A
CHURCH DICTIONARY.
BY
WALTER FARQUHAR HOOK, D. D.
VICAR OF LEEDS.
SEVENTH EDITION, REVISED AND AUGMENTED.
LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.
1854.
JOHN CHILDS AND SON, BUNGAY.
TO
HENRY HALL,
OF BANK LODGE, LEEDS,
ESQUIRE,
SENIOR TRUSTEE OF THE ADVOWSON OF THE VICARAGE OF LEEDS,
A LOYAL MAGISTRATE,
A CONSISTENT CHRISTIAN, A FAITHFUL FRIEND,
THIS VOLUME
IS,
WITH AFFECTION AND RESPECT,
INSCRIBED.
PREFACE TO THE SIXTH EDITION.
The Church Dictionary, of which the Sixth Edition is now published,
appeared originally in the shape of monthly tracts, intended by the
writer to explain to his parishioners the more important doctrines of
the Church, and the fundamental verities of our religion. The title of
Church Dictionary was adopted from a work published with a similar
object in America, by the Rev. Mr. Staunton; and the work itself assumed
the character of short dissertations on those theological terms and
ecclesiastical practices, which were misrepresented or misunderstood by
persons who had received an education external to the Church.
For these tracts there was a considerable demand; and the monthly issue
amounting to four thousand, the author was persuaded to extend his plan,
and to make the Church Dictionary a work of more general utility than
was at first designed. It was, in consequence, gradually enlarged in
each successive Edition until now, when it has assumed its last and
permanent character.
In this Edition, which has been enlarged by an addition of more than one
hundred articles, the authorities are quoted upon which the statements
are made in the more important articles; and where it has been possible,
the _ipsissima verba_ of the authors referred to have been given.
But as this publication has no pretensions beyond those of an elementary
work, it has been thought, for the most part, sufficient only to refer
to secondary authorities, such as Bingham, Comber, Wheatly, Palmer, &c.,
in whose learned works the reader, who wishes to investigate any subject
more thoroughly, will find the further references which he may require.
In deference to a wish very generally expressed, an account has been
taken from sources acknowledged to be authentic, and which are duly
noticed, of various Christian communities, not in connexion with the
Church.
It was found impossible, within the limits prescribed, to act upon
another suggestion, and to introduce the biographies of our great
divines. This, therefore, has been done in a separate publication,
entitled “An Ecclesiastical Biography.”[1]
The articles on Church architecture have been carefully revised by the
Rev. G. A. Poole, M. A., vicar of Welford.
The Law articles have been revised, partly by the Rev. James Brogden, A.
M., of Trinity College, Cambridge, and partly by William Johnston, of
Gray’s Inn, Esq., barrister-at-law.
To Mr. Johnston, known to the literary world as the author of “England
as it is,” the thanks of the present writer are also due for the
kindness with which he has assisted him in correcting the press, and for
many valuable suggestions.
The original dissertations remain unaltered; but the circumstances of
the Church of England have changed considerably from what they were when
the Church Dictionary was first published. At that time the
Protestantism of the Church of England was universally recognised, and
the fear was lest her pretensions to Catholicity should be ignored. But
now an affectation of repudiating our Protestantism is prevalent, while
by ignorant or designing men Protestantism is misrepresented as the
antithesis, not, as is the case, to Romanism, but to Catholicism; at the
same time, Catholicism is confounded with Romanism, primitive truth with
mediæval error, and the theology of the Schools with that of the
Fathers: while, therefore, the articles bearing on the catholicity,
orthodoxy, and primitive character of the Church of England are
retained, the articles relating to the heresies and peculiarities of the
Church of Rome have been expanded; and strong as they were in former
editions in condemnation of the papal system, they have been rendered
more useful, under the present exigencies of the Church, by a reference
to the decisions of the so-called Council of Trent, so as to enable the
reader to see what the peculiar tenets of that corrupt portion of the
Christian world really are.
_Vicarage, Leeds, 21 Sept. 1852._
PREFACE TO THE SEVENTH EDITION.
In this Edition the articles on the Early Heresies have been revised by
the Rev. James Craigie Robertson, M. A.;[2] the Ritual articles, by the
Rev. John Jebb, M. A,; the articles on the Councils, by the Rev.
Sanderson Robins, M. A.; and the Law articles, by William Johnston, Esq.
