in time, and repressive measures were at once adopted which
rendered the movement impossible of consummation. But, if it is
certain that the internal peace has not been disturbed, such is
not the case with the credit of the country. Furthermore, the
fact that the attempt was made at the time for harvesting coffee
aggravated the situation somewhat for the moment, and threatened
to interfere with the gathering of this important crop on which
much of the prosperity of the country depends; but the action of
the Chief Executive in issuing orders to the Governors of the
several Departments has reduced this evil to a minimum.
"In his instructions to the Governors, the Minister of the
Interior provided in part that, notwithstanding the state of
siege, the greatest latitude must be given persons and workmen
who were not actually under suspicion, but insisted on the
strict guarding of public order. Men in the discharge of their
duties, however, were allowed to pass toward the Capital of the
country without the necessity of presenting passports. This
referred particularly to merchants, managers of plantations, and
day labourers.
"As will be seen," continued the journal referred to, "the
circular does not mention the municipal elections which are soon
to take place throughout the interior, but the President of the
Republic has authorized us to make known his desires that these
elections be held with perfect freedom, and be unhampered by the
decree of the Executive."
[Illustration: COLONEL'S QUARTERS, SCHOOL OF SERGEANTS.]
[Illustration: OFFICERS' CLUB ROOM, SCHOOL OF SERGEANTS.]
The extract which I am quoting continues as follows:
"Whatever reasons the enemies of the Government may set forth
in justification of their conduct, it cannot be doubted that
the country has resisted the movement grandly, and has caused
the failure of another attempt, which adds one more to the
number which have aided to discredit the country abroad, and
characterized our land as one of convulsive nations, incapable
of making reasonable use of their Governments, such as we now
enjoy. We must not lose sight of the fact that the eyes of
Europe are upon us, thanks to the important rôle which Salvador
is destined to play in uniting the civilizations of the East
with the West."
It cannot be too emphatically pointed out that the Salvadoreans
are not naturally a rebellious or warlike people, and, except when
compelled to take up arms in their own defence or in favour of a
righteous cause, they ask nothing better than to be permitted to
devote themselves to the congenial and profitable occupation of
cultivating the bounteous land which is theirs by inheritance. In
the troubles which afflicted the country in the years 1907-08,
the whole cause was the incitement which was offered to them by
their turbulent and troublesome neighbours the Nicaraguans and
the Honduraneans. As I have shown very conclusively, it was the
long-established policy of Santos Zelaya to foster an outbreak in
Salvador which should broaden into a revolution, in the course of
which Salvadorean troops would be compelled innocently to commit
some overt act which would give Honduras or Nicaragua a cause for
the initiation of a movement against the Republic. This, it was
hoped, would ultimately result in the election to the Presidency
of Salvador of Dr. Prudencio Alfaro, who was always a creature of
Santos Zelaya, and who for many months was his guest at Managua,
where he formed all his plans, for the execution of which President
Zelaya was ready to pay. As we have seen, the agitators did not
wait for the _casus belli_ on the part of Salvador, but most
unwarrantably invaded that country and committed certain outrages,
only, however, to have to execute a most humiliating retreat before
any beneficial results could possibly have accrued to them. Had
it come to an actual encounter or series of encounters between
the allied forces of Honduras and Nicaragua on the one hand and
the Salvadoreans on the other, there can be no question that the
latter would in the long-run have emerged victorious; out of a
population of 1,100,000, the Salvadoreans can claim a fighting
force of at least 100,000. The Salvadoreans are the best and most
plucky fighters in South or Central America, as has been proved upon
several occasions, displaying great intelligence on the battle-field
and in the conduct of their campaigns. At the memorable battle of
Jutiapa, fought between the Salvadorean troops and the Guatemalans
in the previous year (1906), and in spite of the fact that the
latter numbered over 40,000 as against little more than half that
force arrayed on the side of Salvador, the former gave an extremely
good account of themselves, and showed that the excellent military
training which they had received had not been thrown away.
The invasion of Salvadorean territory in the month of June, 1907, by
the Nicaraguans was a direct and unprovoked violation of the Treaty
of Peace and Amity of Amapala, only signed on the previous April 23,
and ratified on May 8, by which the Governments of the two countries
agreed to submit their grievances to the Presidents of the United
States and Mexico for arbitration. The news was first received
through the telegram sent by President Figueroa, dated June 11,
1907, and addressed to Dr. Manuel Delgado, the Salvadorean Minister
at Washington. In this despatch, General Figueroa says:
"This morning the revolutionists bombarded and captured the port
of Acajutla. The forces were commanded by General Manuel Rivas,
and came from Corinto in the warship _Momotombo_, armed by the
President of Nicaragua. It is in this manner that President
Zelaya complies with the terms of the Treaty of Amapala, which
was the result of the intervention of the American Government."
The gunboat mentioned was one of six warships which Nicaragua at
that date possessed, and which composed the whole of the Nicaraguan
"Navy." The vessel was capable of transporting 1,000 troops, and the
facility with which these landed and seized the port of Acajutla
is explained by the fact that the Salvadoreans were entirely
unsuspicious and unprepared for such an outrageous act upon the
part of the treacherous Zelaya, with whom they had every reason to
consider themselves at peace. The civilized world has denounced the
Nicaraguans' act of aggression, and unhesitatingly expressed the
opinion that President Zelaya had committed a grave violation of
international ethics in opening hostilities against Salvador without
having made a preliminary declaration of war or giving any reasons
for such an action.
CHAPTER VI
Outbreak of hostilities between Salvador, Honduras,
Nicaragua, and Guatemala--Discreditable conduct of
Nicaragua proved--Failure of United States and Mexican
intervention--Dignified and loyal attitude of General
Figueroa--Warning to Honduras--President Dávila used as
Zelaya's cat's-paw--The latter's subsequent regret--Central
American Court of Justice trial of claim for damages, and
result of judgment.
The true friends of interstate peace, of whom there are as many
in Latin America as other parts of the world--although, from the
frequent turmoils which occur in that part of the globe, one might
be excused for doubting it--were much distressed by the serious
quarrel which broke out between the neighbouring Republics of
Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua, in the years 1907-08.
This was not by any means the first conflict which arose between
Salvador and Honduras, for the two States were at war in 1871, when
General Miranda invaded Honduras with the object of proclaiming
General Xatruch as President in place of General Medina; again in
1872, when were fought the famous battles of Sabana Grande and Santa
Bárbara; and in 1873, when Salvador sent an armed expedition against
President Celio Arias, and in order to restore General Ponciano
Leiva to the Presidency of the neighbouring Republic. Although the
relations between Nicaragua and its adjoining States had long been
on a questionable basis owing to the ambitious projects of General
J. Santos Zelaya, its President, there was no reason to anticipate
any disturbance, more especially as at the most critical time, owing
to the intervention of the United States and Mexico, the cloud had
blown over, and to all appearances peace reigned.
The worthlessness of the intervention, and the absolute ineptitude
of the United States to effect any permanent improvement in the
prevailing conditions, was, however, proved conclusively a few
months after the Treaty of Peace and Amity had been signed, amid
somewhat premature rejoicings at Washington, on December 20, 1907.
Almost before the ink was dry upon the document, Honduranean and
Nicaraguan troops had violated the terms and conditions, and
continued, moreover, to do so in spite of all diplomatic reminders
and serious warnings from the United States. In these "warnings,"
however, Mexico took no part, merely using the good offices of
President Diaz to effect what the threat of the Big Stick had failed
to accomplish. Eventually peace was proclaimed, and since then it
has been strictly maintained as between the different Republics,
although not by any means so within their own borders, as witness
what has recently occurred, and is still occurring, in Honduras,
and, alas! within Mexican territory, also. It seems a cruel irony
that Diaz the Dictator should so soon have become the Deposed. The
fact recalls forcibly the poet Burns's well-known words:
"And may you better reck the rede,
Than ever did th' adviser!"
The true history of these Republics' quarrels of recent times
would at this stage be somewhat difficult to record, since an
immense quantity of official documents would have to be translated
and given in full. To do this, however interesting, would prove
impracticable within the limits of a single volume. The matter has
been sketched by me from personal knowledge, and I trust that I
shall escape the charge of prejudice or unfairness to any of the
parties involved.
For the facts set forth abundant evidence can be procured, and
possibly, if my account be compared with the many versions which
have been from time to time adduced by others, who have spoken and
written from authoritative or personal information, it will not be
found to vary very much in the main particulars. I have patiently
listened to the accounts of all that took place both on Salvadorean
and on Nicaraguan territory, and, furthermore, the incidents which
both led up to and followed the clash of arms were related to me
by the participants when all feeling of animosity and bitterness
had disappeared, and the usual friendliness between the members
of this strangely mercurial people had been restored. Thus very
little for spirit of resentment--although perhaps something for the
vainglorious spirit of the individuals concerned--need be allowed.
_Il est difficile toujours d'estimer quelqu'un comme il veut l'être._
Considerable as is the space which I have given up in this volume
to the relations of the Salvadorean, Honduranean, and Nicaraguan
troubles, I find it impossible to publish in its entirety, as I
should have liked to have done, the text of the complaints presented
by the Governments of Honduras and Nicaragua against that of
Salvador, and which were heard before and decided by the Central
American Court of Justice, as well as the final answer and arguments
which were later on issued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of
Salvador. All these documents, which fill two substantial and
closely-printed pamphlets, the one consisting of 84 pages and the
other of 108 pages, are extremely interesting and instructive,
serving as they do to throw a particularly clear light upon the
methods of some of the Central American States, which imagine
that they are acting in an "honourable" manner and fulfilling a
respectable destiny.
It is significant that these publications, which are complete and
official, were issued by the Government of Salvador, from which
it is clear at least that this country had nothing to fear from
the world at large being made acquainted with the history of the
troubles. No less worthy of comment is it that neither Honduras
nor Nicaragua has ever made any rejoinder to the arguments
and conclusions of the Court of Justice or of the Salvadorean
Government, and in this action, perhaps, they have for the first
time shown some intelligent discretion.
The impartial reader of these publications can only arrive at one
conclusion, nor, indeed, is it even necessary that he should know
anything of either the countries or their inhabitants to be able
to form some sensible deduction from the actual position. The
correspondence, the genuineness of which is unchallenged, speaks
for itself. It seems clear that the Government of Salvador, while
subscribing in Washington the Central American Treaty of Peace,
swore faithfully to fulfil the International Agreement which bound
it to its sister Republics, and at the same time opened for itself
and for them, as it had every reason to hope and believe, a new era
of confraternity to be maintained in dignity and mutual advantage.
To the principles of that Treaty, Salvador adhered with the utmost
rigour; and, in the face of the most intense provocation, refused to
depart one inch from its solemn obligations. The attitude which this
small but high-principled State showed at this time of trouble and
trial has evoked the admiration and commendation of all statesmen,
independently of country, or creed, or political belief.
[Illustration: PENITENTIARY AT SAN SALVADOR.]
[Illustration: OFFICERS' CLUB ROOM, MILITARY POLYTECHNIC SCHOOL.]
To particularize more minutely from the abundant evidence which
exists to this effect, and which may be gathered from every page of
these two pamphlets, is unnecessary in this volume; but one fact
at least I may call attention to, as exemplifying the honesty of
purpose and the good faith of the Salvadorean Government towards
the Republic of Honduras, at a time, moreover, when only armed
retaliation could reasonably have been looked for.
In all probability the friendliness of President Figueroa for his
neighbours would never have been questioned, nor their relations
have been in any way embittered, but for the Machiavellian
interference of Santos Zelaya. It is an eloquent fact of the
sympathy felt for Honduras, that President Figueroa of Salvador
wrote personally, and almost affectionately, to President Dávila,
on June 10, 1907, drawing his attention to the revolutionary plans
of certain Honduranean exiles who were making Salvadorean territory
their temporary headquarters. Only feelings of friendship and
good-nature could have prompted a neighbourly action of this kind,
which, however, some few months afterwards was rewarded by President
Dávila allowing his troops to join forces with the Nicaraguans in
their invasion of Salvadorean territory.
This I may say in defence of ex-President Miguel R. Dávila, whom I
know quite well, and with whom I have had many long and interesting
conversations: he is a man of great honesty of purpose, but of
singularly weak will; in fact, he has neither initiative nor power
of moral resistance. Quiet and modest to an extraordinary degree,
speaking very little above a whisper, and with the manners of a
curate rather than those of a soldier, one is inclined to rather
wonder _que diable fait-il dans cette galère_ of President of an
unruly and half-savage Republic.
