REIGN OF ALEXANDER I.
From 1807 to 1825.
The Field of Eylau.--Letter to the King of Prussia.--Renewal of the
War--Discomfiture of the Allies.--Battle of Friedland.--The Raft at
Tilsit.--Intimacy of the Emperors.--Alexander's Designs upon
Turkey.--Alliance between France and Russia.--Object of the
Continental System.--Perplexities of Alexander.--Driven by the Nobles
to War.--Results of the Russian Campaign.--Napoleon Vanquished.--Last
Days of Alexander.--His Sickness and Death.
From the field of Eylau, the Russians and Prussians retreated to the
Niemen. Napoleon remained some days upon the field to nurse the
wounded, and, anxious for peace, wrote to the King of Prussia in the
following terms:
"I desire to put a period to the misfortunes of your family, and to
organize, as speedily as possible, the Prussian monarchy. I desire
peace with Russia, and, provided that the cabinet of St. Petersburg
has no designs upon the Turkish empire, I see no difficulty in
obtaining it. I have no hesitation in sending a minister to Memil to
take part in a congress of France, England, Sweden, Russia, Prussia
and Turkey. But as such a congress may last many years, which would
not suit the present condition of Prussia, your majesty will, I am
persuaded, be of the opinion that I have taken the simplest method,
and one which is most likely to secure the prosperity of your
subjects. At all events I entreat your majesty to believe in my
sincere desire to reëstablish amicable relations with so friendly a
power as Prussia, and that I wish to do the same with Russia and
England."
These advances were haughtily rejected by both Prussia and Russia;
and Napoleon returned to the Vistula to wait until the opening of
spring, when the question was again to be referred to the arbitrament
of battle. Both parties made vigorous preparations for the strife.
Alexander succeeded in gathering around him one hundred and forty
thousand soldiers. But Napoleon had assembled one hundred and sixty
thousand whom he could rapidly concentrate upon any point between the
Vistula and the Niemen.
In June the storm of war commenced with an assault by the allies.
Field after field was red with blood as the hosts of France drove
their vanquished foes before them. On the 10th of June, Alexander,
with Frederic William riding by his side, had concentrated ninety
thousand men upon the plains of Friedland, on the banks of the Aller.
Here the Russians were compelled to make a final stand and await a
decisive conflict. As Napoleon rode upon a height and surveyed his
foes, caught in an elbow of the river, he said energetically, "We have
not a moment to lose. One does not twice catch an enemy in such a
trap." He immediately communicated to his aides his plan of attack.
Grasping the arm of Ney, he pointed to the dense masses of the
Russians clustered before the town of Friedland, and said,
"Yonder is the goal. March to it without looking about you. Break into
that thick mass whatever it costs. Enter Friedland; take the bridges
and give yourself no concern about what may happen on your right, your
left or your rear. The army and I shall be there to attend to that."
The whole French line now simultaneously advanced. It was one of the
most sublime and awful of the spectacles of war. For a few hours there
was the gleam and the roar of war's most terrific tempest and the
Russian army was destroyed. A frightful spectacle of ruin was
exhibited. The shattered bands rushed in dismay into the stream, where
thousands were swept away by the current, while a storm of bullets
from the French batteries swept the river, and the water ran red with
blood. It was in vain for Alexander to make any further assaults. In
ten days Napoleon had taken one hundred and twenty pieces of cannon,
and had killed, wounded or taken prisoners, sixty thousand Russians.
Alexander now implored peace. It was all that Napoleon desired. The
Niemen alone now separated the victorious French and the routed
Russians. A raft was moored in the middle of the stream upon which a
tent was erected with magnificent decorations, and here the two young
emperors met to arrange the terms of peace. Alexander, like Francis of
Austria, endeavored to throw the blame of the war upon England. Almost
his first words to Napoleon were,
"I hate the English as much as you do. I am ready to second you in all
your enterprises against them."
"In that case," Napoleon replied, "every thing will be easily arranged
and peace is already made."