To Mr. Jebb’s notes in Stephens’s edition of the Book of Common Prayer,
and to his other learned works, and to Mr. Robins’s excellent treatise
entitled “Evidences of Scripture against the Claims of the Romish
Church,” reference is frequently made. Authorities have been fully
given, except when articles have been taken with only slight alterations
from Broughton or Bingham, or translated from Suicer.
_July, 1854._
A CHURCH DICTIONARY.
ABACUS. The upper member of a capital. (See _Capital_.)
In semi-Norman and early English architecture, the abacus of engaged
shafts is frequently returned along the walls, in a continued horizontal
string: perhaps the last lingering recognition of the effect of the
capital in representing that horizontal line, which was so decided in
the classic architrave, and to which the spirit of Gothic architecture
is in the main so greatly opposed.
ABBA. A Syriac word signifying Father, and expressive of attachment and
confidence. St. Paul says, _Ye have received the Spirit of adoption,
whereby we cry_ Abba, Father. (Rom. viii. 15; comp. Gal. iv. 6.) The
word is derived from the Hebrew _Ab_: and, if we may ascend still
higher, that word itself (as many others which occur in that language)
proceeds from the voice of nature; being one of the most obvious sounds,
to express one of the first and most obvious ideas.
ABBÉ. The designation assumed in France, before the Revolution, by
certain persons, who, whether in the higher orders of the ministry or
not, ostensibly devoted themselves to theological studies, in the hope
that the king would confer upon them a real abbey, _i.e._ a certain
portion of the revenues of a real abbey. Hence it became the common
title of unemployed secular priests. In Italy the word _Abate_ was
similarly used, to designate one who merely adopted the clerical habit.
[_Vocabolario della Crusca._]
ABBEY. The habitation of a society devoted to religion. It signifies a
monastery, of which the head was an Abbot or Abbess. (See _Abbot_.) Of
cathedral abbeys the bishop was considered to be virtually the abbot:
and therefore the Presbyteral Superior of these establishments was
styled Prior. The abbey of Ely was constituted a cathedral in 1109: when
the Abbot Harvey was made bishop. The abbacy was henceforward united to
the bishopric: and therefore it is that the bishops of Ely still occupy
the first stall on the right side of the choir, usually assigned to the
dean: the dean’s stall being the first on the left side, formerly
occupied by the prior. (See _Monasteries_.)
Cranmer begged earnestly of Henry VIII. that he would save some of the
abbeys, to be reformed and applied to holy and religious uses, but his
petition, and the exertions of Latimer for the same purpose, were in
vain. For the arrangement of the several buildings of an abbey, see
_Cathedral_ and _Monastery_.
ABBOT. The Father or Superior of an abbey of monks, or male persons,
living under peculiar religious vows. The word _abbot_ comes, through
the late Latin _abbas_, from the Syriac _abba_—father. (See _Abba_.) The
word Father, in its various forms of Papa, Abbas, Padre, Père, &c., has
in all countries and all ages of Christianity been applied as a title of
respect to the superior clergy and priesthood. In some parts of the East
and in Ireland, this term, abbas or abbat, was frequently confounded
with that of bishop, from the fact of the abbots being in the early
times bishops also.
Among the abbeys in England before the dissolution, were some which gave
the title of _Mitred Abbot_ [_or Abbots general_, or _sovereign_] to the
superiors of them. These mitred abbots sat and voted in the House of
Lords. They held of the king _in capite per baroniam_, their endowments
being at least an entire barony, which consisted of thirteen knights’
fees. The following are the abbeys which conferred this distinction on
their abbots: St. Alban’s, Glastonbury, St. Peter’s, Westminster; St.
Edmondsbury, St. Bennet’s of Holm, Bardney, Shrewsbury, Croyland (or
Crowland), Abingdon, Evesham, Gloucester, Ramsey, St. Mary’s, York;
Tewkesbury, Reading, Battle, Winchcomb, Hide by Winchester, Cirencester,
Waltham, Malmesbury, Thorney, St. Augustine’s, Canterbury; Selby,
Peterborough, St. John’s, Colchester; to which was added, not long
before the Reformation, Tavistock. All mitred abbots were of the
Benedictine order, except those of Waltham and Cirencester, who were
Augustinians. This fact Fuller has overlooked. (See _Dugdale’s
Monasticon_.)