In agreeing to join Zelaya upon his mad and mendacious enterprise,
President Miguel Dávila, who had only assumed the Presidency in the
month of April of that year (1907), undoubtedly allowed his better
judgment and sense of decency to be overruled. This do I know, also:
he has deeply and sincerely repented of his action, not because it
failed and he lost the game at which he had consented to try his
hand, but because, being a man, as I have said, of innate honesty of
purpose, he perceived when too late that he had committed what is a
worse offence than a mistake--a crime against personal honour.
General Fernando Figueroa, however, did something more than
merely warn President Dávila of the plotting going on against his
government and his life, and which was proceeding beyond his own
jurisdiction. He actually prevented the leader of the Honduranean
revolutionists, General Téofilo Cárcamo, from leaving Salvadorean
territory, keeping him, with many other conspirators, in prison,
and thus helping to quell an uprising against President Dávila's
government.
The magnanimity of the Salvadorean Government continued to the
end. Notwithstanding the finding of the Central American Court of
Justice, (delivered on December 19, 1908), and which, being in
favour of Salvador upon all points raised, should _sequentia_ have
carried costs, the Government forewent any such claims, which by the
terms usually prevailing under International Law could have been
insisted upon, and found its share of the expenses incurred by the
inquiry.
Subsequent to the troubles related in the foregoing pages, the
Honduranean Government stupidly courted fresh disasters by
prosecuting a claim for damages against the two Republics of
Salvador and Guatemala for injuries which it declared it had
sustained as a result of those two sister-States having harboured
Honduranean agitators and conspirators within their borders. The
exact value of this claim can best be judged by perusing the
following questions that were considered and determined by the
Special Court of Justice which was formed in Costa Rica (the only
State which stood aside and refused to be concerned in this Central
American squabble), and the members of which were made up of five
different nationalities. Attached is a faithful translation of what
transpired on this occasion:
IN THE CENTRAL AMERICAN COURT OF JUSTICE AT CARTAGO, COSTA RICA.
THE GOVERNMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF HONDURAS VERSUS THE
GOVERNMENTS OF THE REPUBLICS OF EL SALVADOR AND GUATEMALA.
DECISION: IN THE CITY OF CARTAGO, COSTA RICA, AT MIDNIGHT OF THE
19TH OF DECEMBER, 1908.
Upon the closing of the deliberations of the Court for
pronouncing judgment in the complaint filed by the Government
of the Republic of Honduras against the Governments of the
Republics of El Salvador and Guatemala, charging responsibility
that took place in the first-mentioned Republic in the month of
June last, the Chief Justice submitted the following queries to
be voted upon in rendering the decision that is to settle the
controversy:
_First Question._--Should the Court sustain the exception taken
by the representative of the Government of Guatemala as to
the inadmissibility of the complaint, on grounds that it was
filed before all negotiations for settlement, between the two
respective Departments of Foreign Affairs, had been resorted to
without success?
The result of the vote cast was as follows:
_First Question._--The five justices answered in the negative.
_Second Question._--Should the Court sustain the exception
taken by the same party, as to the insufficiency of basis of
action, considering that no evidence was filed together with the
complaint?
_Second Question._--The five justices answered in the negative.
_Third Question._--Is it proven, and should it thus be held,
that the Government of the Republic of El Salvador has
violated Article 17 of the Treaty of Peace and Amity, signed
at Washington on December 20, 1907, by failing to bring to the
Capital and to submit to trial Honduranean exiles who endangered
the peace of their country?
_Third Question._--Justices Gallegos, Bocanegra, and Astua
answered in the negative, and Justices Uclés and Madriz in the
affirmative.
_Fourth Question._--Is it proven, and should it thus be held,
that the Government of the Republic of El Salvador has violated
Article 2 of the additional convention to said treaty by
fostering and promoting the revolutionary movement referred to?
_Fourth Question._--Justices Gallegos, Bocanegra, Astua, and
Madriz answered in the negative, and Justice Uclés in the
affirmative.
_Fifth Question._--Is it proven, and should it be held, that the
Government of the Republic of El Salvador has contributed to the
realization of the said political disturbance, through culpable
negligence?
_Fifth Question._--Justices Gallegos, Bocanegra, and Astua
answered in the negative, and Justices Uclés and Madriz in the
affirmative.
_Sixth Question._--In consequence, should the Court hold that
the action instituted against the Government of the Republic
of El Salvador is according to law, and, if so, should that
Government be sentenced to pay the indemnity for damages that
the complainant prays for?
_Sixth Question._--Justices Gallegos, Bocanegra, and Astua
answered in the negative, and Justices Uclés and Madriz in the
affirmative.
_Seventh Question._--Is it proven, and should it be held, that
the Government of the Republic of Guatemala has violated Article
17 of the Treaty of Peace and Amity, signed at Washington on
December 20, 1907, by failing to bring to the Capital and submit
to trial Honduranean exiles who endangered the peace of their
country?
_Seventh Question._--Justices Gallegos, Bocanegra, Madriz,
and Astua answered in the negative, and Justice Uclés in the
affirmative.
_Eighth Question._--Is it proven, and should it be held, that
the Government of the Republic of Guatemala has violated Article
2 of the additional convention to the said treaty by fostering
and promoting the revolutionary movement referred to?
_Eighth Question._--Justices Gallegos, Bocanegra, Madriz,
and Astua answered in the negative, and Justice Uclés in the
affirmative.
_Ninth Question._--Is it proven, and should it be held, that the
Government of the Republic of Guatemala has contributed to the
realization of the said political disturbance, through culpable
negligence?
_Ninth Question._--Justices Gallegos, Bocanegra, Madriz, and
Astua answered in the negative, and Justice Uclés in the
affirmative.
_Tenth Question._--In consequence, should the Court hold that
the action instituted against the Government of the Republic of
Guatemala is according to law, and, if so, should the Government
be sentenced to pay the indemnity for damages the complainant
prays for?
_Tenth Question._--Justices Gallegos, Bocanegra, Madriz, and
Astua answered in the negative, and Justice Uclés in the
affirmative.
_Eleventh Question._--Should costs be awarded against the losing
parties?
_Eleventh Question._--Justices Gallegos, Bocanegra, Madriz, and
Astua answered in the negative, and Justice Uclés in the sense
that costs be awarded against the Governments of the Republics
of El Salvador and Guatemala.
From the above-stated result, judgment is rendered dismissing
the action instituted against the Governments of the Republics
of El Salvador and Guatemala without costs.
JOSÉ ASTUA AGUILAR.
SALVADOR GALLEGOS.
ANGEL M. BOCANEGRA.
ALBERTO UCLÉS.
JOSÉ MADRIZ.
_Witness_: ERNESTO MARTIN, Secretary.
A more impudent or baseless claim than that put forward by Honduras,
and decided by the Central American Court of Justice, can hardly be
imagined. That the Honduranean Government would ever have thought
of prosecuting it at all but for the instigation from its immediate
neighbour seems hardly probable.
That the Court should have found a decision overwhelmingly in favour
of Salvador and Guatemala was only natural, but it seems unfair
that, having come to that inevitable conclusion, costs should not
have followed the event, and that Honduras should not have been
condemned to pay them.
There is but one consolation (a poor one, I am afraid) open to the
Republics of Guatemala and Salvador in this connection--namely, that
had the Court ordered Honduras to pay the costs of the inquiry, it
would never have done so, any more than it has paid back to its
foreign creditors either the principal of, or, even the interest
upon, the money which it borrowed.
Were the creditors American instead of British, some satisfactory
settlement would have been arrived at long ago. Even as it is, the
British bondholders will be unable to obtain a settlement of any
kind without recourse to American interference, and, as may be well
believed, it will be upon such terms as the Americans choose to
approve of, and subject to such profits out of the transactions as
the Americans choose to demand.
It is satisfactory at least to observe that Honduranean impudence
did not succeed in the above instance in getting "any rise" out of
either Salvador or Guatemala.
That the relations existing to-day between the two Republics of
Salvador and Honduras are upon a more friendly basis, and that they
are destined to so remain as long as the present Governments of
the two countries remain in power, is proved from the interchange
of congratulatory despatches made by Dr. Bertrand, President of
Honduras, and Dr. Manuel Enrique Araujo, President of Salvador, in
the month of March last, and copies of which I am enabled to give
in this volume. The correspondence, conducted by telegraph, was as
follows:
"TEGUCIGALPA,
"_March 28, 1911_.
"To _H.E. the President, Dr. Manuel E. Araujo,
San Salvador._
"I have the honour to bring to the knowledge of Your Excellency that
I have to-day taken possession of the Presidency of the Republic
before the National Congress. In communicating this to you, I take
pleasure in anticipating the good sentiments that animate me for
the cultivation of better relations with the Government over which
Your Excellency so worthily presides, presenting to you at the same
time my good wishes for the well-being of the Republic and for Your
Excellency's personal happiness.
"I am, Your Excellency's sincere
and devoted servant,
"F. BERTRAND."
REPLY FROM THE PRESIDENT OF SALVADOR.
"SAN SALVADOR,
"_March 28, 1911_.
"_To H.E. President Dr. Bertrand, Tegucigalpa._
"I am delighted to receive Your Excellency's important message,
which conveys to me the flattering news that such a distinguished
citizen, to whom I am bound by chains of fraternal sympathy, has
to-day taken possession of the elevated office of President of that
Republic. Such a happy event is received with immense rejoicing by
my Government and the general public, because it implies for the
sister-Republic of Honduras peace and progress. I send good wishes
for the well-being of Your Excellency, to whom I am pleased to offer
the testimony of my perfect friendship and sympathy.
"MANUEL E. ARAUJO."
CHAPTER VII
The army--Division of forces--Active reserve--Auxiliary--
Republic's fighting strength--Military education--Strict
training--Excellent discipline--Schools and polytechnics--
Manual training--Workshops and output--Economies in
equipments--Garrison services--Barracks--Destruction of
Zapote Barracks--New constructions at Capital, Santa Ana,
Santa Tecla, Sitio del Niño, Ahuachapán, Cojutepeque, San
Miguel--Annual expenditure.
The National Army of the Republic of Salvador is divided into three
main sections, each of which is under the orders of a Departmental
Commander, the only superior to whom is the Minister of War. In
the Department of San Salvador, which comprises the Capital, the
command of the troops is vested in the hands of the Minister, and
special commissions are held in connection with this command. The
first of these commissions covers the Attached and Reserve Forces
of the whole Department; the second relates to the Active Forces of
the Department quartered outside the Capital; and the third deals
with the two military zones into which the Military District of San
Salvador is divided.
The entire strength of the Salvadorean Army is, approximately, as
follows:
Active Force consists of 78 Staff Officers, 512 Officers, 15,554
Troops, or, approximately, 26 Battalions.
Auxiliary Force consists of 49 Staff Officers, 356 Officers,
11,176 Troops, or 18-1/2 Battalions.
Reserve Force amounts to 251 Senior Officers, 1,743 Officers,
56,151 Troops, or 93-1/2 Battalions.
[Illustration: COLONEL, ADJUTANT, AND CAPTAINS OF COMPANY.]
[Illustration: CADET CORPS, SCHOOL OF SERGEANTS.]
This gives the total strength of the Effective Army as--378 Senior
Officers, 2,611 Officers, and 82,881 Troops, or 138 Battalions, more
or less.
The Government, on the advice of the late President, General
Figueroa, have devoted the closest care and attention to the
question of military instruction, and the system at present in force
is the outcome of the intelligent study of similar systems in force
in other countries, and the adaptation of the best features existing
in each. A very high _esprit de corps_ exists among the Salvadorean
troops, and, for the most part, they enter upon their schooling and
training with both zeal and interest. It must be remembered that a
great proportion of the troops are merely Indians; and it speaks
well for them that they should take so kindly to a course of what
really amounts to mental and physical restriction, which, after all,
is an experience somewhat different to what they and their ancestors
have been accustomed, except when serving as serfs under a brutal
Spanish dominion.
Conspicuous success has attended these courses of military
instruction, especially in regard to the 1st Infantry Regiment,
which is quartered at San Salvador, and to the 1st Artillery, which
is quartered at Santa Ana. Here the men punctiliously attend the
lectures upon military subjects which are delivered by the regular
officers, as well as by means of ordinary instruction classes. In
other garrison towns night classes are held regularly each evening
of the week, the instructors in these cases being the officers
quartered with the garrison, as well as an eminent German Professor
(Herr Alfred Vischer) who was engaged from Germany especially to
impart military education to the Salvadorean troops.
