered Percival, half thinking aloud.

“What is admirable?”

“Never mind. Is Ballybo a handsome place?”

“It’s a fine old mansion of that order of architecture so much in vogue

when Queen Anne was busying herself in distributing largess to

Marlborough. It is surrounded by superb trees, in which ten thousand

rooks keep up a cawing that is almost deafening. An inlet of the

Atlantic almost brings the seaweed to the hall door-steps. The stables

are fit for the Duke of Beaufort, and I can tell you there are horses in

the stalls that would bring their five hundred guineas at Tattersall’s.”

* * * * *

The “Wild Irishman,” as the express from London to Holyhead has been

termed, on account of the almost reckless speed at which it travels, was

about to start from Euston Square when Mr. Eugene Percival made his

appearance upon the platform, and, walking along the line of carriages,

suddenly stopped opposite a first-class _coupé_. The compartment was

occupied by a young lady and gentleman. The lady was Miss Geraldine

Devereux, the gentleman her brother.

Percival had called at the Charing Cross Hotel, merely leaving cards.

His visit was not returned. He sent Miss Devereux a box for the opera,

with a superb bouquet from Covent Garden. The box voucher was sent back

with the compliments of Mr. Devereux; the flowers Miss Devereux

retained. For the few days that his Irish cousins remained in London

Eugene Percival made no sign.

Removing his hat, he respectfully bowed to the occupants of the _coupé_.

Miss Devereux sat nearest the window at which he stood.

“I have come to beg forgiveness,” he said. “Do not go back to Ireland

without uttering my pardon.”

Now, it so happened that Charley Devereux, who had been dining with an

old college chum, was in very good humor, all his war-paint having been

removed under the pleasurable influences of a renewed friendship. So,

thrusting forth his hand, he exclaimed:

“Don’t say anything more about it, Percival. I’m sure you’re sorry.

You’ll do better next time, and won’t let your English prejudice bolt

across country with you.”

“And you, Miss Devereux?”

“I may forgive you, and perhaps call you cousin, when you shall have

made a lengthened tour in my own sweet land.”

“Am I to avoid Ballybo?”

“And commit another mistake?” she archly exclaimed.

“I have done with mistakes for ever.” And as he uttered the words the

train moved silently but swiftly away.

About three weeks after Miss Devereux had regained her wild mountain

home she was considerably astonished one morning upon receiving from out

the post-bag a large, important-looking document with the words, “On Her

Majesty’s Service,” in front, and an enormous seal on the back, with the

royal arms of England stamped upon the red sealing-wax and “Foreign

Office” underneath them.

“Can this be from Eugene Percival?” she thought, as she tore it open and

read:

“FOREIGN OFFICE, July 26, 187—.

“DEAR COUSIN GERALDINE DEVEREUX: I enclose a nomination for the

Foreign Office for my cousin, Patrick Sarsfield Devereux, your

brother. From the correspondence which has taken place between my

dear friend Jack Pommery and my kinsman on the subject of his

future, I trust that this opening is one that will prove suitable to

his tastes and his talents. It is not impossible that I may visit

your ‘impossible country’ when Mr. Pommery runs over for the

grouse-shooting. With kindest regards to all my kinsfolk, I remain,

dear Cousin Geraldine Devereux, your friend and cousin,

“EUGENE PERCIVAL.”

“He’s a good fellow after all,” cried Geraldine with streaming eyes,

“and has made more than the _amende honorable_ to his Irish cousins.”

ENGLISH STATESMEN IN UNDRESS.

LORD CARLINGFORD AND JOHN FRANCIS MAGUIRE.

The English statesman whose personal acquaintance I first made was the

present Lord Carlingford, who was at that time the Hon. Chichester

Fortescue, Secretary of State for Ireland in the cabinet of Mr.

Gladstone. I had in my possession a letter of introduction to him, but I

was unwilling to use it as a means of “interviewing” Mr. Fortescue. I

desired to obtain certain information from him which he might not be

willing to give; and I did not wish that my possible indiscretion in

asking for the information should reflect at all upon the friend who had

given me the letter. I wrote to Mr. Fortescue, telling him simply who I

was and what I wanted, and asking whether he would permit me to call

upon him. I received a note from his secretary, informing me that at a

certain hour Mr. Fortescue would receive me at his office in Great

George Street, Westminster. This was before the new government offices

in Whitehall were completed, and when the various governmental bureaus

were scattered about, hither and thither, in houses that were not

altogether magnificent or imposing. By an error of my own in estimating

the time necessary for a drive from Bayswater to Great George Street, I

was some minutes behind the appointed hour; and when I gave my card to

the servant in waiting he regarded me with a reproachful air. “You have

been asked for, sir,” he said, as he conducted me up-stairs and ushered

me into an ante-room very plainly, almost poorly, furnished. In a few

moments he reappeared, and, leading me through a narrow hall, opened the

door of a larger room, and I found myself in the presence of the Irish

secretary: a tall, slim, thin-faced, handsome man, dressed with

scrupulous neatness, rather starched and stiff, not unlike Fernando Wood

in his prim correctness. Motioning me to a chair in front of his table,

he resumed his seat behind it, and the conversation began. Cold and calm

at first, he soon warmed with the subject, and spoke with earnestness

and freedom, at times with enthusiasm. Her majesty’s government, he

assured me, were earnestly anxious to do justice to Ireland; he thought

they had proved this by their past acts. If they remained in power they

would convince all the world of their sincere desire to remove every

legitimate grievance of which Ireland could complain. He appreciated the

force of my suggestion that the reflex action of public opinion in

America upon public opinion in Ireland was not to be despised. He

questioned me closely upon the extent to which the American press was

influenced by Irish thought; were there many Irish writers in the New

York newspaper offices? who were they? what were their opinions? were

the adverse criticisms upon the Irish policy of the imperial government

inspired by them, or were these the spontaneous thoughts of American

observers?

I began to think I was the interviewed and not the interviewer; but Mr.