The interview lasted two hours, and Alexander was fascinated by the
genius of Napoleon. "Never," he afterwards said, "did I love any man
as I loved that man." Alexander was then but thirty years of age, and
apparently he became inspired with an enthusiastic admiration of
Napoleon which had never been surpassed. At the close of the
interview, he crossed to the French side of the river, and took up his
residence with Napoleon at Tilsit. Every day they rode side by side,
dined together, and passed almost every hour in confiding
conversation. It was Napoleon's great object to withdraw Alexander
from the English alliance. In these long interviews the fate of Turkey
was a continual topic of conversation. Alexander was ready to make
almost any concession if Napoleon would consent that Russia should
take Constantinople. But Napoleon was irreconcilably opposed to this.
It was investing Russia with too formidable power. He was willing that
the emperor should take the provinces on the Danube, but could not
consent that he should pass the Balkan and annex the proud city of
Constantine to his realms.
One day when the two emperors were closeted together with the map of
Europe spread out before them, Napoleon placed his finger upon
Constantinople, and was overheard by Meneval to say, with great
earnestness, "Constantinople! never! It is the empire of the world."
"All the Emperor Alexander's thoughts," said Napoleon at St. Helena,
"are directed to the conquest of Turkey. We have had many discussions
about it. At first I was pleased with his proposals, because I thought
it would enlighten the world to drive these brutes out of Egypt. But
when I reflected upon its consequences and saw what a tremendous
weight of power it would give to Russia, on account of the number of
Greeks in the Turkish dominions who would naturally join the Russians,
I refused to consent to it, especially as Alexander wanted to get
Constantinople, which I would not allow, as it would destroy the
equilibrium of power in Europe."
For three weeks the emperors remained together at Tilsit, and then
they separated devoted friends. Turkey had for some time been disposed
to regard France as its protector against the encroachments of Russia,
and was disposed to enter into friendly alliance. By the treaty of
Tilsit, Russia consented to make peace with Turkey, and also to exert
all her influence to promote peace between France and England. The
efforts of Alexander not being successful in this respect, he broke
off his connection with Great Britain, and became still more
intimately allied with France. The British ambassador, Lord Gower, was
informed that his presence was no longer desired at St. Petersburg.
The second bombardment of Copenhagen, and the seizure of the Danish
fleet gave occasion for Alexander to declare war against England. The
war, however, which ensued between the two countries, amounted chiefly
to a cessation of trade. England, protected by her fleet, was
invulnerable; and Napoleon and Alexander both agreed that the only
possible way of compelling England to assent to peace, was to shut
her out from commerce with the rest of Europe. This was the origin of
the famous continental system, by which it was endeavored to force the
belligerent islanders to peace by cutting off their trade.
Alexander called upon Sweden to unite in this confederacy against
England. The Swedes declined. Alexander overran the whole of Finland
with his troops, and in 1809 it was permanently annexed to the Russian
empire. Just before this event, in September, 1808, Napoleon and
Alexander held another interview at Erfurth. The loss of British
commerce was almost as great a calamity to Russia as to England, and
the Russian people murmured loudly. England wished to arrest the
progress of democratic ideas in France by restoring the rejected
Bourbons to the throne. In these views the nobles of Russia
sympathized cordially, and they were exasperated that Alexander should
allow personal friendship for Napoleon to interfere with the commerce
of their country, and with the maintenance of aristocratic privilege
in Europe. The Russian nobles had nothing to gain by the establishment
of free institutions in France, and the discontent with the measures
of Alexander became so general and so loudly expressed that he began
to waver.
The only hope of Napoleon was in combining Europe in a league which
should starve England into peace. He watched the vacillating spirit of
Alexander with alarm, and arranged the interview at Erfurth that he
might strengthen him in his friendly purposes. Alexander was by the
most solemn pledges bound to be faithful to this alliance. He had
attacked Napoleon and had been conquered; and the southern provinces
of Russia were at the mercy of the conqueror. Under these
circumstances the treaty of Tilsit was made, in which Alexander, in
consideration of benefits received, agreed to coöperate with Napoleon
in that continental system which seemed vital to the safety of France.