A School for Sergeants and Corporals has also been established,
with the idea of training these non-commissioned officers for
appointments to higher rank in the army. This school was some time
ago joined to the Polytechnic Institute, and placed under the
command of the Director and Sub-Director of the latter institution;
but subsequently, owing to a disastrous fire which broke out and
destroyed a portion of the Zapote Barracks, in which the classes
were customarily held, the two schools had to be separated and
conducted in separate establishments.
It is characteristic of the broad-mindedness of the Salvadorean
Government that among the instructors engaged was Colonel Armando
Llanos, of the Chilian Mission, who for a considerable time had been
Instructor of the Polytechnic, and later was appointed Director
and Commandant of that school. In addition to the Director and
Sub-Director, the School for Sergeants and Corporals has a Doctor, a
Paymaster, two Captain Instructors, eight official Company Ensigns,
and two Civilian Professors. All of the officers who serve in this
corps have to enter through the Polytechnic School, and among them
have been many distinguished cadets.
For the use of the officers there exists a very agreeable Club,
at which they can procure their full meals and all kinds of light
refreshments at moderate prices; while the usual amusements, such
as drafts, cards, billiards, etc., are provided for them. So
comfortable is this Club made that the officers, as a rule, find
very little inducement to visit the larger towns in search of their
amusements; a matter of great importance is this to them, in view of
the fact that the barracks are, as a rule, situated at some distance
from the City, and railway travelling is, under any circumstances,
rather expensive.
In addition, this school has a number of workshops attached, where
shoemaking, blacksmithing, tailoring, beltmaking, etc., are carried
on, the output providing the principal requirements of the garrison,
including the supply of uniforms for the officers.
The staff of officers and cadets of this school, together with the
troops who occupy the annex, take part in periodical reviews and
manoeuvres; and even severe military critics have been obliged to
admit that the smartness and orderliness of the troops are in the
highest sense of the word praiseworthy.
The course of instruction which is followed appears, indeed, to
be very thorough, while the examinations through which officers
have to pass are in every way drastic and thoroughly "stiff." The
Polytechnic has turned out some very smart officers, the supply
being fully equal to the demand.
Of late the Polytechnic School has been provided with a first-class
physical and chemical laboratory, equipped with most modern
apparatus. The annual expenditure upon this establishment may be put
at between $65,000 and $70,000, which includes all the salaries paid
to the Professors and the fees to the officers who deliver lectures,
the maintenance of the cadets and troops, forage for their horses,
and all general expenses.
It is the practice at these schools to have field-days, when the
troops, as well as the cadets undergoing instruction, take part.
Upon these occasions they go through most of the features of an
ordinary campaign, including embarking and disembarking upon the
various lakes and inland watercourses, shooting and camp-pitching,
bridge-building, and a thorough training in the evolutions of field
artillery. The various cadets who are attached to the Engineers
Corps, Telephone and Telegraph Sections, and Medical Staff, have
to go through courses in the duties of these particular branches
of the army; and it is, therefore, quite easy to understand--when
one considers the thoroughness of the training in all branches of
its service--why the Salvadorean Army should stand first among
the five Central American Republics for military efficiency. That
such training is thoroughly effective and conducted with the
best _morale_ results was proved in connection with the earlier
unfortunate trouble, when many of the officers from the Polytechnic
Schools distinguished themselves not only by fighting gallantly,
and in some cases meeting their death with bravery, on the field of
battle, but also in regard to the skill and ability with which they
handled their troops, both in defence and in attack.
In regard to the garrison services, the infantry and cavalry are
almost exclusively employed, the artillery being quartered both
in the Capital and the City of Santa Ana. The officers serve for
one year certain, and they are thus afforded every opportunity
of acquiring a sound and finished instruction, and of becoming
thoroughly disciplined. The 1st Infantry Regiment occupy commodious
and suitable quarters, and they are generally noticeable for their
smartness and soldierly appearance, when both on and off duty. Santa
Ana is garrisoned by the 1st Artillery Regiment; and here, again,
the troops are comfortably quartered, and the strictest discipline
is maintained. The barracks are located at the Casa Mata, an old
but commodious building, which has been remodelled and adapted to
present-day requirements. A new story has been added, and this is
used as offices for the Commanders and Majors of the corps, while
one side of the building has been converted into extensive stabling
for twice the number of animals that are actually needed.
In point of cleanliness and comfort the Casa Mata Barracks, as well
as those at the Capital, which I was invited to inspect, leave
little room for improvement; and it is worthy of remark that no
epidemic of any kind has broken out in these barracks for many
years past, these having remained perfectly free from contagion
even when smallpox was raging in some other parts of the Republic.
The Military Authorities are commendably particular in regard to
vaccination and re-vaccination, not only when the troops go on
active service, but at all times. There is a well-maintained army
dispensary attached to all the barracks, and every regiment in
the Republic is entitled to free supplies of medicine, drugs, and
attendance.
While duly economical in regard to its expenditure, and zealous in
seeing that nothing is wasted, the Government has done everything
that is necessary to keep the troops adequately equipped both in
arms and ammunition, uniforms and supplies. The extensive and
efficiently-equipped Government workshops are in the charge of a
German mechanic, and here many of the military criminals, who are
confined in the Central Prison, are taught useful trades, and their
services as masons, tailors, and mechanics, are employed to good
purpose. Some capital work is turned out in these workshops, such,
for instance, as military equipments, uniforms, etc. I was informed
that during the year there had been made there 2,710 complete
uniforms for the infantry and artillery, 890 for the cavalry, 545
for colour sergeants, 200 for the port police, 258 for marines; 931
soldiers' caps, 537 cartridge-holders, 2,023 putties, and 2,378
rifle-slings. Special orders had been executed in regard to 22,914
uniforms and 11,311 caps, giving the considerable total of 27,447
uniforms of all kinds, besides a large number of heterogeneous
military uniform fittings.
During this period there had been delivered to the different
garrisons of the Republic 27,223 uniforms of various kinds; 14,299
caps; 5,840 scabbards with their ferrules; 2,550 kitbags; 1,200
blankets; 1,550 pairs of cotton gloves; 562 cartridge-belts;
1,790 pairs of canvas putties; 200 pairs of leather spats; 2,040
rifle-slings; 271 pallets for soldiers; 354 cloaks; 600 pairs of
gaiters; 1,350 water-coolers; 450 canvas nosebags, etc. Although the
not inconsiderable sum of $151,723 was expended upon these and other
equipments, it will be readily recognized that the Government must
have saved enormously in its expenditure by employing the services
of its own workshops.
It is desirable to say something in regard to the character of
the buildings which the Government uses for military purposes.
References have already been made to the serious conflagration which
destroyed the handsomest and most generally used barracks in the
Republic--viz., the Zapote building. The fire broke out on March 27,
1908, the actual cause being a mystery, although it was supposed
that the disaster had its origin in the defective installation of
the electric light, a badly insulated wire having been allowed
to get into contact with one of the wooden turrets. The building
had been almost completed when this accident took place; but
fortunately, owing to the quick services which were rendered by the
garrison staff, the police, and some volunteer helpers, the total
destruction of the barracks was prevented, and the greater part of
the war material stored therein for use was saved. The barracks
have now been completed, and form one of the handsomest blocks of
Government buildings in the Capital.
In Santa Tecla, which is situated but ten miles distant from
the Capital, a large and handsome block of barracks has been
constructed, and is also practically complete, the work having been
in hand since the year 1905, but progress being considerably impeded
from time to time through various causes. It seemed, indeed, that
these barracks would prove something like Cologne Cathedral, and
never see completion; for as soon as one part was finished the work
was arrested, and before any new addition had been made the old
part had fallen into decay. Neighbouring wars, earthquake shocks,
and lack of necessary funds, all played their part in occasioning
these delays; but at length the building may be pronounced complete.
The front is constructed in two stories, the three other sides
being in one story only; and, while the exterior of the building
is constituted of handsome cut stone, the interior is of a lighter
material suitable for tropical residence. There have been over
50,000 blocks of stone cut and laid for the frontage; the total cost
will doubtless prove to be heavy, but the result achieved will have
been worth it.
In the town of Sitio del Niño new barracks have been built for the
garrison, an expenditure which has been rendered necessary in view
of the advent of the railway between Acajutla and Santa Ana, which
crosses here, and forms an important junction and stopping-place
for travellers. The barracks took several months to complete, and
they now form a very substantial addition to the town's notable
structures. The principal block of buildings has 27 yards of
frontage by 15 yards of width, including the corridors and other
buildings. The extent of frontage, which faces the railway-station,
has a notable elevation, and rests on 2 metres of stone foundation,
one course below the ground, and the other above the ground level,
which is considered to have been the most healthful style to have
adopted, the residential part of the building thus being elevated
appreciably above its foundation.
In Ahuachapán a substantial and handsome building for barracks is
also being erected, the chief material employed being masonry, while
the whole structure has been planned with a view to defence in case
of necessity. The building has four turrets, one situated at each
corner, in addition to two smaller turrets which are placed on
either side of the principal gateway. The thickness of the walls has
been decided upon with the idea of resisting the attack of artillery
of the kind usually employed in these countries. The interior of the
building is constructed of unburnt bricks, the arrangement being
of the utmost simplicity, the architect bearing in mind that the
building is destined to be used entirely for troops, workmen, etc.
In Cojutepeque a block of barracks is about to be erected, but
active construction will be postponed until the water-pipes, which
are now being laid to convey water to the city, have been completed.
In San Miguel various additional defence works have been executed
at the existing barracks, while others have been commenced, the
Government having resolved to make San Miguel a strongly fortified
town. New military stables have been added to the cavalry barracks
at Santa Ana; while in other Departments of the Republic a
considerable number of important repairs and additions to military
buildings have been completed.
From first to last the annual upkeep of the Salvadorean Army,
including both equipment and maintenance, as well as the expenditure
upon all the military educational establishments, payments for
the services of the national steamer, contributions to volunteer
regiments, reserve squadrons, etc., amounts to nearly $1,220,000;
and taking the whole of this expenditure for both War and Marine,
the total disbursement for the year 1908-09 stood as follows:
$
Private staff of the President 73,113.73
1st Artillery Regiment 155,155.69
1st Infantry Regiment 461,596.39
Cavalry Regiment 125,670.58
Polytechnic School (including subs.) 106,554.71
School of Corporals and Sergeants 100,887.38
Volunteers of the Capital 90,602.04
Reserve Squadron 52,393.87
Band of Supreme Power 45,741.59
National steamer _President_ (from January to
March) 3,943.84
-------------
$1,215,659.92
CHAPTER VIII
British Minister to Salvador--Lionel Edward Gresley
Carden--British Legation hospitality--Mrs. Carden--Government
indifference to valuable services--British Consul--No report
for twenty years--Foreign Office neglect--Salvadorean
Consuls and their duties defined--Correspondence with the
Foreign Office--Imports and Exports--British Supremacy in
1904--Germany's position.
For some reason known to the Foreign Office, but understood and
appreciated by no one else, Salvador is incorporated with Guatemala,
Nicaragua, and Honduras in its representation by a Minister-Resident
and Consul-General combined. Other nations in Europe of less
importance, and the United States of America, are represented by
separate Ministers and Consuls-General, and in some instances by
both. The niggardly Foreign Office, however, when it has contributed
the munificent sum of £2,000 for the Minister-Resident's salary,
and a further £300 as office allowance as well as £200 for the
Consul's office expenses, has done all that it thinks necessary to
sustain the dignity of Great Britain in a foreign country whose
people are peculiarly susceptible to compliments of this kind, and
leaves Salvador, Guatemala, Nicaragua and Honduras--separated from
one another not alone by hundreds of miles in actual distance, but
by many days' travel on horseback or by steamship--to make the
best they can of the arrangement. The inconvenience alike to the
particular Minister, to the British subjects living in these
Republics, and to the Governments concerned, is considerable, and at
times becomes of very serious import.
The British Minister to Salvador is Mr. Lionel Edward Gresley
Carden, a man of altogether exceptional ability and culture, a
born diplomat, and one of the most attractive personalities that
one could meet with. He was born in 1851, and is a son of the Rev.
Lionel Carden, of Barnane, Co. Tipperary, his mother being the
beautiful Miss Lucy Lawrence Ottley; and from her Mr. Carden has
doubtless inherited much of his physical attractiveness. Educated
at Eton, he was at the age of twenty-six given his first Government
appointment, namely, that of Vice-Consul at Havana, Cuba, in 1877.