Fortescue was ready enough to answer questions in his turn. It was quite

true, he said, that the land question and the question of higher

education in Ireland bristled all over with difficulties. If the demands

of the tenant-farmers in Ireland were granted, a precedent would be set

up that might be attended with most inconvenient consequences in

England; if Mr. Gladstone were to propose a measure for university

education in Ireland that would be satisfactory to Cardinal Cullen, he

would encounter a storm of opposition from the Irish and English

Protestants, and from the even then rapidly-growing secularist party in

England, that might overwhelm him. I remember the earnestness with which

Mr. Fortescue refuted a chance suggestion of mine that Mr. Gladstone was

at heart a foe to the Catholic Church. The very contrary was the case;

he leaned, if anything, too much the other way. Archbishop Manning was

his near and dear friend. He incurred the suspicion and the latent

enmity of the ultra-Protestants, and especially of the Nonconformists,

by his unconcealed anxiety to compensate the Irish Catholics for the

wrongs they had suffered in the past, and to make the future equable and

pleasant for them. In Mr. Fortescue’s belief, an American having it in

his power to influence and enlighten American opinion, and especially

Irish-American opinion, respecting the real wishes of the leaders of the

Liberal party regarding Ireland, could not do a better work than to

impress upon the minds of his countrymen the fact that England—at least

the England of that day—was heartily and sincerely anxious to do justice

to Ireland. The success of the then contemplated measures of the

government would depend very much upon the spirit in which the Irish

people received them.

Mr. Fortescue was evidently not thoroughly satisfied with the state of

feeling in Ireland, and he made some remarks concerning the Irish press

that it is not necessary to repeat. He returned again, however, to the

subject of the influence that Americans, and Irish-Americans in

particular, had upon Irish opinion; and his observations upon this point

convinced me that the secret-service department of his bureau was not

badly conducted. Towards the end of our conversation I mentioned that I

had a letter of introduction to him from ——, and presented it,

explaining why I had not done so in the first instance. We had a laugh

over what he called my “un-American scrupulousness,” and we parted very

good friends. Mr. Fortescue is the possessor of very enviable qualities.

I was quite convinced of his sincerity; but I reflected that the

fascination of his manner when he was aroused and anxious to make a

point might easily blind the judgment. We met occasionally after this

from time to time; and I last saw him at his residence at Strawberry

Hill, where his wife, the Countess Frances Waldegrave (whose own history

is a romance), is the centre of a circle of no small political and

social importance. The future of which we had talked in our first

interview had become the past: Mr. Gladstone had played his trump cards

and had lost his game, Mr. Disraeli reigned in his stead, while Mr.

Fortescue had become Lord Carlingford and was not unhappy. But Ireland

was not happy yet; and I ventured to say so to his lordship. “What would

you have?” he asked—“Catholic university education on Cardinal Cullen’s

plan; a tenant-right law that would make the landlord the slave of the

occupier; and Home Rule, under which the tragedy of the Kilkenny cats

would be enacted all over Ireland until none were left to tell the tale,

or tails. _Ce n’est pas possible, mon ami._”

The words “Home Rule” recall the memory of a very dear friend whose

acquaintance I made in London, and who has now gone to rest. With sad

but pleasant reminiscences I rummage through my letter-cases, filled

with cherished epistles, until I come upon a packet tied with black tape

and labelled “John Francis Maguire.” He was a splendid man, impulsive

and quick, but with a sound judgment that held his emotions under

sufficient control; full of lofty and poetic aspirations for his

country’s future, but guided in his actions by the most sober and

practical common sense. In the midst of arduous political and

professional labors, all the more severe from the pressure of a constant

struggle with inadequate pecuniary resources, from the demands of an

exacting constituency, and from the burning passion of his soul for the

happiness of Ireland, he found time for literary work that was at once a

source of profit and of pleasure to him. Every one will remember his

_Irish in America_ and his _Pontificate of Pius IX._; but it is with a

pang that I remember the pages of manuscript that he read to me on my

last visit to him. They were portions of a novel he was writing—and it

was to be a Jesuitical novel. What Eugene Sue had done to vilify and

traduce the Society of Jesus he would do to vindicate and exalt it. He

described to me the plot; disputed with me over the proposed

_dénouement_; laughed over the skill with which he had introduced

well-known personages into the story; and asked me if, under the

disguise of Sir Guichet de Nouvelle, I recognized that Don Quixote of

Protestantism, Mr. Newdegate.

Mr. Maguire died before his novel was completed—at least, I never heard

of its completion. When I first knew him he lived in pleasant apartments

in Bessborough Gardens, and there it was I last parted from him. The

presentation of my letter of introduction resulted in an invitation to

dine with him the next day; and this was the first of a long series of

little banquets that we had together, alternately at his apartments and

in a cosey room on the third floor of the London Tavern, Fleet Street,

where I played the host. Charming were these symposiums, generally held

on Saturday nights, because the House was not then in session, and

sometimes lasting far beyond midnight. I remember one of these

occasions, on a lovely night in June, when, having sat together until

two o’clock in the morning, I proposed that we should walk to Pimlico

together, where I would leave him at his door. Our route took us through

Temple Bar, up the Strand, down Parliament Street, past the Parliament

houses and Westminster Abbey, and through St. James Park. The morning

air was delicious. At this season of the year the night in London is

very short; one can see to read without gaslight as late as nine

o’clock, and the stars begin to pale as early as two o’clock in the

morning. They were beginning to pale as we left the tavern and began our

walk. The moon, hastening to hide itself before the sun arose, threw a

soft light over the scene; all that was ugly and commonplace in the

glare of day was hidden or disguised; all that was beautiful was arrayed

in new and seductive splendor. The Strand was almost deserted; here and

there a policeman paced his beat; here and there the form of some poor

wretch glided out of the shade of an archway, lingered a moment, and

disappeared. Trafalgar Square was glorious; the fountains made music for

Marochetti’s lions at the base of Nelson’s pillar, and the little lion

on the top of Northumberland House seemed to wag his tail as if beating

time to the melody. Presently the grand vista of the Abbey and the

Parliament houses opened before us; but scarcely had I glanced at it ere

Mr. Maguire hurried me through a narrow passage to the left. “Come,”

said he, “let us see where a king’s head fell.” I had seen it before—the

little square in Whitehall where Charles I. was beheaded, and where the

statue of James II. stands, the king pointing with his sceptre to the

spot where the head of his father fell. In the daytime the place has a

mean and squalid appearance, although the Crescent and gardens around it

are handsome and trim enough. At this moment the surroundings of the

place were bathed in a light that hid their deformities and enhanced

their beauties, and the memories of the tragic scene enacted there had

nothing to disturb them. The ghastly drama re-enacted itself before our

mental vision. There was the window of Whitehall Palace in front of

which the scaffold had been erected. From this window the king emerged;

he stood on the scaffold, with his head erect, wishing to address the

people; but the troops filled the place, and the populace were kept at a

distance. “I can be heard only by you,” said the king to the soldiers;

“I will therefore address to you a few words.” And he repeated to them a

little speech which he had prepared. A curious discourse it was—grave

and calm, “even to coldness,” as Guizot has it. He had been in the

right, he said; every one else was in the wrong; the deprivation of the

rights of the sovereign was the true cause of the unhappiness of the

people; the people should have no voice in government; it was only on

this condition that the kingdom could regain peace and liberty! While he

was speaking some one touched the axe. “Do not dull the axe,” he

exclaimed; “if it is dull it will hurt me.” The executioner directed him

to gather up his long hair under a silk cap which he wore, and the

Protestant Bishop Juxon assisted him to arrange it.