Napoleon was well aware of the immense pressure which was brought to
bear upon the mind of the Russian tzar to induce him to swerve from
his agreement. Hence the conference at Erfurth. During the
deliberations at Erfurth it appears that Alexander consented that
Napoleon should place the crown of Spain upon the brow of his brother
Joseph, in consideration of Napoleon consenting that Russia should
take possession of the two Turkish provinces of Moldavia and
Wallachia. And again the most strenuous efforts were made by the
united emperors to induce inflexible England to sheathe the sword. All
the nations on the continent were at peace. England alone was
prosecuting the war. But the English aristocracy felt that they could
not remain firm in their possessions while principles of democratic
freedom were dominant in France. The fundamental principle of the
government of the empire was honor to _merit_, not to _birth_. The two
emperors wrote as follows to the King of England, imploring peace:
"Sire--The present situation of Europe has brought us together at
Erfurth. Our first wish is to fulfill the desire of all nations, and,
by a speedy pacification with your majesty to take the most effectual
means of relieving the sufferings of Europe. The long and bloody war
which has convulsed the continent is at an end, and can not be
renewed. Many changes have taken place in Europe; many governments
have been destroyed. The cause is to be found in the uneasiness and
the sufferings occasioned by the stagnation of maritime commerce.
Greater changes still may take place, and all will be unfavorable to
the politics of England. Peace, therefore, is at the same time the
common cause of the nations of the continent and of Great Britain. We
unite in requesting your majesty to lend an ear to the voice of
humanity, to suppress that of the passions, to reconcile contending
interests, and to secure the welfare of Europe and of the generations
over which Providence has placed us."
The only notice taken of this letter was in a communication to the
ministers of France and Russia, in which it was stated that the
"English ministers could not reply to the two sovereigns, since one of
them was not recognized by England." A new coalition was soon formed,
and Austria commenced another march upon France, which led to the
campaign of Wagram, in which Austria was humbled as never before.
Austria was now compelled, in conjunction with France and Russia, and
most of the other European powers, to take part in the continental
blockade. Alexander, shackled by his nobles, had not been able to
render Napoleon the assistance he had promised in this war. Loud
murmurs and threats of assassination were rising around him, and
instead of rigorously enforcing the exclusion of English goods, he
allowed them to be smuggled into the country. This was ruinous to
Napoleon's system. Remonstrances and recriminations ensued. At length
English goods were freely introduced, provided they entered under
American colors. Napoleon, to put a stop to this smuggling, which the
local authorities pretended they could not prevent, seized several of
the principal ports of northern Germany, and incorporated the
possessions of the Duke of Oldenburg, a near relative of Alexander,
with France.[30]
[Footnote 30: Colonel Napier, in his "Peninsular War," very justly
observes, "The real principle of Napoleon's government, and secret of
his popularity, made him the people's monarch, not the sovereign of
the aristocracy. Hence Mr. Pitt called him 'the child and the champion
of democracy,' a truth as evident as that Mr. Pitt and his successors
'were the children and the champions of aristocracy.' Hence also the
_privileged_ classes of Europe consistently turned their natural and
implacable hatred of the French Revolution to his person; for they saw
that in him innovation had found a protector; that he alone, having
given preëminence to a system so hateful to them, was really what he
called himself, _The State_. The treaty of Tilsit, therefore, although
it placed Napoleon in a commanding situation with regard to the
potentates of Europe, unmasked the real nature of the war, and brought
him and England, the respective champions of Equality and Privilege,
into more direct contact. Peace could not be between them while they
were both strong, and all that the French emperor had hitherto gained
only enabled him to choose his field of battle."]
These measures increased the alienation between France and Austria.
In the mean time Alexander was waging war with Turkey, and was pushing
his conquests rapidly on towards the city of Constantine. These
encroachments France contemplated with alarm. By the peace of
Bucharest, signed May 28th, 1812, the whole of Bessarabia was annexed
to Russia, and the limits of the empire were extended from the Dnieper
to the Pruth. The Russian nobles were all eager to join the European
aristocracy in a war against democratic France, and it was now evident
that soon a collision must take place between the cabinet of the
Tuileries and that of St. Petersburg. It was almost impossible for
Alexander to resist the pressure which urged him to open his ports to
the English. The closing of those ports was Napoleon's only hope of
compelling England to sheathe the sword. Hence war became a fatality.