A few years afterwards--namely, in 1883--Mr. Carden was attached to
Sir S. St. John's Special Mission to Mexico, and two years later
he was appointed H.B.M.'s Consul at Mexico City. It was then that
his valuable services as the British Commissioner at the Mexican
Mixed Claims Court were rendered, the Commission sitting on and off
between 1885 and 1889. While in Mexico Mr. Carden upon two occasions
took entire charge of the Legation, and in 1898 he went back to
Cuba, this time as Consul-General, remaining there until 1902.
Mr. Carden created a profoundly friendly feeling for the British
during these four years, and he is still spoken of with the greatest
esteem, not only by members of the British community, but by the
Cubans themselves, with whom he was always _persona grata_. In 1902
he was created Minister at Havana, and he remained there until 1905,
when he took up his present post as H.B.M. Minister-Resident and
Consul-General to Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras.
Mr. Carden married Miss Anne Eliza Lefferts, a daughter of Mr.
John Lefferts, of "Flatbush," New York, U.S.A., a gracious and
talented lady who, by her kindness of heart and refined hospitality,
has endeared herself to all foreigners resident or travelling in
Guatemala. The British Legation, one of the handsomest residences
in Guatemala City, is the centre of much friendly and cultured
intercourse, not only among the British and American colonies, but
with many of the Guatemalan notabilities and families.
The only recognition that has been paid by the British Government to
Mr. Carden so far, in connection with his long and valuable services
in Latin America, has been the bestowal of the Coronation Medal in
1902. Beyond relieving him in 1908 of the burden of representing
the Government in Costa Rica in addition to Salvador, Honduras,
and Guatemala, the King's advisers have done nothing to show that
they appreciate Mr. Carden or recognize the onerous and responsible
mission which he has had to fulfil. And yet he is both by education
and temperament essentially one of the most useful and reliable
diplomats that the Government can call upon. His proper sphere would
be at one of the European Courts, or, better still, at Washington,
where his valuable and unique knowledge of Latin-American
countries and Governments would enable him to more adequately and
advantageously represent and protect British commercial interests
than does the present complacent Minister, who suggests the idea of
being more of an American in his sympathies than a Britisher.
[Illustration: MR. LIONEL EDWARD GRESLEY CARDEN, C.M.G.
H.B.M. MINISTER-RESIDENT AT SALVADOR (AS WELL AS AT GUATEMALA,
NICARAGUA AND HONDURAS.)]
It will be scarcely credible, but it is none the less a fact, that
the British Government has issued no Consular Trade Report upon the
Republic of Salvador for nearly twenty years! This fact is set
forth in the following correspondence which I attach:
"PONDTAIL LODGE,
"FLEET, NORTH HANTS,
"_April 23, 1911_.
"_To the Right Hon. Sir Edward Grey, Bart., Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs, Foreign Office, Downing Street,
London, W._
"SIR,--I should esteem it a great courtesy if you would let
me know whether any Consular Report has been published by the
Foreign Office in connection with the Republic of Salvador; what
was the date of such report; and whether any other report of a
later period is likely to be published--and if so, when? I have
been making diligent inquiries with regard to this matter, but
can obtain absolutely no information, a fact which seems more
remarkable in view of the trade relations which prevail, and
have for so many years prevailed, between Great Britain and the
Republic of Salvador.
"My interest in the matter must plead my excuses for troubling
you, and awaiting your courteous reply,
"I remain, sir,
"Yours obediently,
"PERCY F. MARTIN."
"FOREIGN OFFICE,
"_April 25, 1911_.
"The Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs presents
his compliments to Mr. P. F. Martin, and, by direction of the
Secretary of State, acknowledges the receipt of his letter of
the 23rd inst., which is receiving attention."
"FOREIGN OFFICE,
"_May 8, 1911_.
"SIR,--With reference to your letter of the 23rd ultimo, I am
directed by Secretary Sir E. Grey to transmit to you herewith,
a copy of the Consular Trade Report for Salvador for the year
1892, which is the last received.
"I am, sir,
"Your most obedient humble servant,
"(Signed) W. LANGLEY."
"PONDTAIL LODGE,
"FLEET, NORTH HANTS,
"_May 9, 1911_.
"_To the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Foreign
Office, London, W._
"Mr. Percy F. Martin presents his compliments to the
Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and begs to
acknowledge the receipt of a copy of the Consular Report
concerning trade in Salvador for the year 1892, which he notes
is the last which has been issued."
It may be asked why the Foreign Office grants an office allowance of
£200 to the Consul at San Salvador if the services of that gentleman
do not include the supply of at least an occasional report upon the
trade conditions of that important country? In view of the fact
that the share of the Republic's trade with Great Britain is still
of some moment, even if it has shrunk considerably in magnitude
from what it formerly was, it seems astonishing that not a word
concerning the conditions prevailing, nor of the opportunities which
exist for promoting trade in that country, should have emanated
from a Department of State which presumably exists to protect the
interests of the nation's trade and commerce abroad.
Assuredly, never at any time were the stinging sarcasms uttered
by Burke, concerning Government services of this kind, in 1780,
more deserved than to-day. In his memorable speech on "Economical
Reform," Burke observed that the Board of Trade was "a sort of
gently ripening hothouse where members received salaries of £1,000
a year in order to mature at a proper season a claim for £2,000."
If our Consuls are expected to do nothing more than sit in their
offices in order to qualify eventually for a pension, the sooner
they are abolished altogether the better for the country's pocket.
It is to be observed that certain among the Latin-American States
have a much clearer idea of the proper qualifications for, and
the functions of, a Consul and a Vice-Consul than our own Foreign
Office, which has challenged criticism and earned condemnation
on account of the ridiculous appointments which it has made, and
continues to make, to such offices. Quite recently the Government of
Salvador published a very important Regulation relative to Consular
appointments, and this contains so much good sense, and offers
so many points which might be adopted with advantage by our own
"Circumlocution Office," that I make no apology for reproducing the
gist of it here.
According to Article I., Clause (_b_), of this Regulation, the
Consular career "has for its aim above all to promote and increase
the commerce of the country, and also to insure for it social and
political representation." Then this official Regulation gives
a general review of the obligations imposed upon members of the
Diplomatic and Consular Corps, and adds: "Certainly, in order
to fulfil these, special knowledge is needed, which can only be
acquired by patient and careful study. Diplomats and Consuls, who
go to represent Salvador in foreign lands, must especially be
presentable and must possess individuality. If any unfortunate
circumstance makes them appear ridiculous, discredit will fall, not
only on themselves, but on their fellow-countrymen." The Regulation
continues:
"Travellers have been heard to say that they have sometimes found
the Salvador coat of arms lying in a dark, dirty hovel, or in close
proximity to a pawnshop; whilst some diplomatists have been rendered
conspicuous by their ignorance of the language and customs of the
country to which they have been sent, and, above all, by their
absolute lack of patriotism. A Professor of International Law has
related of an Envoy Extraordinary of the Republic of Salvador, that
he once had to be arrested by the police in the centre of the City
of Mexico for drunkenness."
I have heard of at least one British diplomatic representative in
South America who ought to have been arrested for a similar offence,
but who escaped the indignity by reason of the wholesome respect
which the Government had for the country which he represented, even
if it had none for the representative.
"Consuls and diplomatists," goes on this document, "must not only
possess special knowledge, but must be cultured persons, honourable,
tactful, and sympathetic." In a word, they must possess the
difficult gift of knowing "how to please."
The Regulation does not actually detail these latter qualities, but
gives it to be understood that they are indispensable. It, however,
emphasizes the necessity of "facility of expression" as an attribute
of the aspirant to the Consular and Diplomatic Service, at the same
time, without requiring him to be an orator. He must be capable
of "getting out of a difficulty decently, without making himself
ridiculous."
It would be advisable, the Regulation points out, that youths who
possess the desired qualifications should be employed by the
Government in subordinate positions connected with the Consulates
and Legations, before they receive higher appointments or become
Heads. As Secretaries or supernumeraries, they would have an
opportunity of becoming familiar with the language and customs of
the people among whom they were placed. All the necessary expenses
for this arrangement should naturally be borne by the State.
"It must also be remembered," this practical Regulation continues,
"that those who fulfil the required conditions are losers from the
point of view of any financial advantages, since for some time their
remuneration will not equal that which might have been gained by
entering commerce or professional work. At the same time, youths who
dedicate themselves to this career must have sufficient patriotism
and ambition to figure in the posts of honour. No time must be lost
in the task of training up Consuls, and as the perfection of human
work has resulted in the evolution of specialists, so the Government
must not too seriously consider the question of economy, but must
allow these young men to be sent to other countries, and to remain
in the same post long enough to specialize in their profession."
According to the new laws affecting the appointment of
Consuls, the regulations call for a division into two distinct
ranks--consuls-general and consuls _de carrière_ (irregular); and
consuls _ad honorem_ (honorary). The first-named are appointed
to: Hamburg (Germany), Antwerp (Belgium), Barcelona (Spain), San
Francisco (U.S.A.), Mexico City (Mexico), Paris (France), London
(Great Britain), Genoa (Italy), Guatemala City (Guatemala),
Tegucigalpa (Honduras), Managua (Nicaragua), San José (Costa Rica).
The annual remuneration is £720 for the Consuls-general, and £480
for the Consuls.
The honorary consuls are at Panamá City, Panamá; New York City,
U.S.A.; Liverpool, England; Bordeaux, France; Berlin, Germany; and
New Orleans, U.S.A.
The first-named officials must be Salvadoreans and citizens of the
Republic; while the second may be of any nationality. These latter
may deduct from the fees collected by them such amounts as may be
necessary to cover office expenses, and the remuneration allowed
them under Article 186 of the organic law of the consular service.
The Government of Salvador considers that "those States which
maintain permanent Legations should keep themselves regularly
informed of all the antecedents and course of the questions that
are to be discussed. They should have a perfect knowledge of the
circumstances that may contribute to a solution favourable to
their interests; their diplomatic Ministers should have had an
opportunity of quietly studying the weaknesses of those persons
with whom they have to negotiate. The State that does not maintain
permanent representatives will experience difficulties of all kinds
in the most insignificant negotiation. If its Government conducts
affairs by means of a Foreign Office, by the post or telegraph, it
will be exposed to evasive replies and delays, which will be to the
advantage of the other State; and if a Special Mission is sent,
whatever may be the personal capacity of its chief, he will be in
unknown territory, and will lose precious time whilst he is studying
men and things sufficiently to master the situation, and to be able
to deduce from it the necessary material to bring to a successful
issue the negotiations entrusted to him."
These are all very sensible and apt observations, which I
respectfully bring to the attention of Sir Edward Grey, our present
Foreign Secretary, and the many "Official Barnacles" who surround
him and advise him in regard to the appointments to the Consular
Service.
The last British Consular Report from Salvador is dated "June 30,
1893," and relates to what took place during the previous year,
namely, "1892." It is from the pen of Mr. C. S. Campbell, then
Consul-General, and is addressed to the Foreign Minister of that
day, the Earl of Rosebery. It is apparent from this document, which
consists of exactly six pages, that Great Britain stood second on
the list of Imports, and third on the list of Exports, the figures
being as follows:
-----------------+----------------------+-----------------------+
| Imports. | Exports. |
Country. +----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+
| 1891. | 1892. | 1891. | 1892. |
-----------------+----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+
| £ | £ | £ | £ |
United States | 122,047 | 104,587 | 247,632 | 397,055 |
England | 121,523 | 121,210 | 100,974 | 110,043 |
Germany | 46,744 | 37,018 | 212,276 | 108,618 |
France | 74,444 | 58,819 | 163,079 | 131,586 |
Italy | 12,504 | 9,514 | 92,282 | 55,128 |
Spain | 3,905 | 3,772 | 5,297 | 3,126 |
Sundry | 60,214 | 43,557 | 146,544 | 136,692 |
+----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+
Total | 441,381 | 378,477 | 968,084 | 942,248 |
-----------------+----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+
It is clear from these figures that British trade with Salvador
was something considerable and well worth maintaining, having at
that time approached near that of the United States of America, in
spite of the great geographical advantage which the latter country
possessed--and still, of course, possesses--over Great Britain or
any other European country. Let us now glance at the position of
affairs a few years later:
IMPORTS AND EXPORTS BY COUNTRIES, IN GOLD DOLLARS ($4.85 = £1).
IMPORTS.