“I have,” said the king, “a good cause and a clement God.”

“Yes, sire,” replied Juxon. “There is only one more step before you; it

is full of agony, but it is short, although it will transport you from

earth to heaven.”

The king replied: “I pass from a corruptible to an incorruptible crown;

there I shall fear no sorrow.” Then, after asking the executioner if the

block was firmly fixed, and saying to Juxon the mysterious word

“Remember!” he knelt down and extended his head upon the block. “I shall

say a short prayer,” said he, “and when I extend my hands, then—” In a

few moments the king stretched out his hands; the executioner struck,

and the head fell directly over the spot where we were then standing.

“It was a wretched piece of work,” said Mr. Maguire as we walked away;

“but the men who did it had the courage of their opinions. Who has the

courage of his opinions now?”

“Mr. Gladstone, perhaps,” I suggested.

“Yes, no doubt; but what are his opinions? Those of to-day will be

discarded to-morrow. He is all on our side now; there is nothing he

would not do for us to-day; but to-morrow, if affairs go wrong, he will

throw us over, and Ireland and the church may find in him their worst

foe. The man wants a balance-wheel,” continued Maguire, warming with his

theme as we walked on, “and only the grace of God can give it him. I

think sometimes that he will have it yet. I admire him, I esteem him. If

he were only a Catholic he would have a guide that would keep him from

mischief. There,” said he, as we came to the end of Whitehall—“there is

Westminster Hall, where Charles I. received his sentence; and there is

Westminster Abbey, where his body was carried in the face of a blinding

snow-storm and buried with maimed rites. There, too, is the door through

which they carried the body of his murderer, Cromwell, to bury it among

the kings. But the ashes of the kings are yet there, while Cromwell’s

grave was broken open, his body dragged out and hung upon a gallows in

Tyburn. He deserved it, the brute! Do you know the story of how, after

his post-mortem execution, his head was cut off and stuck upon a spike

on the top of Westminster Hall, just there in front of us, and how it

remained there, blackening and withering in the air, until one stormy

night it was blown down and picked up by the sentry on guard, who was an

old Cromwellian himself? He hid the precious relic under his jacket, and

afterwards sold it to a gentleman in Kent, in whose family the skull

still remains.”

Had Mr. Maguire lived a few years longer it is probable that the

Home-Rule movement would have taken a somewhat different shape, and

possibly might have been brought to a successful realization. When I

first met him he was engrossed in developing and shaping his ideas on

the subject; and I spent a whole night with him in explaining, in all

its minutiæ, our own system of duplex government, State and federal, and

showing how State rights and federal sovereignty were both preserved. He

was the real father of the Home-Rule movement, and to his untimely death

must be ascribed, in a great measure, the present apparent collapse of

the party. No member of the House of Commons was more generally

respected and esteemed than he; Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Disraeli alike

regarded him with admiration. Uncompromising in principle, he knew how

to be firm without being offensive; and he did not commit the too common

error of insisting upon impossibilities. Even Mr. Newdegate cherished a

sneaking liking for the man; and Mr. Maguire once happened to let me

into the secret of that strange affection. “I can turn the laugh on him

any day,” said he, “and if it comes to serious work he gets the worst of

it; but often it is best to let him have his fling. Occasionally I give

him a lift over a stile, knowing quite well that if he goes on a little

farther he will tumble into the ditch and scramble out all covered with

mud.”

Respecting Home Rule, Mr. Maguire’s favorite idea was a confederation of

the three kingdoms, England, Ireland, and Scotland, upon such a basis as

that of our Union, with a written constitution defining with exactness

the limits of provincial autonomy and of imperial sovereignty. It was to

perfect this plan that he made me expound to him, in the most minute

detail, the workings of our own duplex system of government; and among

his papers should have been found an elaborate scheme for the British

Confederation, the joint result of our deliberations. I was summoned to

these momentous conferences by such notes as these—and I select with a

sad heart the last I received from him, a few months before his death:

“I shall be at home this evening altogether, and would be glad to

see you, and we could spend an hour or two over wine or

whiskey-punch. Or I shall be at home to-morrow after seven o’clock.

Send me a line quick to say when you will come.”

“Wine” and “whiskey-punch” had an esoteric meaning as well as their

ordinary significance; for “wine” meant mere gossip, while

“whiskey-punch” was understood to be the accompaniment of very serious

political discussions.

THE CREATED WISDOM.[163]

BY AUBREY DE VERE.

III.

My flowers are flowers of gladness: mine

The boughs of honor and of grace:

Pure as the first bud of the vine

My fragrance freshens all the place.

The mother of fair Love am I:

With me is Wisdom’s name and praise:

With me are Hope, and Knowledge high,

And sacred Fear, and peaceful days.

Be strong all ye that love your God:

He maketh Wisdom to abound

Like Tigris swollen with vernal flood,

Like broad Euphrates harvest-crowned.

Through garden-plots my course I took

To bathe the beds of herb and tree:

Then to a river swelled my brook:—

Ere long my river was a sea.

More high that sea shall rise, and shine

Far off, a prophet-beam of morn,

Because my doctrine is not mine,

But light of God for seers unborn.

Footnote 163:

Ecclesiasticus xxiv.

LOPE DE VEGA.