Russia, in anticipation of a rupture, began to arm, and ordered a levy
of four men out of every hundred. In preparation for war she made
peace with Persia and Turkey, and entered into an alliance with
Sweden. England was highly gratified by this change, and was soon on
most friendly terms with the Russian cabinet. A treaty was speedily
formed by England, with both Russia and Sweden, by which these latter
powers agreed to open their ports for free commercial relations with
England, and they entered into an alliance offensive and defensive
with that power. As England was still in arms against France, this was
virtually a declaration of war. This violation also of the treaty of
Tilsit was the utter ruin of Napoleon's plans. To compel Russia to
return to the continental system, Napoleon prepared for that Russian
campaign which is one of the most awful tragedies of history. The
world is so full of the narratives of that sublime drama, that the
story need not be repeated here. It is just to say that Napoleon
exhausted all the arts of diplomacy to accomplish his purpose before
he put his armies in motion.
The Emperor Alexander followed the French in their retreat from
Moscow, and with all the powers of Europe allied, crossed the Rhine,
and on the 31st of March, 1814, at the head of an allied army of half
a million of men entered Paris a conqueror. His sympathies were warmly
enlisted in behalf of his fallen friend Napoleon. In the negotiations
which ensued he exerted himself strongly in his favor. It was only by
assuming the most energetic attitude against England, Austria and
Prussia, that he succeeded in obtaining for Napoleon the sovereignty
of Elba. Alexander was very magnanimous, but his voice was lost in the
clamor of the sovereigns who surrounded him.
Napoleon retired to Elba. The Bourbons reascended the throne of
France. Alexander, with the King of Prussia, visited England, where he
was received with great distinction. Returning to Russia he devoted
himself to the welfare of his kingdom in the vain attempt to reconcile
popular progress with political despotism. Alexander was evidently
saddened by the fate of Napoleon, and on his return to St. Petersburg
persistently refused to accept the public rejoicings which were
proffered him.
Napoleon escaped from Elba, where the influence of Alexander had
placed him, and again was on the throne of France. Alexander hesitated
whether again to march against him. He yielded, however, to the
solicitations of his associated sovereigns, and at the head of an army
of one hundred and sixty thousand men, was again on the march for
Paris. He was apprehensive that the dismemberment of the French
empire, which was contemplated, might render Austria and Prussia too
powerful for the repose of Europe. Upon the second capitulation of
Paris, after the battle of Waterloo, Alexander insisted that France
should at least retain the limits she had in 1790. Upon this basis the
new treaty was concluded.
It is an interesting fact that the celebrated Juliana, Baroness of
Krudoner, was mainly instrumental in the organization of the Holy
Alliance, which was at this time formed. She had wealth, wit and
beauty, and had been supremely devoted to pleasure, shining among the
most brilliant ornaments of St. Petersburg, Paris and Vienna. Weary of
a life of gayety, she seems to have turned to religion and to have
become a devout and earnest Christian. Her enthusiasm was roused with
the idea of putting a stop to war, and of truly Christianizing Europe.
She hastened to Paris, when the allied sovereigns were there, and
obtained an interview with the Russian tzar. Alexander was by nature
of a devotional turn of mind, and the terrific scenes through which he
had passed had given him a meditative and pensive spirit. He listened
eagerly to the suggestions of Madame Krudoner, and, aided by her,
sketched as follows the plan of the Holy Alliance:
"In the name of the sacred and invisible Trinity, their majesties, the
Emperor of Austria, the King of Prussia, and the Emperor of Russia,
considering the momentous events which have occured in Europe during
the last three years, and especially the blessing which it has pleased
Providence to confer on those States which trust in him, and being
fully convinced of the necessity of taking, as the rule of life, in
all their affairs, the sublime truths which the holy religion of our
Saviour teaches us,
"Declare solemnly that the present act has no other object than to
proclaim to the whole world their unalterable resolution to take, as
their only guide, both in the internal administration of their
respective States, and in their political relations with other
governments, those principles of justice, Christian charity and peace,
which, far from being exclusively applicable to private individuals,
should have an immediate influence upon the counsels of princes, and
should regulate all their measures, as being the only means of
consolidating human institutions and remedying their imperfections.
Consequently their majesties have agreed upon the following
resolutions:
"Article I. In conformity with the declaration of the holy
Scriptures, which command all men to regard each other as brothers,
the three contracting monarchs will remain united to each other by the
ties of sincere and indissoluble fraternity. Regarding themselves as
private individuals, they will render each other, at all times, and in
all places, aid and assistance; and considering themselves, in respect
to their people and armies, as fathers of families, they will rule in
the same spirit of fraternity, that religion, peace and justice may be
protected.