+--------+--------------------+--------------+---------------+
| Year. | Country. | Amount. | Percentage. |
+--------+--------------------+--------------+---------------+
| | | $ | |
| 1904 | England | 1,304,576 | 36·1 |
| | Germany | 404,422 | 11·2 |
| | United States | 1,002,437 | 27·8 |
| | Other Countries | 898,642 | 24·9 |
+--------+--------------------+--------------+---------------+
EXPORTS.
+--------+--------------------+--------------+---------------+
| Year. | Country. | Amount. | Percentage. |
+--------+--------------------+--------------+---------------+
| | | $ | |
| 1904 | England | 1,482,319 | 22·4 |
| | Germany | 958,533 | 14·4 |
| | United States | 1,103,030 | 16·6 |
| | Other Countries | 3,091,563 | 46·6 |
+--------+--------------------+--------------+---------------+
It will be observed that Great Britain in 1904 actually led in
the Republic's trade with foreign countries; but nevertheless the
Foreign Office deems this fact so unimportant that it will not
trouble to publish a syllable concerning the commerce of that
Republic, for the information of the industrial and trading world.
The average total of the foreign trade of the Republic of Salvador
may be taken as $10,600,000 (gold), or, say, £2,120,000, with a
balance of $2,250,000 (gold), or, say, £450,000, in favour of the
Republic. And it is when we come to analyze the imports from foreign
countries that we recognize how closely Great Britain and the United
States run together, and how greatly we have to fear our keen
American rivals as competitors. For the year 1909 we see that--
Great Britain sold to Salvador goods worth $1,438,613.90
United States " " " 1,344,315.79
-------------
A trifling balance in favour of Great Britain of $94,298.11
--or, say, £18,859. Our principal trade was in cotton, both
manufactured and yarn; while the United States took premier place in
flour, hardware, drugs and medicines, boots, shoes, machinery, and
agricultural implements. In these latter goods no country can touch
the United States for cheapness and general novelty; but it is only
fair to add that the goods are "made to sell," or, in other words,
they are "cheap and nasty"--a fact which the purchasers are finding
out for themselves. Until British manufacturers export something
considerably cheaper than the implements and farm machinery that
they supply at present, the Americans will continue to hold this
market. The Germans barely as yet have made much impression with
their agricultural implements. Although upon some of the _fincas_
which I visited--mostly owned or managed by Germans--I came across
some ploughs and reaping machines from the Fatherland, I was frankly
informed that they were entirely unsatisfactory, and were about to
be discarded in favour of some United States machines which had been
offered "at one-half the price paid for the German inventions."
STATEMENT OF EXPORT TRADE TO JUNE 30, 1910.
+---------------+-------------------+-----------------+------------------+
| Country. | Value of Exports. | Country. | Value of Exports.|
+---------------+-------------------+-----------------+------------------+
| | $ | | |
| Germany | 1,410,693.10 | Austria-Hungary | 388,035.33 |
| United States | 1,358,868.85 | Great Britain | 352,843.73 |
| France | 1,043,402.71 | Spain | 164,907.21 |
| Italy | 584,312.60 | | |
+---------------+-------------------+-----------------+------------------+
These figures are remarkable for the fact that they show _inter
alia_ that Germany had in the course of twelve months ousted France
from first place on the export list, and had supplanted her by an
extraordinary amount of advance. To prove this I give the official
figures for the first half of 1909, and which are as follows:
$
France took goods value 1,062,674
Germany " " 837,040
United States " " 636,721
Italy " " 352,122
Spain " " 281,961
Great Britain " " 111,312
It would therefore appear that, while Germany increased her trade
with Salvador from $837,040 in 1909 (six months) to $1,410,693 in
1909-10 (twelve months), France showed a decrease over the same
period of from $1,062,674 to $1,043,402. Great Britain's position is
so inferior as to need no comment whatever.
It will be noticeable that Germany was in 1910 the best customer to
the Republic, and took fully four times as much of her produce as
Great Britain. The greatest amount was represented by coffee, as
will be seen from the subjoined particulars of the class of articles
which were exported, as well as from the values which I add:
+--------------------+--------------++-------------------+--------------+
| Article. | Value. || Article. | Value. |
+--------------------+--------------++-------------------+--------------+
| | $ || | $ |
| Coffee | 4,661,440.98 || Tobacco (manufac- | |
| Gold, silver, lead | 560,569.64 || tured and leaf) | 9,638.67 |
| Sugar (brown) | 222,379.47 || Lumber | 3,773.07 |
| Indigo | 107,936.72 || Rice | 3,312.23 |
| Balsam and balsam | || Deerskins | 2,837.63 |
| seed | 39,187.97 || Hat palms | 2,723.21 |
| Cattle and hides | 36,167.46 || Miscellaneous | 23,247.92 |
| Rubber | 23,491.58 || | ------------ |
| | || Total | 5,696,706.85 |
+--------------------+--------------++-------------------+--------------+
[Illustration: FRONT OF SERGEANTS' SCHOOL, SAN SALVADOR.]
[Illustration: FRONT OF SERGEANTS' SCHOOL, SAN SALVADOR.]
That the Germans mean to thoroughly exploit the Republic of
Salvador, moreover, and if they cannot secure a holding in one
branch of trade they intend to try in another, or in a dozen others,
is abundantly clear. In the month of September, 1909, a Treaty of
Commerce between the Republic and Germany was celebrated, and so far
the results have been very encouraging. Out of 463 steamers and 89
sailing vessels which visited the different Salvadorean ports last
year (1909-10), during the first nine months there were 153 German,
as against 245 United States, 79 Salvadorean, 74 Honduranean, and
not _one_ British bottom.
CHAPTER IX
United States information for traders--Improved Consular
services--Mr. W. E. Coldwell--United States and Salvador
Government--Bureau of Pan-American Republics--Mr. Mark J.
Kelly--Exceptional services--The American Minister, Major
W. Heimké--Salvadorean Minister to U.S.A., Señor Federico
Mejía--Central American Peace Conference and the United States.
How beneficial is the attitude of the United States of America in
collecting and disseminating every particle of information which
can prove of the slightest service to American traders! Month by
month, through the medium of the _Pan-American Bureau Bulletin_,
a Government-endowed institution journal of the utmost utility,
not only to American traders, but to those of every country of
the world, every item of commercial, industrial, and financial
information culled from Latin-American countries is published in
tabular form, and supplied at a merely nominal figure to all who
care to avail themselves of it. Such information is primarily the
result of the researches and the reports made by United States
Consuls in the countries mentioned, and it is perfectly certain that
none are permitted to enjoy "allowances" of £200 a year, as is our
Consul at San Salvador, without showing something in return for such
payment in the shape of a report of some kind or other.
Here I may record that of Mr. Walter Edmund Coldwell, our unsalaried
Consul at San Salvador, I have nothing whatever to say but what is
complimentary, since he is personally a very amiable and courteous
gentleman, ready and willing at any time to aid any Britisher
seeking his advice, and which, in view of his experience and
complete knowledge of Spanish, is certainly of great value. I feel
certain that, had any request come from the Foreign Office addressed
to Mr. Coldwell for a report upon trade conditions and prospects in
Salvador, he would have been perfectly prepared to supply, as he is
undoubtedly capable of supplying, it in view of his long residence,
extending over twelve years. I go further, and suggest that had Mr.
Coldwell not waited for any such request, but had acted upon his own
initiative and sent in a report to the Foreign Office, such would
either have been pigeonholed or the Consul have been snubbed for
his pains. It cannot be too often observed, nor too emphatically
pointed out, that it is _not_ the officials of our Consular
Service who are wholly to blame; it is the "System" perpetuated by
successive Governments--it matters not one pin's head whether they
be Liberals or Conservatives or a hybrid mixture of many political
parties--which is all wrong, and the ignorant and indifferent
Permanent Officials at Downing Street who are responsible for the
appalling condition of incompetency which our Consular Service
to-day displays.
The following incident will show with what care and attention the
Government of the United States follow every little incident and
occurrence that can in any way affect trade relations between
themselves and the smaller Latin-American States. In the month of
February, 1909, the United States Minister sent to his Government
a complaint to the effect that the Salvadorean Government allowed
favoured-nation treatment to certain articles of French origin
imported into the Republic, which treatment was not accorded
to similar articles from the United States. The United States
Government at once instructed the Minister at San Salvador to ask
for an explanation, and he as promptly got it; not, perhaps, in the
precise terms which he could have wished, but--he got it! The answer
came from the Minister for Foreign Affairs in the following terms:
"The Treaty of Peace and Amity, Commerce and Consular Rights
celebrated between Salvador and the United States on December 6,
1870, having become inoperative by reason of the denunciation
of the same on the part of the Government of Salvador, in
accordance with the prearranged conditions from May 30, 1893,
merchandise proceeding from the United States can only be
accorded such treatment in the Customs Houses of Salvador as is
provided for in the general tariff law of the Republic, without
special concessions or privileges."
The answer was so convincing and so conclusive that the United
States Government forthwith proceeded to celebrate a fresh Treaty
with the Republic, and has since then enjoyed all the privileges
which such can procure.
Upon a previous occasion--namely, in 1907--the United States
Vice-Consul in San Salvador having requested from the Government of
the Republic a general statement of economic conditions prevailing
throughout the country, the reply was published very soon afterwards
in the form of an elaborate and complete account of the commercial,
industrial, and financial conditions of the Republic, the whole
taking up the greater portion of a special number of the _Diario
Oficial_. One cannot imagine a British Consul having the enterprise
to make any such request from a foreign Government to which he is
accredited, although the information, if sought, would be as readily
forthcoming as it was for an American Vice-Consul. But when we
witness the sorry spectacle of British officials allowing--or being
allowed--twenty years to pass by without having issued any kind of
report for the information of his countrymen, what can be expected?
The United States Secretary of State officials, who are so ably
assisted by the co-operation of the Pan-American Bureau and its
admirable monthly publication, _The Bulletin_, deserve every credit
for the unflagging interest which they manifest in promoting and
assisting their country's trade abroad. In this matter, at least,
we might advantageously follow the example of our Transatlantic
competitors. As it is, we should feel deeply grateful to the
American Government for periodically issuing information which is
as accessible to Britishers, or to any other nationalities, as to
the Americans themselves. And it costs us nothing; which should be
gratifying to that large class of individuals who enjoy getting
something without putting their hands into their own pockets.
It seems a very remarkable fact that Salvador, like a great
number of other Latin-American States, has been enabled to find
in Great Britain a thoroughly capable and influential Consular
representative, while Great Britain has so signally failed, except
in some few instances, in securing similar representatives abroad.
Nor is this circumstance the less noteworthy when it is observed
that the Salvadorean Consul-General in London is not a native of
that Republic, but an Irishman, and is probably one of the first--if
not the only--Irishman who has filled a similar position. Mr. Mark
Jamestown Kelly, F.R.G.S., F.S.A., etc., has been the Consular
representative of both the Republics of Salvador and Honduras for
over fifteen years, and it is only within the past few months that
he has been compelled, owing to continued pressure of work in
connection with the chairmanship of the Salvador Railway Company, to
abandon his consular position in regard to Salvador. How greatly the
Government of that State regretted Mr. Kelly's retirement, and how
strong was the pressure brought to bear to induce him to withdraw
his resignation, was fully evidenced in a remarkable letter of
thanks which the Government addressed to Mr. Kelly lately, and from
which the following is a brief extract. After referring in eloquent
terms to the deep disappointment which the Government felt at Mr.
Kelly's inability to reconsider the question of resignation, and
having announced that the Executive had therefore most reluctantly
accepted the inevitable, and had arranged to send over at an early
date a representative to relieve Mr. Kelly of his official duties,
Dr. Manuel E. Araujo, the President of the Republic (who has long
been personally acquainted with Mr. Kelly), addressed him as follows:
"I deplore profoundly your resignation of the business of the
Consulate-General, which with so much tact and industry you
have been discharging during so long a lapse of time; and
your resignation of your post, being based upon reasons which
I cannot set aside, has this day at last been accepted by my
Government, but with the hope that you will always contribute
in one way or another with the very valuable contingent of your
wisdom and experience in all matters relating to the good name
and honour of Salvador. I tender to you in consequence, in my
own name and in that of my country, the most whole-souled thanks
for the very important services which you have afforded to
us in the past, and which we do not doubt we shall continue to
receive from your well-known magnanimity."
[Illustration: MR. MARK JAMESTOWN KELLY, F.R.G.S.
FOR 15 YEARS CONSUL-GENERAL IN GREAT BRITAIN FOR SALVADOR (RETIRED
JUNE, 1911), AND CHAIRMAN OF THE SALVADOR RAILWAY COMPANY, LD.]