A prolific playwright, a popular poet, a voluminous romance writer, an

author whose fecundity is equalled only by the elder Dumas, the

contemporary of Shakspere, the friend of Cervantes, the intimate and

guide of Calderon, the founder of the Spanish national drama—Lope de

Vega was all these, and yet today he is carefully forgotten. His

biography even remains unwritten. The attempt, it is true, has been

made, with more or less success, in England by Lord Holland, in America

by Mr. Ticknor, and in France by M. Damas-Hinard. None is fully

satisfactory; all three are too prejudiced, the first two against him,

the last in his favor. Mr. Ticknor’s is the fairest and the ablest. But

the space in a history of literature which can be assigned to any one

author is necessarily too limited to permit the introduction of a

full-length portrait; with a slight sketch, or a kit-cat at best, we

must content ourselves. The articles in the various encyclopædias and

biographical dictionaries are either scant or in great part taken from

Lord Holland’s book. Much biographical material exists, scattered here

and there, and needing only judicious gleaning. But a few months after

his death _La Fama Postuma_, a eulogy containing many curious details of

his manner of life, was published by his friend and follower, Montalvan,

whom Valdivielso calls the “first-born of Lope de Vega’s genius.” The

allusions to him in the works of his contemporaries are copious; but his

bare biography can be condensed into a few lines.

Lope Felix de Vega Carpio was born at Madrid, November 25, 1562. He was

a precocious child, reading Latin as well as Spanish at the age of five,

and at eleven he wrote his first plays. Left alone in the world at the

age of fourteen by the death of his father, also a poet, he travelled as

far as Segovia with a school-fellow. Their money gave out, and when they

attempted to sell a gold chain to pay their way back they were arrested.

The _corregidor_ before whom they were brought, seeing that they were

but school-boys, kindly sent them back to Madrid in care of an

_alguacil_. At fifteen Lope was a soldier warring in Portugal and

Africa. At sixteen he was the page and secretary of Geronimo Manrique,

Bishop of Avila, and also studied and took the degree of Bachelor at the

University of Alcala. While in the bishop’s house he wrote a few

eclogues and a pastoral comedy. Then he became the secretary of Antonio,

the grandson of the great Duke of Alva; his _Arcadia_, written then, is

more or less an account of the gallant adventures of his patron.

Returning to the bishop, he was about to become a priest when he fell in

love, and in 1584 he married Doña Isabella d’Urbina. Quarrelling with a

_hidalgo_ of little reputation, he was arrested, by the aid of Claudio

Conde released from prison, and exiled; he lived two years in Valencia,

and there he first regularly wrote for the stage. Shortly after his

return to Madrid his wife died, and in conjugal despair he embarked on

the famous Armada, finding time to write a poem, “The Beauty of

Angelica,” a continuation of the _Orlando Furioso_, before the

dispersion and destruction of the great fleet by Drake. After travelling

in Italy he returned to Spain and became the secretary of the Marquis of

Sarria. In 1597 he married Doña Juana de Guardio. For nearly ten years

Lope de Vega seems to have been quietly happy, devoting himself to the

care of his son Carlos, but in 1607 or 1608 both his wife and his son

died, leaving him an infant daughter. During these years he had been

writing steadily for the stage; in 1609 he delivered his _Arte Nuevo de

Hacer Comedias_, and in the same year he became a priest. He was also a

Familiar of the Inquisition—an honorary distinction, attesting the

purity of his Catholic blood, and conferring the privilege of being

called into the service of the institution. In 1625, according to Mr.

Ticknor, “he entered the congregation of the native priesthood of

Madrid, and was so faithful and exact in the performance of his duties

that in 1628 he was elected to be its chief chaplain.” After working for

the theatre for forty years, in 1630 he definitely renounced dramatic

authorship. In 1628 the pope, Urban VIII., wrote him an autograph

letter, conferring upon him the degree of Doctor of Divinity and naming

him a Knight of the Order of Malta. For more than twenty-five years he

daily devoted some portion of his time to the service of the church; on

the title-page of his plays he calls himself Frey Lope de Vega, Familiar

of the Inquisition, and the last important work he published was

_Dorotea_, a long prose romance in dialogue, probably slightly

autobiographical. Finally, on August 27, 1635, at the age of

seventy-three, Lope Felix de Vega Carpio died. The funeral ceremonies,

lasting nine days, were magnificent; the eulogistic poems published in

Spain and Italy would fill several volumes; and “most solemn of all,”

says Mr. Ticknor, generally disposed to underrate Lope de Vega’s

popularity and ability, “was the mourning of the multitude, from whose

dense mass audible sobs burst forth as his remains slowly descended from

their sight into the house appointed for all living.”

For forty years the works of Lope de Vega had filled the theatres not

only of Spain but of all Europe. There were but two dramatic companies

in Madrid when he began to write; there were forty when he ceased. He

composed over fifteen hundred dramas and an unknown number of lighter

pieces, in addition to his non-theatrical works. He was as popular as he

was prolific. Not only in Europe but in America were his plays

performed. One of his comedies, the _Fuerza Lastimosa_, was even

exhibited within the seraglio at Constantinople. His merit was so

universally recognized that to call anything a _Lope_ was to stamp it as

being sterling; it was sufficient to say _es de Lope_. When the king and

queen of Spain met him in the street they caused their carriage to stop,

that they might better see the illustrious man. The Spanish dramatists

of his own and the succeeding age did not hesitate to call him their

master. Tirso de Molina, Alarcon, Calderon, and Guillen de Castro hail

him as their chief. And he was as popular a man as he was an author; he

was personally beloved by nearly all his contemporaries; he had few

enemies and many friends. A gentleman by birth, breeding, and education,

he had a kind word for all. He was handsome and agile. He wittily

declared that he disliked only those who ask a person’s age without

matrimonial intentions, those who take snuff in the presence of their

superiors, those old men who dye their locks, those churchmen who

consult gypsies, and those men who, though born of woman, yet speak ill

of the sex.

Although it is as a playwright that he is best known, yet he was the

author of many other works. He wrote two heroic, four mythological, four

historical poems (among which was _La Dragontea_, devoted to the abuse

of Sir Francis Drake), one burlesque (_La Gatomachia_, describing the

loves and rivalries of two cats), many descriptive and didactic verses,

and a multitude of sonnets and epistles. He was also the author of eight

almost interminable prose novels. His plays, however, are the noblest

monument of his genius, although he himself thought otherwise. He

declared that his _autos_ (a sort of revival of the mysteries and

moralities of the middle ages) were his best works, and regretted that

he had not devoted his whole life to religious poetry.

His dramas (the Spanish word _comedias_ meaning merely plays) may be

roughly divided into three classes:

1. Comedies of common life, or domestic dramas;

2. Heroic dramas, which perhaps might sometimes be called tragedies; and

3. Comedies of intrigue, or _comedias de capa y espada_ (comedies of

Cloak and Sword, as the Spanish call them, from those frequently-used

“properties”).