"Article II. Also the only obligation of rigor, whether it be between
these governments or their subjects, shall consist in rendering each
other all sorts of service, and of testifying towards each other that
unalterable benevolence and that mutual affection which shall lead
them to guard one another as members of one and the same Christian
family. The three allied princes, regarding themselves as delegated by
Providence to govern three branches of this family, Austria, Prussia
and Russia, recognize that the Christian world, of which they and
their people compose a part, can have, in reality, no other sovereign
than him to whom belongs all power, because in him alone are the
treasures of love, of science and of infinite wisdom--that is to say,
God, our divine Saviour, the word of the Most High, the word of life.
Consequently their majesties recommend to their people, with the
greatest solicitude, and as the only means of enjoying that peace
which springs from a good conscience, and which alone is durable, to
strengthen themselves daily more and more in the exercise of those
duties taught to the human family by the divine Saviour.
"Article III. All the powers who believe that they ought solemnly to
profess the principles which have dictated this act, and who recognize
how important it is for the welfare of nations, too long agitated,
that these truths should hereafter exercise over the destinies of the
human family that influence which they ought to exert, shall be
received, with the same ardor and affection, into this Holy Alliance.
Done at Paris, in the year of our Lord, 1814, September 25, and
signed, Francis, Frederic William and Alexander."
Such was the bond of the Holy Alliance. It was drawn up in the
hand-writing of Alexander. Subsequently it was signed by the Kings of
England and France, and by nearly all the sovereigns of Europe. The
pope declined signing, as it was not consistent with his dignity to be
a member of a confederacy of which he was not the head. These
principles, apparently so true and salutary, became vitiated by the
underlying of principles which gave them all their force. The alliance
became in reality a conspiracy of the crowned heads of Europe against
the liberties of their subjects; and thus despotism sat enthroned. The
liberal spirit, which was then breaking out all over the continent of
Europe, was thus, for a time, effectually crushed. It can hardly be
supposed that Alexander intended the Holy Alliance to accomplish the
work which it subsequently performed.
Alexander, on his return to Russia, devoted himself energetically to
the government of his vast realms, taking long and fatiguing journeys,
and manifesting much interest in the elevation of the serfs to
freedom. The latter years of Alexander were clouded with sorrow. He
was not on good terms with his wife, and the death of all his children
rendered his home desolate. His health failed and some deep grief
seemed ever to prey upon his spirits. It is supposed that the
melancholy fate of Napoleon, dying in a hut at St. Helena, and of whom
he had said, "Never did I love a man as I have loved that man!"
weighed heavily upon him. He was constantly haunted by fears of a
rising of the oppressed people, and to repel that danger was becoming
continually more despotic.
In the year 1825, Alexander, sick, anxious and melancholy, took a long
journey, with his wife, to Tanganroy, a small town upon the Sea of
Azof, fifteen hundred miles from St. Petersburg. He had for some time
looked forward with dread to his appearance before the bar of God. A
sense of sin oppressed him, and he had long sought relief with prayers
and tears. His despondency led him to many forebodings that he should
not live to return from this journey.
The morning before he left St. Petersburg, at the early hour of four
o'clock, he visited the monastery where the remains of his children
were entombed, and at their grave spent some time in prayer. Wrapped
in his cloak, in unbroken silence he listened to the "chant for the
dead," and then commenced his journey. No peasant whom he met on the
way had a heavier heart than throbbed in the bosom of the sovereign.
For hours he sat in the carriage with the empress, with whom in grief
he had become reconciled, and hardly a word was uttered. At length
they arrived upon the shores of Azof. The emperor took a rapid tour
through these provinces, visiting among other places Sevastopol, which
he had long been fortifying. He was so much struck with the
magnificence of this place that he remarked, "Should I ever resign the
reins of government, I should wish to retire to this city, that I
might here terminate my career!"