Mr. Kelly has undoubtedly rendered lasting and exceptional services
to the State of Salvador during the long period over which he has
represented its commercial and financial interests in this country.
As its Financial Agent in Europe, he carried out the long and
difficult negotiations which ended in successfully settling and
discharging the foreign debt of the Republic, and permitted of that
great undertaking, the construction of a through line of railway
from the port of Acajutla to the Capital of San Salvador, being
financed and completed. Last year Mr. Kelly also negotiated, with
much tact and conspicuous ability, a new Salvador Foreign Loan,
which to-day ranks as a gilt-edge security on the London Stock
Exchange, and stands at a substantial premium.
Besides his Consular appointments, Mr. Mark J. Kelly holds the
positions of Chairman of the Salvador Railway Company, Limited, and
President of the Salvador Chamber of Commerce in London; while he is
generally regarded as one of the greatest living authorities upon
the questions of foreign exchange and Latin-American commerce.
For many years Mr. Kelly was identified with railway construction
in Ecuador and later on with Salvador, and his great charm of
manner, coupled with his extraordinary grasp of detail and intimate
knowledge of finance in all its aspects, have combined to make his
co-operation in financial and commercial matters a question of the
greatest value to the latter country mentioned, as well as to all
who have invested money therein. Mr. Kelly is a perfect Spanish
scholar; and when I was travelling with him in Salvador, many of
the natives with whom we conversed frankly informed me that, but for
his distinctive European name, Mr. Kelly might very well pass for a
pure-bred Spaniard or Spanish-American, so admirably did he converse
in and write their language. Of the newly appointed Salvadorean
Consul-General. Señor Don Artúro Ramón Ávila, I have spoken in
Chapter III.
Major the Hon. William Heimké, who was appointed the Minister of
the United States of America to Salvador in 1909, is a native of
France, having been born in that country in 1847 and naturalized
in the United States. He went to America at a very early age,
and entered the regular army when he was but fifteen. He served
with distinction during the Civil War, being engaged in several
important battles. After the war he served as headquarters clerk
under Generals Sherman, Pope, Hancock, and Sheridan, and he was
also in the Quartermaster's and Commissary Departments. In 1881 he
became purchasing agent for the Mexican Central Railroad, and in
1883 was appointed general manager of the Chihuahua and Durango
Telephone Company in Mexico. In 1887 he again entered the service
of the United States as Vice-Consul at Chihuahua. He was advanced
to Consul in 1892, and retired in 1893. In 1897 he became Second
Secretary of the United States Legation in Mexico, and was promoted
First Secretary of their Legation in Bogotá, Colombia, in 1906.
He was appointed Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary
to Guatemala on March 10, 1908. Major Heimké is a member of the
American Academy of Economic, Social, and Political Science of
Philadelphia, and of the International Folk Lore Society of Chicago.
One of the kindest and most hospitable of men, Major Heimké, in
conjunction with his charming wife, a lady of the greatest culture
and artistic tastes, makes his home one of the most pleasant places
for Americans and foreigners alike sojourning in San Salvador. Major
and Mrs. Heimké have firmly established themselves in the regard and
the esteem of the Salvadoreans; and they are undoubtedly the most
popular diplomatic representatives of the United States of America
who have occupied the Legation.
The Salvadorean Minister to the United States of America is Señor
Federico Mejía, who is one of the most prominent men in his country,
having for some time been Minister of Finance and Public Credit.
Upon his introduction to his present office on April 6, 1907, he was
officially received by President Roosevelt, and upon this occasion
Señor Mejía said:
"Mr. President: I have the honour to place in your hands the
autograph letter by which I am accredited as Envoy Extraordinary
and Minister Plenipotentiary of the Government of Salvador, near
the Government of Your Excellency. I present to you at the same
time the letters of recall of my distinguished predecessor, Dr.
Don José Rosa Pacas.
"Nothing could be more pleasing to me than the honour of
conveying to Your Excellency the expression of my Government's
wish to maintain and draw closer, if that were possible,
the friendly relations which happily exist between our two
countries; and in the discharge of the duties of the mission
which is entrusted to me, I shall spare no effort to voice
faithfully the sentiments of the Salvadorean people, trusting
that I shall meet, in so doing, the same cordiality and interest
you have manifested in the cause of the welfare of my country,
and that of the other States of Central America.
"Accept, Sir, the wishes that I make in the name of the
President of Salvador, and in my own, for the prosperity and
further aggrandizement of the great American nation, and for the
health and personal welfare of Your Excellency."
To this friendly and well-expressed address President Roosevelt
replied in equally felicitous terms as follows:
"Mr. Minister: I receive with great pleasure the cordial
sentiments of friendship to which you give expression, both for
your Government and for the Salvadorean people. Entertaining
the most sincere wishes for the prosperity and happiness of
your countrymen, and having at heart the continuation and
strengthening of the good relations which have already subsisted
between our two countries, I assure you of my co-operation in
your aim to that end. I have no doubt that, while worthily
representing the Government by which you are accredited, you
will so conduct your mission as to merit and receive the sincere
friendship and high regard of that of the United States. I
am glad, therefore, to greet you as Envoy Extraordinary and
Minister Plenipotentiary of Salvador to the United States. I beg
that you will convey to the President of Salvador my cordial
appreciation of his message of goodwill to me personally, and
for the prosperity of the United States, and assure him of my
earnest reciprocation of his wishes. For your own good wishes I
thank you; and I trust you will find your residence with us to
be most agreeable."
[Illustration: SIDE VIEW OF "EL ROTULO" BRIDGE.]
[Illustration: THE NATIONAL ROAD LEADING TO LA LIBERTAD, SHOWING "EL
ROTULO" BRIDGE.]
On December 20, 1907, the Central American Peace Conference, held
in Washington, concluded a Convention providing for meetings of
Central American Conferences to be convened on January 1 of each
year for a period of five years, with the object of agreeing upon
the most efficient and proper means of bringing uniformity into the
economical and fiscal interests of the Central American States. The
Peace Conference designated Tegucigalpa, Honduras, as the place of
the first meeting of the Central American Conference, and prescribed
that the Conference should choose the place for holding the next
Conference, and so on successively until the expiration of the
Convention concerning future Central American Conferences.
The first Central American Conference, which met in Honduras on
January 1, 1909, selected San Salvador as the place for holding the
second Central American Conference, which was underlined for January
1, 1910. For unavoidable reasons the members of the Conference could
not meet in San Salvador on the date prescribed, and the President
of the Republic, acting in conformity with Article II. of the
aforesaid Convention of the Peace Conference, postponed the meeting
of the second Central American Conference until February 1 of the
same year, which met on that date and concluded its work on the
fifth day of the same month.
The results obtained by the Conference were the celebration of six
Conventions, all of which were signed on February 5 of last year.
The first of these Conventions provides for the establishment in
Costa Rica of a pedagogic institute for Central America; the second,
for the unification of the Consular service abroad of the five
Republics; the third provides for monetary uniformity on a gold
basis; the fourth, for Central American commercial reciprocity;
the fifth, for the adoption of the metric system of weights and
measures; and the sixth defines the functions of each Government
toward the Central American bureau in Guatemala.
CHAPTER X
Latin-American trade and British diplomacy--Serious handicap
inflicted by the Government--Sacrificing British interests to
American susceptibilities--The British Foreign Office's
attitude towards its diplomatic representatives--Why British
trade has been lost to Salvador--Free Trade and its advocates--
The Salvadorean view--German competition--Methods of bribery in
vogue--The Teutonic code of trade honour.
If ever the secret veil which shrouds diplomacy in all countries
from betrayal could be drawn aside, and some wholesome sidelights
could now and again be thrown upon the proceedings of our
responsible Ministers, a great many disquieting, and even alarming,
things would come to light. These would show, for example, that the
great declension in British trade during the past few years has
been in a very considerable measure due to the astounding character
of the British Government's instructions to representatives abroad
in regard to the attitude of the United States of America. It will
be news--and very disquieting news--to the general public to know
that every effort has been made by our Government to consult the
wishes and the feelings of the United States in reference to almost
every trade treaty which has been either suggested or entered into.
The failure of our diplomats abroad to carry to a successful issue
a commercial treaty proposed or desired has not infrequently been
attributed to the neglect, or perhaps to the inability, of the
particular Minister employed. In practically every case, however,
it would be fairer to place the blame for the failure upon the
shoulders of the Foreign Office.
I know of several cases in which this is the undoubted and
undeniable cause of the breakdown of our negotiations in the very
moment of their imminent success. A craven and absurd desire
not to "hurt the feelings" of our greatest rivals and our most
clever competitors--the Americans--has dictated a policy which has
resulted in the earnest efforts of our skilled and able diplomatic
representatives abroad being absolutely wasted, and they themselves
being placed in a deeply humiliating position, which I need not say
has been as keenly resented.
This was the case with a highly important treaty which we were
upon the point of completing with Cuba; it has been the case with
a similar agreement entered into tentatively with the Republic
of Honduras, and it has been so likewise with the Republics of
Guatemala and Salvador. With how many other possible excellent trade
markets it has also had effect I do not know; but it is not very
difficult to imagine.
So pronounced has this policy become of late, that it is now having
a decidedly bad effect upon our commercial and financial relations
generally with the Latin-American Republics. Formerly these small
independent States looked upon Great Britain as the one Power to
whom appeals could be made in all matters of dispute, no matter
about what or between whom, with a moral certainty of a just and
impartial decision being given. This was in the days when Great
Britain still preserved her dignity and independence of thought, and
before her Government had learned to truckle to the bluff of the
Roosevelt-Philander Knox diplomacy. To-day, although there is more
reason than ever to ask for the calm and disinterested advice of
Great Britain in the numerous, and even dangerous, questions which
are continually arising between the Latin-American Republics and the
United States of America, it is recognized by the former that it
is entirely useless to appeal to Cæsar any longer, since Cæsar has
become an advocate for, or a creature of, the United States, and, so
far from acting as judge, merely now pleads as an amateur attorney.
It is necessary to travel in these Latin-American countries to
thoroughly comprehend the full effect of this mistaken and--I do not
hesitate to apply the term--degrading British policy. The result is
that the Republics themselves deride us, the United States laugh
at us, and our trade is meantime leaving us. The small Republics
are frightened to enter into any private negotiations with our
diplomatic representatives, since they are fearful, in the light
of previous unfortunate experiences, that their secrets may in due
course be revealed to Washington as a sop to the United States, and
that their efforts to strengthen their commercial bonds with us
will merely serve to embitter their own relations with the powerful
Americans, and without in the least improving their position with
Great Britain.
It is almost inconceivable that our Foreign Office should ask the
opinion, and to all intents and purposes solicit the approval, of
the United States before completing any trade compact with the
Latin-American Republics. What our Government has to fear or to
hope for from the United States, Heaven only knows; nevertheless
it is the sanction of Washington which is sought for before any
treaty can be now concluded with any of the Latin-American States;
and, what is much more sad to have to add, without such sanction no
treaty seems possible. That the United States of America is, or ever
has been, foolish enough to consult our Government under similar
circumstances is not upon record.
Our Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the United
States of America, the Right Hon. James Bryce, is credited, by those
who are privileged to know him, with the decidedly Utopian idea
of associating the trade aspirations of both America and England
in Latin-America. It is doubtful if there exists another equally
eminent individual in the world who entertains any such wild and
impossible notion. It would be as easy to associate fire and water
as to form a bond, or even an understanding, between the traders
of America and England, since they are, and always must be, keen
rivals in the markets of the world. Mr. Bryce thinks, perhaps,
that it is feasible to divide up the universe into commercial and
financial zones, which shall be, thereafter, apportioned among the
United States and Great Britain for their lasting benefit? He must
be a very innocent and a very unimaginative individual if this be
his conception of the methods of latter-day trade competition. Mr.
Bryce has perhaps cherished the idea that our common language should
form a bond of union, and that this should become the central pivot
upon which our relations with the United States should revolve? He
is even credited with the aspiration that a Customs Union might be
formed on the basis of reciprocal Free Trade, with mutual advantage
to all. The commercial jealousy between the two nations has upon
more than one occasion been demonstrated, as witness the disputes
some years ago, and the Venezuelan boundary embroglio, which nearly
precipitated a conflict between the two countries.