He also wrote religious plays, some, like the _autos_, resembling the

mysteries and moralities, others more infused with a modern and secular

spirit. He often chose Scriptural subjects for his plays, and in some of

his heroic dramas the heroes are holy men and saints. But it is

especially in the _comedias de capa y espada_ that he excelled. They

were interesting stories thrown into dramatic shape and written with the

view of exciting surprise and curiosity. Only those ignorant of the

Spanish habits and the Spanish customs of that day will reproach him for

his frequent use of duels and disguises. He faithfully transcribed the

romantic existence of the time. A rigid examiner may declare that his

most successful pieces were comedies of intrigue rather than comedies of

manners. They please by their plot, always ingenious and almost always

original; by their interest, always sustained and exciting. Lope de Vega

was a thorough master of stage effect. He weaves and reweaves the web

and woof of his story, gaining and retaining the attention of the

spectator by the growing interest. We are carried rapidly along by the

skill of the dramatist, sometimes in spite of ourselves. Even in the

best of his plays the incidents are often improbable, but in our

enjoyment we can readily pardon this. When Shakspere has called Bohemia

a desert country by the sea, and Beaumont and Fletcher speak of Naples

as though it were an island, it would indeed be strange if Lope were

exempt from such errors. In one play we find Adam and Eve “dressed very

gallantly after the French fashion”; in another Nero sings a serenade in

the streets of Rome. The American Indians discourse of Diana and Phœbus;

Cyrus the Great, after his ascension to the throne, marries a

shepherdess; Job, David, Jeremias, and St. John the Baptist are

introduced in one play; and in “The New World Discovered by Christopher

Columbus,” among the _dramatis personæ_ are Providence, Imagination, The

Christian Religion, Idolatry, and a Demon. Haste is hardly an excuse for

this, and De Vega worked in haste. The elder Dumas wrote a novel in

seventy-six consecutive hours. For fifteen days De Vega wrote an act a

day, and more than one hundred of his plays were written within

twenty-four hours each. At least this seems to be the meaning of

“Pues mas de ciento en horas veinticuatro

Pasaron de las musas al teatro.”

Mr. Ticknor, however, reads these lines to mean that more than a hundred

were performed within twenty-four hours after their completion. Perhaps

this interpretation is accurate, but to any one acquainted with the

difficulties attending the mounting and rehearsing of a modern comedy it

seems, to say the least, improbable; and, at any rate, De Vega’s

facility of composition was so great that many writers rashly assert

that he could compose a play in three or four hours! Montalvan tells a

pleasant anecdote illustrating the rapidity of his work. To oblige a

manager Lope and Montalvan agreed to write a piece together. The first

two acts of the _Tercera Orden de San Francisco_ were divided between

them, each writing an act a day. The third act was to be halved into

eight leaves each. Montalvan continues, to quote Lord Holland’s version:

“As it was bad weather, I remained in his house that night, and, knowing

that I could not equal him in the execution, I had a fancy to beat him

in the despatch of the business. For this purpose I got up at two

o’clock, and at eleven had completed my share of the work. I immediately

went out to look for him, and found him very deeply occupied with an

orange-tree that had been frost-bitten in the night. Upon my asking him

how he had gone on with his task he answered: ‘I set about it at five,

but I finished the act an hour ago, took a bit of ham for breakfast,

wrote an epistle of fifty triplets, and have watered the whole of the

garden—which has not a little fatigued me.’ Then, taking out the papers,

he read me the eight leaves and the triplets—a circumstance that would

have astonished me had I not known the fertility of his genius and the

dominion he had over the rhymes of our language.” At this period Lope

was nearly seventy years old, or such a trifle would scarcely have tired

him.

Schlegel draws a brilliant comparison between Lope de Vega and

Shakspere, or rather between the Spanish and the English stage. Any such

method of measurement injures the Spaniard; it is only in the management

of his plots that he is able to rival the Englishman. It is curious,

however, to note that each great writer was surrounded by minor

lights—set, as it were, with glittering but inferior gems. Shakspere

shone in the midst of a glorious company containing Jonson, Ford,

Fletcher, Beaumont, Greene, Nash, Marlowe, Massinger, and Webster. Lope

de Vega, following Lope de Rueda, was surrounded by a brilliant throng

of friendly rivals—Cervantes, Calderon, Montalvan, Moreto, Alarcon,

Matos-Fragoso, and Guillen de Castro. It is also remarkable to find that

England and Spain, then the possessors of a great drama, are now barren

fields; while France, once but the empty echo of the classic muse, is

to-day the chief country in possession of a living dramatic literature.

For this literature France owes largely to England and Spain; French

tragedy and French comedy are directly indebted to Lope’s influence.

From a play of Guillen de Castro, one of Lope’s followers, Corneille

derived his _Cid_, the greatest French tragedy; and from a play of

Alarcon, another of Lope’s followers (and the first of American dramatic

authors, for by birth and education he was a Mexican), Corneille took

his _Menteur_, the earliest of French comedies. In a letter to Boileau

Molière said: “I owe much to the _Menteur_. At the time it appeared I

desired to write, but I was uncertain as to what I should write. My

ideas were confused; this work came and defined them. Without the

_Menteur_, no doubt, I should have written some such comedies of

intrigue as the _Etourdi_ and the _Dépit Amoureux_, but perhaps I should

never have written the _Misanthrope_.”

The _dramatis personæ_ of Lope’s plays are not character studies, finely

and fully polished, like those of Molière; they are rather off-hand

sketches, fresh and original. Although they often disclose haste, they

always show the firm though rapid touch of a master; and however wanting

in completeness of detail, they never lack boldness of outline. The

people who walk and talk in Lope de Vega’s comedies are living men and

women, speaking and acting like human beings, and true to human nature

as it was in Spain in those adventurous times; they were not lay

figures, mere puppets, pulled hither and thither by visible wires. He

rarely created an eccentric character, never an impossible one.

He did not allow himself Molière’s privilege of taking his material

wherever he found it. Only once is it known that he used the work of

another: his _Esclavos in Argel_ is based on Cervantes’ _Trato de

Argel_. He was an originator—copied, not copying; and if at times his

characters seem to lack novelty, it is perhaps in part because we live

in the nineteenth century and he wrote in the sixteenth. For two

centuries and a half the playwrights of the world have been pillaging

him until his people and his plots have become public property. Calderon

copied him; Molière and Corneille carried Calderon to France; the

English stole from all three; so it is small wonder that what Lope de

Vega transcribed from nature is now typical and traditional. He was

first in the field; others have stolen his pressed flowers.