Returning to his wife at Tanganroy, he was seized with a fever,
probably caused by care and toil. The disease was so rapid in its
progress as to lead many to suppose that he was falling a victim to
poison. On the approach of death, perceiving that he was dying, he
requested that he might be raised upon his pillow, that he might once
more behold the light of the sun. He simply remarked, "How beautiful
is the day!" and fell back upon his pillow to die. The empress was
weeping by his side. He took her hand, pressed it tenderly as if
bidding her an eternal adieu, and died. It was the 1st of December,
1825.
The empress Elizabeth in this sad hour forgot all her wrongs; for the
emperor had by no means been to her a faithful husband. She wrote to
her friends, "Our angel is in heaven; and, as for me, I still linger
on earth: but I hope soon to be reunited with him in the skies!"
The cry immediately resounded through Europe that Alexander had fallen
by poison. As the emperor had no children living, the crown, by
hereditary descent, passed to his next brother, Constantine. Alexander
had long been conscious that Constantine did not possess suitable
qualifications to govern, and Constantine himself, frivolous and
pleasure-loving, was not at all emulous of imperial power. When a mere
boy he had been married to a German princess, but fifteen years of
age. They endured each other through the angry strifes of four years
and then separated. Constantine became enamored of the daughter of a
Polish count, and sought a divorce. Alexander consented to this
arrangement on condition that Constantine would resign all right to
the throne. The terms were gladly accepted, and Constantine signed the
following renunciation, which was kept secret until the occasion
should arise for it to be promulgated.
"Conscious that I do not possess the genius, the talents or the
strength necessary to fit me for the dignity of a sovereign, to which
my birth would give me a right, I entreat your imperial majesty to
transfer that right to him to whom it belongs after me, and thus
assure for ever the stability of the empire. As to myself, I shall
add, by this renunciation, a new guarantee and a new force to the
engagements which I spontaneously and solemnly contracted on the
occasion of my divorce from my first wife. All the circumstances in
which I find myself strengthen my determination to adhere to this
resolution, which will prove to the empire and to the whole world the
sincerity of my sentiments."
Another document had also been prepared which declared Alexander's
second brother, Nicholas, heir to the empire. Napoleon, at St. Helena,
speaking of the King of Prussia and of Alexander, said,
"Frederic William, as a private character, is an honorable, good and
worthy man, but in his political capacity he is naturally disposed to
yield to necessity. He is always commanded by whoever has power on his
side, and is about to strike.
"As to the Emperor of Russia, he is a man infinitely superior to
Frederic William or Francis. He possesses wit, grace, information, and
is fascinating, but he is not to be trusted. He is devoid of candor, a
true _Greek of the Lower Empire_. At the same time he is not without
ideology, real or assumed; after all it may only be a smattering,
derived from his education and his preceptor. Would you believe what I
had to discuss with him? He maintained that _inheritance_ was an abuse
in monarchy, and I had to spend more than an hour, and employ all my
eloquence and logic in proving to him that this right constituted the
peace and happiness of the people. It may be too that he was
mystifying, for he is cunning, false, adroit and hypocritical. I
repeat it, he is a Greek of the Lower Empire.
"If I die here he will be my real heir in Europe. I alone was able to
stop him with his deluge of Tartars. The crisis is great, and will
have lasting effects upon the continent of Europe, especially upon
Constantinople. He was solicitous with me for the possession of it. I
have had much coaxing upon this subject, but I constantly turned a
deaf ear to it. The Turkish empire, shattered as it appeared, would
constantly have remained a point of separation between us. It was the
marsh which prevented my right from being turned.
"As to Greece it is another matter. Greece awaits a liberator. There
will be a brilliant crown of glory. He will inscribe his name for ever
with those of Homer, Plato and Epaminondas. I perhaps was not far from
it. When, during my campaign in Italy, I arrived on the shores of the
Adriatic, I wrote to the Directory, that I had before my eyes the
kingdom of Alexander. Still later I entered into engagements with Ali
Pacha; and when Corfu was taken, they must have found there
ammunition, and a complete equipment for an army of forty or fifty
thousand men. I had caused maps to be made of Macedonia, Servia,
Albania. Greece, the Peloponnesus at least, must be the lot of the
European power which shall possess Egypt. It should be ours; and then
an independent kingdom in the north, Constantinople, with its
provinces, to serve as a barrier to the power of Russia, as they have
pretended to do with respect to France, by creating the kingdom of
Belgium."