But whatever be Mr. Bryce's precise ideas, the fact remains that he
has viewed with but little favour any treaty of trade and commerce
which our diplomatic representatives abroad may have suggested
where the interests of the United States of America were likely to
suffer. The Foreign Office, holding this distinguished diplomat--as
indeed they may justly do--in high esteem, have consulted him upon
most matters of trade, commerce, and finance affecting the smaller
Latin-American Republics. The Foreign Office, on the other hand,
have deemed it expedient to refer matters to Washington, with the
result that not only have our private negotiations with these small
independent States become the common knowledge of our American trade
rivals, but those representatives who negotiated the treaties have
been rendered ridiculous and contemptible, while our manufacturers
at home have been deprived of the benefits attaching to the most
favoured nation's agreements, such as the United States has itself
acquired in other directions, without having previously consulted
Downing Street or, indeed, caring one rap whether it was agreeable
or not. To the Foreign Office, therefore, the commercial and trading
communities of Great Britain owe a deep debt of gratitude!
For Mr. James Bryce as an individual it is impossible to feel
anything but esteem and regard, since he ranks as one of the most
distinguished and illustrious scholars of the day. The author of
such monumental works as "The Holy Roman Empire," "The American
Commonwealth," "Studies in History and Jurisprudence," and
"Studies in Contemporary Biography," must always rank as a man of
great ability and intellect. But, unfortunately, Mr. Bryce has
graduated in a school of diplomacy which has clouded his horizon and
diminished his chances of attaining any independent and untrammelled
view of Britain's commercial needs and the Empire's industrial
obstructions abroad. As Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs in
1886, and as President of the Board of Trade in 1894, Mr. Bryce
was encumbered with all the machinery of permanent officialdom,
and was unable to see anything of this country's foreign trade
matters except through the narrow and often perverted views of his
subordinates.
I am very much afraid that this has interfered with some of his
subsequent policy; but of later years he has put himself to the
trouble--let us hope that it was also a pleasure--of seeing
something of Latin-America, and how British trade has to fight its
way there, an experience which might have been of great benefit
to Mr. Bryce, and of incalculable advantage to British trade in
Latin-America, if it had taken place, say, some five or six years
previously.
As a writer upon academical and historical subjects probably Mr.
Bryce has few equals, and still fewer superiors; but when discussing
British interests and making treaties for promoting British trade
in competition with American manufacturers, a child might do better
for our side than Mr. Bryce could have, or at least has, done. It is
easy to understand why he should be so extremely popular with our
friends the North Americans, and why his presence as our Ambassador
should prove so welcome and so gratifying to the acute authorities
at Washington. A malleable diplomat who sees so closely eye to eye
with them in arranging or defeating commercial treaties which could
in any way be regarded as likely to injure or to delay United States
interests, is naturally a most desirable acquisition; Mr. Bryce has
satisfactorily answered to these requirements, and, indeed, must
have frequently astounded his American friends by his complacency
and conciliatory attitude when discussing British interests.
In Mr. Philander Knox, Mr. James Bryce has had one of the very
cleverest, and I may add, least impressible, of American statesmen
to deal with, and it will remain to be seen in the future how much
Mr. Knox got out of Mr. Bryce, and how much or how little Mr. Bryce
squeezed out of Mr. Knox. "He who sups with the devil needs a long
spoon," and it will be interesting to learn, as we shall do no doubt
ere long in connection with the Anglo-American Arbitration Treaty,
the exact length of Mr. Bryce's "little concave vessel," as the
Dictionary describes it.
Mr. Bryce, who is a profound Latin scholar, will not have failed to
have noted Cicero's observations in his "De Officiis": "Sed tamen
difficile dictu est, quantopere conciliat animos hominum comitas
affabilitasque sermonis"; or, let us put it: "It is difficult to
tell how much men's minds are conciliated by a kind manner and
a gentle speech," and in both such attributes the courteous and
amiable Secretary of State at Washington excels.
In March of 1908 the representatives of the Governments of Salvador
and the United States signed, at the capital of the first-named
Republic, a convention determining the status of the citizens of
either country who renew their residence in the country of their
origin. This convention is found of great utility to the United
States citizens, more so even than to those of Salvador. There is no
such convention in force between this Republic and Great Britain.
In the previous year (1907) the Government of Salvador determined to
establish a permanent Legation at Washington, "so that the friendly
relations now existing between the two Governments may be continued
on a more intimate basis, and in order that the good counsel of the
United States may be more readily sought and obtained."
As far back as 1850 the American Minister of the day, Mr. E. G.
Squier--who, by-the-by, was a former husband of the well-known
American newspaper-owner, Mrs. Frank Leslie--negotiated a treaty
with Don Agustin Moráles, Plenipotentiary of Salvador, which
subsequently received the requisite ratification on both sides, has
since been renewed, and is in full force and effect. It secured to
the citizens of the United States all the rights, privileges, and
immunities of the citizens of Salvador in commerce, navigation,
mining, and in respect of holding and transferring property in
that State. It guaranteed to the American citizens resident in the
country full protection and enjoyment of religious freedom, and, in
short, every other right and privilege which has been conceded in
any treaty negotiated between the United States and any other nation
in the world.
Owing to the extraordinary energy and unmistakable ability displayed
by Mr. Charles H. Sherrill, the late popular and able United States
Minister at Buenos Aires, contract after contract which should--or
at least might--have gone to British manufacturers, have been
secured for America. I need only mention two instances: one for the
building of the three Dreadnoughts which are now being constructed
in United States yards; and the other an order for fifty locomotives
for the Government railways, which might--and, again, probably
would--have gone to British shops. While the United States Minister
did his level best for his countrymen, and for which he deserves
every credit and congratulation, and while his efforts on their
behalf were smiled upon with approval by the American Secretary of
State, the British Minister, locked up behind his customary reserve
and official dignity, neither could nor would move a finger to
help British manufacturers in their struggle against this serious
competition.
It seems, indeed, strange that where American, German, French,
Italian, and Belgian diplomats consider it by no means beneath
their dignity, or as at all outside their sphere, to personally
influence trade orders for their countrymen, the usual type of
British diplomat raises his hands in horror at the mere suggestion
of a Legation condescending to recognize the existence of trade,
repelling with frigid dignity any suggestion that the representative
of the British Government should concern himself with anything of a
purely commercial or industrial nature.
That the United States diplomats do not stand alone in their
gallant efforts to support American trade and commerce, and that
they are not singular in the supposition that the whole duties of
an Ambassador or Minister are confined to Government functions and
meaningless ceremonies, is proved by the energy which is displayed
by some German diplomats, who are very often instrumental in
checking the energy and frustrating the success of their American
competitors. It was only in the month of March last that Mr. H.
T. Schwerin, of the Pacific Mail Steamship Company, in testifying
before the Senate Committee on Interoceanic Canals, then sitting at
Washington, declared that his own company had lost 60 per cent. of
its carrying business to German lines largely through the activity
of the German Minister to Mexico, who had successfully exercised
his diplomatic influence in extending German commerce in Central
America. Distressing as this must have been to our good American
friends, I do not think that the information will be received with
feelings of much regret by British readers, especially as it will
appear to them in the light of "poetic justice," since British
commercial and industrial circles in the Argentine Republic, as
elsewhere, have suffered in exactly the same manner at the hands of
the Americans.
The trade of Central America, as has been shown, is very largely in
the hands of the Germans, for, not content with the representation
of their own industries and manufactures, a great proportion of
our own "British" Vice-Consuls are Germans by birth, if not by
choice. Thus, in both Guatemala and Honduras our trade interests
are to-day partially represented by Teutons. It can scarcely be on
account of there being no genuine Britishers available, since I have
encountered several Englishmen who could, and doubtless would, act
as Vice-Consuls, or merely as Consular Agents, if necessary.
Undoubtedly the Germans rank among the most capable of the foreign
traders doing business in these countries, as they put themselves to
the greatest amount of trouble to study the people and the local
conditions--much more so than either the British or the Americans.
The German is not only among the earliest of risers in the morning
and the latest to seek his rest at night, his store being always
the first to open and the last to close, but he avoids politics,
and discreetly retires into obscurity at the first intimation of
internal trouble. He studiously, if not willingly, falls into the
ideas and complies readily with the wishes of the country, no matter
what forms they may assume; and he is hardly ever known to complain
to or about anyone. He knows full well that it would be useless to
do so to his home Government, which, like our own, seldom concerns
itself with the personal affairs of its subjects abroad, this being
one of the reasons why the Germans so cordially hate their own
people, and especially the official classes. With them it is indeed
an absorbing hatred, and they do not hesitate to confess to it.
No other foreigner earning his living abroad seems to possess the
same gift for small economies as the German, nor his ability for
steering a clear path among the numerous spies and agents who
abound in some of the politically-ridden countries. The Germans,
both in their trade and their social relations with the natives,
are "all things to all men." They are apparently thoroughly at home
among them. One hardly ever hears of a German becoming involved
in political trouble or failing in his business. He thrives as no
other foreigner in these lands of difficulties and intrigues. It is
clear, however, why and how he manages to do so. And for him there
is no such thing as a Monroe Doctrine, which was once denounced by
Bismarck as a "piece of international impertinence." As often as not
he marries a native, and loses his identity.
[Illustration: ENTRANCE TO AVENIDA LA CEIBA AT SAN SALVADOR.]
[Illustration: THE FAMOUS AVENIDA UNDER CONSTRUCTION.]
As an instance of the German's enterprise may be cited the supply
of cloths and hats for the natives which are found exclusively in
Bolivia, the same individual trading in Peru, however, bringing
out quite a different class of stuffs and styles for that country.
The ordinary British or American manufacturer would probably
contend that it would be useless or unprofitable to make special
materials or designs of this kind so entirely unlike anything before
attempted, and he would leave the matter just there. Not so with
the observant travelling German. He first studies the question of
demand, then he sends a complete range of patterns and samples from
the looms of the native manufacturers to his house in Germany. In a
few months' time there arrive in the country the German imitation,
and, first in small, then in ever-increasing quantities, is built
up a connection; and where the Salvadorean, Guatemalan, Bolivian,
or Peruvian importer finds his materials and his hats, he buys most
of his other miscellaneous European goods, so as to have but one
account and one customer.
Then, in regard to credits, the German is most accommodating,
granting payments over twelve, eighteen, and even twenty-four
months, and never asking any interest upon his outstanding accounts.
How he does it is a mystery, more especially as his prices in no
way exceed, and in the majority of instances are below, the prices
of other European and American houses, while the number of his
bad debts is considerable. Probably there is a seamy side to all
this promiscuous trading by the German houses; but if there is,
there must likewise be some decided advantages accruing, since no
one would credit Teutonic manufacturers and dealers with motives
of philanthropy. But whether their commercial dealings with the
Latin-American races be profitable or profitless, it is beyond
question that they are extending, and extending rapidly--all
of which means that there is so much smaller a field for other
countries. These specimens of Bolivian hats, Peruvian dress-cloths,
Mexican _rebosos_, and Guatemalan _mantillas_, made in Germany,
resemble in every way the native manufactures--so closely, indeed,
that they cannot be told from the original except by an expert. The
Germans are actually making all these articles, exporting them to
these countries, and selling them there more cheaply than the native
article. The question is, "_How_ can they do it?"
It is decidedly useful to come abroad to such countries as the
Latin-American States, if only to glean a few opinions as to the
position which Great Britain occupies in the minds of the people of
these regions. There are many individuals whose judgments are well
worth recording, since while they may have gathered their ideas from
trading only--and, indeed, few of them have been outside the borders
of their own State--are sufficiently shrewd in their criticisms to
make these latter worth observing.
The good people of Salvador, like a great many other experienced
individuals, both in Latin-America and elsewhere, know the
advantages to be derived from a system of Protection, and they are
at a complete loss to understand how it is that Great Britain alone
among the trading nations of the world can "afford"--that is the
expression used--to admit a policy of Free Trade, and especially in
view of the Empire's Colonies' well-known feelings on the subject.
Here, as elsewhere, the advantages of Free Trade are admitted; but
without some form of retaliation it is absurd to suppose that any
other nations will ever accept it. The opinion in general in these
countries, where local manufactures are gradually commencing to
make themselves a potent object of attention, is that Free Trade is
desirable for all raw materials, but that a duty should be imposed
upon all manufactured articles, whether they compete with local
productions or no.