A full exposition of De Vega’s ideas of dramatic art can best be found

in his own essay on the subject, the _Arte Nuevo de Hacer Comedias_. It

would seem from this essay that in Lope’s time Spain was slowly freeing

herself from the fetters of the unities, first riveted by Aristotle.

England had set the example; Spain was fast following. In these two

countries the fierce fight was then fought that two centuries and a half

later was to agitate France. Spain then had her battle between the

Romantics and the Classics, and Lope de Vega, while ironically

deferential to the ancient laws, fought foremost on the side of freedom.

As in France Victor Hugo in 1830, so in Spain Lope de Vega in 1600. Both

were leaders; both have written essays on dramatic art. It is curious to

compare the Spanish writer’s _Arte Nuevo de Hacer Comedias_ with the

French author’s elaborate and scientific discussion of dramatic effect

contained in the celebrated preface to his never-acted _Cromwell_.

The _Arte Nuevo de Hacer Comedias_ was written in 1609 at the request of

one of those numerous academies then existing in Spain, and founded in

imitation of the Italian Della Cruscans. It contains internal evidence

of haste in its construction; although he knew better, Lope carelessly

mistakes Terence for Plautus. Capable of composing a comedy in a day, he

may easily have dashed off this little essay in a very few hours. It is

written in blank verse, only the last two lines of each stanza rhyming.

The stanzas, also, are of unequal length. Although the essay seems

almost an improvisation, it is extremely interesting not only to the

student of his plays but also to the casual reader, as it gives a view

of the state of the Spanish stage at the time not elsewhere to be found.

The following unabridged English rendering of the essay has been made

from the excellent French version of M. Damas-Hinard:

“ARTE NUEVO DE HACER COMEDIAS.

(_The New Art of Writing Plays._)

“Noble minds, flower of Spain, who, in this illustrious academy,

will soon have surpassed not only those academies of Italy which

Cicero, emulating Greece, established in the land where sleep the

waters of Avernus, but even that school of Plato in which Athens saw

so rare an assembly of philosophers come together, you order me to

write you an essay on dramatic art in accordance with the public

taste to-day. This task seems easy, and, indeed, it would be to him

among you who has worked the least for the stage, and who therefore

better knows the rules; but it must be done by me, who have never

composed except contrary to the rules of the art. It is not, thank

Heaven! that I do not know them: these theories were familiar to me

when I was yet a school-boy, and when the sun had not ten times

passed from Taurus to Pisces; but at the time when I chose this

career I found the stage filled with works very different from those

which the first inventors of the art left as models, and such,

indeed, as were composed by the barbarians, who had accustomed the

vulgar to their crudities. And they have so thoroughly established

themselves in this fashion that he who would now write for the

theatre according to the precepts of the art dies without glory and

without reward; for among those who lack the enlightenment of a

superior mind custom always carries the day.

“Several times, it is true, I have written following these

principles, which but few people know; but as soon as I see these

monstrous compositions appear, full of magical apparitions, to which

rush the crowds and the women, always worshipping such absurdities,

then I return to my barbarian habits. And when I have a comedy to

write I lock up the rules behind triple bolts; I cast Plautus and

Terence out of my study for fear of hearing their cries, for truth

calls aloud in these dumb books; and I then write according to the

art invented by those who wished to gain the applause of the crowd.

After all, as it is the public who pays for these absurdities, ’tis

but just that it be served to its taste.

“True comedy has one aim, as has every kind of poem, and this aim is

to imitate the action of men and to paint the manners of the age in

which they lived. Now, every poetical imitation is composed of three

things: dialogue, versification, harmony or melody. Comedy and

tragedy agree in this; but they differ, inasmuch as the former

represents the action of the lower orders, and the latter only

concerns itself with kings and high personages. Judge from that how

much may be said against our comedies.

“At first our pieces were called _autos_, because they confined

themselves to the imitation of common actions and interests. Among

us Lope de Rueda was the model of this style; his comedies, which

have been printed, are in prose, and of an order so low that he has

introduced artisans and traces the loves of a blacksmith’s daughter.

To-day we call them _interludes_, these antique works in which the

rules of art are carefully observed, in which the action is simple

and takes place among the middle classes—for an interlude was never

seen in which kings figured. And this explains how plays little by

little fell into deep discredit because of the lowness of style, and

how they put kings and princes into comedy, to the great

satisfaction of the ignorant.

“In the beginning of his _Ars Poetica_ Aristotle relates, in a

manner quite obscure, it is true, the debate which took place

between Athens and Megara touching the originator of the theatre—the

Megarians attributing this glory to Epicharmus, while the Athenians

claimed it for Magnes. Donat traces back the first attempts to the

ancient sacrifices, and, in this respect following Horace, he

attributes the origin of tragedy to Thespis, and that of comedy to

Aristophanes. The _Odyssey_ of Homer is the result of a comic

inspiration, but the _Iliad_ was the noble model of tragedy. It is

in imitation of this poem that is composed my _Jerusalem_, which I

have called a tragic epic. They commonly call by the name of comedy

the _Inferno_, _Purgatorio_, and _Paradiso_ of the celebrated poet

Dante Alighieri, and Manetti gives the reasons for this in the

preface to that poem.

“All the world knows that comedy, falling into disrepute, was

condemned to silence for a time; that after that came the _satyres_,

which, being still more cruel, passed away more promptly; and that

then the new comedy was born.

“In the beginning dramatic works consisted but of choruses. Soon

there was added a certain number of characters. But Menander,

followed in this by Terence, rejected the choruses as tedious. This

latter was a most scrupulous observer of the precepts; never did he

raise the style of comedy to a tragic loftiness, wiser in that

respect than Plautus, whom they have so much reproached for this

fault.

“Tragedy is founded on fact, comedy on fiction, and the latter was

called ‘flat-footed’ because it was played without _cothurnus_ or

scenery, and because it took its plots from the humblest classes.

Yet then, as now, there were several kinds of comedy: there were

_pallium_ comedies and _toga_ comedies, and pantomimes, and _fabulæ

atellanæ_ and _tabernariæ_.