These Latin-American critics can but observe how the export trade
of other foreign countries, such as Germany, the United States, and
France, is continually increasing, while that of Great Britain,
where it does not exhibit positive signs of decay, remains in a
stagnant condition. This state of things is attributed to Great
Britain's adherence to Free Trade, and the system of Protection
adopted by its competitors. I have not encountered a single
individual with whom I have discussed such matters as these who does
not hold the opinion that, without reciprocity, real Free Trade is
an impossibility. These intelligent people are just as convinced
that, were Great Britain to tax those countries which protect their
industries against it, they could before long be forced to adopt
Free Trade also; and if they did not do so, Great Britain could
and should continue to tax them until they did. They can see quite
clearly that the interests of the producer and consumer are so
closely interwoven and connected that any injury to the trade of the
former at once reacts on to the latter; in slack times, as these
Latin-American races have good reason to know, it is really the
consumer who is most seriously affected, since his very existence
depends upon the producer and manufacturer. Thus any action, they
very sensibly argue, which serves to revive or to promote trade
must, of a necessity, increase the prosperity of all. It is strange,
indeed, that such a view should be so clear to individuals living
out here, and remain absolutely obscure to those thousands of
individuals at home.
Our great strength in these Latin-American countries has always been
our textile manufactures, and it is here that we are being attacked
by both the United States and Germany. The former have successfully
imitated most of the English designs, and these, combined with
the better class of printing, the larger proportion of cotton,
and the superior quality of the water employed in the dyeing of
the material, have combined to make the American textiles more to
the liking of the native buyers. So much is this the case, that
the importers who formerly took British goods almost exclusively
now send home American patterns and designs to be produced in
England, even the United States trade-marks and lettering upon
the piece-goods being followed as closely as it is possible to do
without risking an action for infringement. The labels, instead of
being printed, as heretofore, are now lithographed, and are likewise
colourable imitations of the American ones; and it is sad to have
to relate that, in order to keep together some semblance of British
trade, it is apparently necessary to pass off the products of our
looms as "American."
So far there has been but little attack made upon British bleached
cotton goods, the proportion of which is 80 per cent. in favour
of our country; but German importers, of whom there are an
ever-increasing number in Salvador, are now seeking to increase the
supply of these goods from the Fatherland. The United States, as
yet, have done little in this direction. In yarns we seem steadily
to be losing ground, mainly, as I understand, on account of our
poor colouring. The people of these sunny lands insist upon the
brightest of bright hues--the most vivid scarlet or vermilion for
Turkey-red yarns; the deepest of blues; the prettiest of greens. The
British products are lacking in these, so much so that many of the
Turkey-reds spun in Scotland are sent to Germany to be dyed before
they are exported to these countries as "British" yarns. Our next
great competitor in regard to textiles is France.
British trade has been no more fortunate in regard to its machinery,
hardware, or iron and steel trade connections with Salvador, and
here it is the United States that is met with as a powerful and
resourceful rival at all times. The great combine which was formed
in the United States in 1909 to supply the wants of Latin-America
with all iron and steel productions, has met with an immense
success, so much so that even its organizers have expressed
astonishment. The geographical advantages possessed are not the only
ones. The United States Steel Produce Export Company is enabled to
handle orders more promptly and much more cheaply than any European
factory could do, but with these commanding points in its favour the
Company is not satisfied. It has organized a system of canvassing
either directly by personal application or by mail, which is both
timely and effective. Immediately it is known, or even suspected,
that any new railway or other construction is about to be entered
upon, the Company despatches an agent to see the promoters, or,
in the absence of this, forwards by mail a complete library of
handbooks, cost estimates, attractive illustrations, drawings and
code-lists, even prepaying a cable message when business is likely
to result. The terms offered are often such as no European could or
would tender, and, even if it were a question of direct competition,
the Steel Company would probably win-out; but the prices which it
quotes and the conditions which it imposes are of so tempting a
nature that they stand alone.
It is to be remembered that practically the whole of the
transportation arrangements in Central America, Salvador excepted,
are in the hands of Americans, whose carefully arranged Pan-American
Railway System is now fast approaching practical realization. When
completed, it will be possible to journey from New York to Panama
without change of car, and what this means for quick and cheap
freights can be realized. In all probability there will be severe
shipping competition to meet with, however, more especially on the
part of the Tehuantepec Railroad, which is already carrying an
enormous traffic, and is regarded with envious eyes by the Panama
Railroad Company. With the exception of the Tehuantepec route and
the Salvador Railway, the Americans now control the transportation
arrangements of Central America, being thus enabled to regulate
the freight charges upon all merchandise entering these countries.
Already several cases of unfair discrimination have been recorded,
such, for instance, as charging a British commercial traveller in
Costa Rica a sum of $75 (£15) for the conveyance of his samples
between the Port of Limón and the capital of San José, while an
American drummer was actually granted a rebate of 50 per cent. off
the ordinary rates, his expenses amounting to little more than $20
(£4) all told. In both cases the weight of the samples was the same.
CHAPTER XI
British trade declines--Suggested remedy--Distributing
centres--Trading companies and branches--Unattractive cheap
goods--Former hold upon Salvadorean markets--Comparative
statistics between Great Britain, Germany, and the United
States--Woollen and cotton goods--Absence of British
bottoms from Salvadorean ports--Markets open to British
manufacturers--Agricultural implements.
While everyone who has studied the question of British trade abroad
is practically agreed that it is at present suffering from more
than the average number of disadvantages, few have any real remedy
to suggest that might possibly put a different face upon matters.
One idea which has been suggested to me, however, is worthy of
careful attention. This is to establish throughout the Central and
South American States a number of retail British houses which shall
act as agents and distributing centres for our home-made goods. I
acknowledge that the notion is not a new one, since the enterprising
Germans, who are, as I have shown, our keenest competitors in this
part of the world, have long conducted such retail establishments,
and have found them most beneficial in the extension of their
business with the Latin-American countries. To open up new branches
without the aid of some such method, it may be said at once,
is almost, if not wholly, impossible. I admit that there are
difficulties which will have to be encountered, as there are in all
enterprises of this nature; but that these are not insuperable the
Germans have themselves very clearly demonstrated.
In the first place, the establishment of these retail
establishments, if undertaken at all, would have to be upon a large
and a very comprehensive scale. For this reason it is possible
that few British manufacturers would have the pluck to enter upon
the project. The result of such timidity is that, in the minor
branches of trade in the Latin-American Republics, the volume of
which is continually increasing in importance side by side with the
increase in the demand for the small luxuries and the conveniences
of life, the representation of British manufactures is becoming an
insignificant factor.
The remedy--or at least a partial one--for this, as already
indicated, lies in the formation of large trading companies, which
would combine a retail and wholesale business in all branches of
imported goods, with the purchase of local produce for export. Apart
from the advantages which such a company would enjoy, due to the
magnitude of its operations over ordinary importers, its retail
department would afford a practical means of advertising and placing
upon sale all kinds of novelties, which naturally would serve to
continually widen the scope of its operations. It would likewise
be in a position, better than that of any private firm, to receive
goods for sale upon commission; and by exporting produce it would be
able to effect considerable economies in its remittances (especially
in such countries as Salvador and Guatemala, where the exchange
is often altering), while at the same time it could afford to pay
better prices than its competitors. The question is already really
answered by the success of the co-operative stores established in
England, and it is upon some such basis as this that the scheme
for the Latin-American Republics is laid. It must be remembered
that in all of these countries the difference between the wholesale
and the retail prices is enormous, and that the dealers' profits
are exceedingly high. It is an idea which Mr. Lionel Carden, who
is, perhaps, one of our greatest Pro-Consuls, and particularly
gifted with common sense, has frequently urged in his reports to
the Home Government, and perhaps for this very reason it has never
been adopted. It is one which I cordially commend to the careful
consideration of my readers.
Yet another point to which the attention of British manufacturers
may be drawn is the unattractive manner in which the cheaper classes
of goods are turned out. I have in previous publications shown how
trade with the Latin-American countries is injured by the extremely
commonplace and often ugly coverings and wrappings used upon boxes
or bindings. The question is, "Why should an article, because it
is perhaps cheap, be made particularly ugly?" The long-established
custom among our manufacturers of using the commonest and crudest
of coverings is matched by their fondness for finishing off their
cheaper articles in the dullest and least attractive of colours or
casings. This is in striking contrast to both American and German
manufacturers, whose artistic taste is shown in the manner in which
their goods--often mere rubbish though they be--are packed, and with
very excellent results, so far as the export trade is concerned. In
an age like ours, when lithography of every description is so cheap
and taste in design so improved, it seems wholly absurd that good
orders should be continually lost on account of their non-adoption.
I have heard of another idea which I may pass on to manufacturers of
small articles enjoying a large sale in these countries, and this is
to procure, through anyone living in the country, photographs of the
rulers--the Presidents and Vice-Presidents--and use them lavishly
upon their labels and box-covers whenever possible. The people are
extremely fond of collecting these cheap oleographs and pasting
them upon their walls and windows; and in all parts of South and
Central America may be seen thousands of the pictures of King Edward
and Queen Alexandra, of the Kaiser, and even of famous actresses.
How much more readily would the features of a familiar ruler or a
popular Minister help the sale of a cheap material or a low-priced
article of any kind? The desire to secure something for nothing--or
as an extra "thrown in"--is as predominant in Latin-America as
elsewhere in the world, and must be pandered to.
[Illustration: VIEW OF THE NEW AVENIDA LEADING TO SAN SALVADOR,
TAKEN FROM THE NORTH.]
Salvador is one of the many Latin-American States whose great
richness and prosperity repose in their immediate future. In area
it is one of the smallest of the Central American Republics, but
it is in no whit less important from a prospective development
point of view. Its superficial area is but 7,225 miles, but its
population is considerably over 1,000,000, which gives it an average
to the square mile much in excess of either Guatemala, Costa Rica,
or Nicaragua. It is, moreover, an easier country to deal with,
physically considered, since it is in fully three parts of its area
quite amenable to cultivation. It is remarkably well-watered, it is
richly endowed with mineral deposits, and its people are a quiet,
peaceful, and industrious race, well-disposed towards foreigners,
and with as much distaste nowadays for revolutions and internecine
disturbances as their immediate neighbours would appear to display
for similar diversions.
In a word, Salvador seems to offer at the present time an excellent
field for the investment of both capital and enterprise. It is quite
clear that the favourable position existing is also appreciated,
since the country is, and has for some time past been, full of
the "commercial ambassadors"--in other words, of commercial
travellers--representing the manufacturing trade of the United
States and of many European houses, mainly German.
While several British firms still maintain their connection with the
Republic, there are to be found barely half a dozen British houses
throughout the length and breadth of the country. This is all the
more surprising since the names--and nothing but the names--of many
one-time influential British firms are to be seen on the door-posts
and signs of the shops. The old-established emporiums in San
Salvador, in Sonsonate--the next most important trading centre--in
Ahuachapán, in Santa Ana, in Chalatenango, and in Sensuntepeque,
all tell that formerly they imported their goods through English
establishments almost exclusively, and that British travellers
called upon them at regular intervals for their orders. To-day, the
greater part of the orders, with some notable exceptions, are taken
by German and American travellers, and a British "drummer" is about
as rare an object as the fabulous Dodo. "We should be glad enough
to see them," added one of my informants; "but they seem to have
forgotten that such a place as Salvador exists."
The President of the Republic, General Fernando Figueroa, who
retired last November from office, a very intelligent and charming
man, in conversation with me, dwelt in the same strain concerning
the disappearance of the Britisher as a trading factor from the
Republic of Salvador. He frankly expressed both his regret and his
surprise that the desirable commerce of this wealthy and promising
Central American State should have been practically abandoned by the
shrewd and enterprising Northerners, when they had at one time so
firm a hold upon its commercial relations.
The Germans, who have to all intents and purposes taken possession
of the connections, but not of the affections, of the Salvadoreans,
which formerly were the almost exclusive holdings of the British,
are now to be found everywhere. They not alone year by year further
extend the tentacles of their trade by all usual means and methods,
but they make a point of coming out to reside for a number of years;
and this is one of their strongest holds upon the country. The
Germans are prepared to endure any personal sacrifice in the way of
comforts or conveniences to make and maintain profitable commercial
relations with the people of the countries among which they elect to
trade. In the majority of cases they open branch-houses in the chief
cities of these countries, sending either one of their partners,
or, failing him, one of his junior relations, to live in the State
and personally conduct the business of the house and closely study
the conditions of the country. Dozens of bright, intelligent, and
enthusiastic young Germans are met with, who have been, perhaps,
but a few years away from school or college, serving in their
shirt-sleeves, without a blush or sense of humiliation, behind the
counters at the small country stores, opening their establishments
at 6 a.m., and closing them at 8 or 9 p.m., Sundays and weekdays
alike.