“The Athenians, who gave prizes to their dramatic poets and to their

actors, in their comedies rebuked wickedness and vice with antique

elegance. This is why Cicero called comedy the mirror of manners,

the image of truth—sublime attribute which raises Thalia to the rank

of history, and which shows us how much she merits esteem and honor.

“But already it seems to me that you draw back, saying: ‘What use is

this translating of books and this fatiguing show of erudition?’

Believe me, it is not without motive that I recalled to your memory

all these things; I wished to let you see that you have asked me for

an essay on dramatic art in Spain, where all plays are written

contrary to art, and I wished to declare that our pieces are not

according to right or the ancient rules. But let us leave this; you

have recourse to my experience, and not to what I may have been able

to learn of an art which tells us the truth, but to which the vulgar

prefer the false.

“If, then, you asked me for the rules of the art, I should refer you

to the wise and learned Rebortelo, and you would see explained in

his book on Aristotle or on comedy what otherwise is scattered in a

crowd of works without order and without light. But since you ask

the opinion of those now in possession of the stage, acknowledging

that the public has the right to establish the incongruous laws of

our dramatic prodigy, I will tell you my idea, and your command must

excuse my temerity. I should like, since the public is in error, to

deck this error with agreeable colors; I should like, since it is no

longer possible to follow the ancient rules, to find a mean between

the two extremes.

“First choose the subject of your comedy, and, in spite of the old

precepts, do not disquiet yourself whether there be or be not kings

among your characters. I ought not to conceal, however, that our

king and lord, Philip the Prudent, was angry every time he beheld a

king on the stage, either because he saw in that a violation of the

rules of the art, or because he thought that even in fiction the

royal authority should not be presented too near the gaze of the

people.

“Besides, in this we draw near to the ancient comedy, in which

Plautus did not fear to place even gods, as the part he gives

Jupiter in the _Amphitryon_ proves. Heaven knows it is difficult for

me to approve of this. Even Plutarch, in speaking of Menander,

formally blames ancient comedy; but since we in Spain have renounced

the rules of the art and treat it cavalierly, this time the

classicists are silenced.

“In mingling the tragic and the comic, and Terence with Seneca (from

which results a species of monster like the Minotaur), you will have

one part of the piece serious and the other farcical. But this

variety pleases very much. Nature herself gives us the example of

it, and it is from such contrasts that she gains her beauty.

“Take care only that your subject presents but one action; take care

that your story is not overcharged with episodes (that is to say,

with things which lead away from the main idea), and that no part

can be detached without overthrowing the whole edifice. Do not

trouble yourself about confining all the action within the space of

one day, although it is the rule of Aristotle; we have already

rejected his authority in mingling tragedy and comedy. Let us

content ourselves with reducing the time as much as may be possible,

unless the poet composes a story the action of which extends over

several years, and in this case he could place the intervals of time

in the ‘waits’—as, for instance, if one of his characters has a

journey to take. These liberties, I know, disgust the critics. Well,

the critics may stay away from our pieces.

“How many of these fellows cross themselves in horror, seeing

several years given to an action which ought to be accomplished in

the space of an artificial day—for they would not even accord us the

twenty-four hours! For my part, considering that the eager curiosity

of a Spaniard seated at the play cannot be satisfied even by showing

him all the events from Genesis to the day of the Last Judgment in

two hours, I think that, if our duty is to please the spectators, it

is right that we should do all that is necessary to gain this end.

“The subject once chosen, write your piece in prose, and divide it

into three acts, doing your best that each act, if it is possible,

embrace but the space of one day. Captain Viruès, an illustrious

writer, first put comedy in three acts, which before had gone on all

fours like a child; and truly it was then in its infancy. I myself,

at the age of from eleven to twelve years, wrote in four acts and

four sheets, for each act was contained in a sheet of paper. In

those days they played three little interludes in the intervals of

the acts, and now it is much if they play even one, which is

immediately followed by a dance. Dancing, however, fits so well into

comedy that Aristotle approves of it, and Atheneus, Plato, and

Xenophon do not blame it, except when it is not decent,[164] like

that of Callipedes. The dance seems to me to replace amongst us the

chorus of the ancients.

“The subject being treated in two ways, let them from the start be

joined and well connected together until the end of the piece, so

that one can divine the _dénouement_ but at the last scene; for when

the spectators know it they turn their faces to the door and their

backs to the actors, to whom they have listened for three hours with

interest, and of whom they think no more when they no longer need

them to know what will be the result.

“Let the stage rarely remain empty. These delays make the spectator

impatient and uselessly prolong the play; and besides being a great

fault, to avoid it is to add art and grace to the work.

“Then begin to versify, and in your language, always choice, use

neither brilliant thoughts nor witty remarks when you treat of

domestic affairs; it suffices in such a case to imitate the

conversation of two or three persons. But when you bring upon the

stage a character who exhorts, counsels, or dissuades, you can allow

yourself the use of fine language and striking ideas, and in this

you will imitate nature; for when we give advice, when we wish to

encourage or deter, we speak in a manner totally different from

familiar chat. In this regard we follow the opinion of the

rhetorician Aristides, who desires that the language of comedy

should be clear, pure, and easy, like that of ordinary conversation,

adding also that it should differ essentially from the tragic style,

where we may use expressions pompous, sonorous, and glittering.

“Never quote Scripture, and take care never to offend taste by an

affected erudition; to imitate the language of conversation you need

name neither hippogriffs nor centaurs, nor the other mythological

entities.

“If you make a king discourse, let it be with the dignity proper to

the royal majesty; let the old man express himself with sententious

gravity; let the conversation of lovers be replete with such lively

sentiments as to move those who hear. In monologues let the

character be totally changed; by this transformation let him force

the spectators to identify themselves with him; let him speak and

reply to himself in a natural manner; and if he bemoans a lover’s

lot, let him not forget the respect due to the fair sex. Under all

circumstances let the ladies preserve the modesty they ought to

have; and if they don male attire (which is always very agreeable to

the public), let this change of costume have a reasonable motive. In

short, never paint impossible things, for the first maxim is that

art can only imitate the possible.

“Let not a servant treat too lofty subjects, and take care not to

put into his mouth those witty sayings which we have seen in some

foreign comedies.

“Let your characters never forget their nature; let them remember at

the end what they have said at first, lest we make the same reproach

to them as was made to the _Œdipus_ of Sophocles—that he had

forgotten his fight with Laïus.

“Adorn the end of your scenes with some swelling phrase, with some

joke, with lines more carefully polished, so that the actor at his

exit does not leave the audience in ill-humor.

“In the first act lay the foundation; in the second let the

complications commence, and contrive in such a way that until half

through the third act no one can foresee the end. Always deceive the

curiosity of the spectator by showing him, as though possible, a

result entirely different from that to which the incidents seem to

point.

“Let the versification be tastefully appropriate to the subject you

treat. Decasyllabic lines suit lamentations; the sonnet is well

placed in a monologue; descriptions demand the romantic stanza,

although they are as brilliant as possible in octosyllabic metre.

Triple-rhymed lines are reserved for grave affairs, and the

_redondillas_[165] for lovers’ conversations.”

The sound sense of this little essay shows how thoroughly De Vega

understood his subject. Writing to please the populace, not the learned

and possibly hyper-critical, he had studied the playgoer and knew all

his peculiarities—how to please him and how to take liberties with

impunity. His comedies of Cloak and Sword are the least careless and the

most admirable of his plays, and they were the most successful. The

involved and complicated plots, the duels and disguises, the hurry and

the vigor of this class of plays are seen to best advantage in Lope de

Vega’s works. He had founded the school, and the bent of his genius

fitted him to be its master. His works and those of his scholars went at

once to all parts of Europe. In England Mrs. Behn, Mrs. Centlivre,

Farquhar, Congreve, Wycherly, Holcroft, were his followers, copyists,

plagiarists. Not only did others pillage him, but, like almost all

prolific authors, he plagiarized from himself. Over thirty or forty

times has he treated one subject: a lady and a knight forced to leave

the court in disguise because of the persecutions of the king, and

taking refuge in a village, where, after many mishaps and adventures,

they are finally married. Of course in each of these twoscore plays the

situations vary, but the central idea is the same in all. To an author

of such facility the great difficulty was in the discovery of a subject.

That was all he needed; its dramatic dressing was an easy task. Hardly

one of the picturesque points of Spanish history did he neglect. His

lighter plays were often historical. Generally they were not. His _Perro

del Hortelano_ (“Dog in the Manger”) is, for instance, an original

invention. It contains a delightful sketch of a woman absorbed by

jealousy, and yet unable to make up her mind to marry the loved one

because of his inferior birth. Both lovers are drawn with delicious

vigor—a vigor suggesting, perhaps remotely, Thackeray. This charming

comedy shows of what things Lope was capable in this line had he so

willed. It is somewhat in the style of Scribe at his best. Indeed, in

many respects he was the precursor of Scribe, who greatly resembled him

in fecundity, facility, and felicity of execution. More than one of his

plays, if modernized, might pass for the work of the brilliant French

dramatist.

But the best of Lope’s work is many degrees above the best of Scribe’s.

In ingenuity and in originality, and in the conduct of the business of

the stage, the Spaniard is at least the equal of the Frenchman, while in

the depicting of passion he is by far the superior. Scribe was incapable

of anything at all approaching the sombre and inevitable conclusion of

the _Star of Seville_, appalling with the inexorable logic of fate. Mrs.

Frances Anne Kemble has produced a spirited English play suggested by

it, of which Lord Holland has given a long analysis with translated

extracts. As he justly remarks, no mere relation of the plots of Lope’s

plays would give a sufficient idea of the attractions they possess, “nor

can they be collected from a mere perusal of detached passages. The

chief merit of his plays is a certain spirit and animation which

pervades the whole, but which is not to be preserved in disjointed limbs

of the composition.”

It is easy to find the reason for Lope de Vega’s theatrical activity. He

was poor, and play-writing was profitable. He says somewhere that

poverty and himself formed a copartnership to work for the stage. At the

close of the sixteenth century Spain was divided into several almost

independent provinces, and there was no interprovincial copyright; the

bookseller of Castile could reprint and sell for his own profit the

successful work first published in Leon. An author in those days could

not even get pay for advance-sheets. Under these circumstances

publishers naturally paid authors little or nothing. Literature was a

labor of love. The dramatic taste, however, of the Spanish people was

increasing. The two companies of actors gradually grew to forty, and the

forty audiences asked for novelty. The managers endeavoring to satisfy

this demand, the consumption of comedies was something enormous. There

was a uniform price fixed in advance: a comedy was worth five hundred

reals, equivalent to about forty or fifty dollars of our money. The

reward was not great, but the labor was light—at least to Lope. Dramatic

work paid; other literature did not. Lope would have been certainly

justified in devoting himself exclusively to the drama. He might labor

in other fields; on the stage he ruled. What is done quickly may die

quickly, and few of Lope’s plays hold the stage to-day even in Spain.

But if his plays are not seen, his influence is visible in the drama of

France, of England, of Germany, and of Spain, his own country, of the

literature of which he and Calderon and Cervantes are the greatest

glories. Calderon was his follower and Cervantes was his friend.

Although it has been said they were at enmity, it is known that Lope de

Vega praised Cervantes, and the author of _Don Quixote_ generously

eulogized his more successful rival thus: “At last appeared that prodigy

of nature, the great Lope de Vega, and established his monarchy on the

stage. He conquered and reduced under his jurisdiction every actor and

author in the kingdom.... And though there have been many who have

attempted the same career, all their works together would not equal in

quantity what this single man has composed.”

And Cervantes wrote these lines almost twenty years before Lope de

Vega’s death, almost twenty years before he had ceased composing. It is

with the following brilliant paragraph that Mr. Ticknor, always strongly

prejudiced in favor of Cervantes, begins his historical criticism of

Lope’s life and labor, and with it we end: “It is impossible to speak of

Cervantes as the great genius of the Spanish nation without recalling

Lope de Vega, the rival who far surpassed him in contemporary

popularity, and rose, during the lifetime of both, to a degree of fame

which no Spaniard had yet attained, and which has since been reached by

few of any country.”

Footnote 164:

It was recently said that there were three kinds of dancing: the

graceful, the ungraceful, and the disgraceful.

Footnote 165:

_Redondillas_ are stanzas of four short lines. This paragraph on

versification reads curiously to ears accustomed to the pentameter

blank verse of the English drama, stately at times and sprightly when

need be, and, indeed, capable of infinite variety. The Spanish plays

of to-day are written in very short metre, and French tragedies still

rhyme.

The Catholic World, Vol. 27, April 1878 to September 1878 · 第 6 / 7 章