But it is to be observed, that there were two other lords of parliament,
heads of religious houses, who were not abbots: (1.) The prior of St.
John’s of Jerusalem, of the Knights Hospitallers in England. He ranked
before the mitred abbots, and was considered the first baron in England.
(2.) The prior of Coventry; a solitary instance in England of the
presbyteral head of a cathedral being a spiritual peer. Of the abbots,
the abbot of Glastonbury had the precedence, till A. D. 1154, when Pope
Adrian VII., an Englishman, from the affection he entertained for the
place of his education, assigned this precedence to the abbot of St.
Alban’s. In consequence, Glastonbury ranked next after him, and Reading
had the third place.
According to the ancient laws of Christendom, confirmed by general
councils, all heads of monasteries, whether abbots or priors, owed
canonical obedience to their diocesan. And the same law subsisted till
the Reformation, wherever special exemptions had not been granted,
which, however, were numerous. Cowell, as quoted by Johnson in his
Dictionary, (voce _Abbot_,) erroneously says that the _mitred_ abbots
were exempted from episcopal jurisdiction, but that the other sorts (i.
e. the non-mitred) were subject to their diocesans. The truth is, that
the former endeavoured after their own aggrandizement in every possible
way, but had no inherent right of exemption from the fact of their being
lords of parliament, or being invested with the mitre. Thus it appears
from _Dugd. Monast._ that Gloucester, Winchcomb, and Tewkesbury were
subject to the visitation and jurisdiction of the bishop of Worcester,
till the Reformation; Croyland, Peterborough, Bardney, and Ramsey to the
bishop of Lincoln; St. Mary in York, and Selby, to the archbishop of
York, and Coventry to the bishop of Lichfield. The abbots, unless
specially exempted, took the oath of canonical obedience to their
diocesan, and after election, were confirmed by him, and received his
benediction. [_Fuller, Collier, Willis’s Mitred Abbeys._] In Ireland the
abbots who were mitred, or lords of parliament, were those of St. Mary,
Dublin; St. Thomas, Dublin; Monastereven, Baltinglass, Dunbrody, Duisk,
Jerpoint, Bective, Mellifont, Tracton, Monasternenagh, Owney, and
Holycross. All these were of the Cistercian order, except the abbot of
St. Thomas, who was of St. Victor. The other parliamentary lords, heads
of religious houses, were the cathedral priors of Christ Church, Dublin,
and of Downpatrick; the priors of Allhallows, Dublin; Conall, Kells, (in
Kilkenny,) Louth, Athassel, Killagh, Newton, and Rathboy. All these were
of the Augustinian order, except the prior of Down, who was a
Benedictine, the preceptor of the Knights Hospitallers at Wexford, and
the prior of the Knights Hospitallers at Kilmainham. (See _Monks_.)
ABBESS. The Mother or Superior of an abbey of nuns, or female persons
living under peculiar religious vows and discipline.
ABECEDARIAN HYMNS. Hymns composed in imitation of the acrostic poetry of
the Hebrews, in which each verse, or each part, commenced with the first
and succeeding letters of the alphabet, in their order. This arrangement
was intended as a help to the memory. St. Augustine composed a hymn in
this manner, for the common people to learn, against the error of the
Donatists. (See _Acrostics_.)
ABEYANCE, from the French _bayer_, to expect, is that which is in
expectation, remembrance, and intendment of law. By a principle of law,
in every land there is a fee simple in some body, or else it is in
_abeyance_; that is, though for the present it be in no man, yet it is
in expectancy belonging to him that is next to enjoy the land.—_Inst._
Thus if a man be patron of a church, and presenteth a clerk to the same;
the fee of the lands and tenements pertaining to the rectory is in the
parson; but if the parson die, and the church becometh void, then is the
fee in _abeyance_, until there be a new parson presented, admitted, and
inducted. For the frank tenement of the glebe of a parsonage, during the
time the parsonage is void, is in no man; but in _abeyance_ or
expectation, belonging to him who is next to enjoy it.—_Terms of the
Law._
ABJURATION. A solemn renunciation in public, or before a proper officer,
of some doctrinal error. A formal abjuration is often considered
necessary by the Church, when any person seeks to be received into her
communion from heresy or schism. A form for admitting Romish recusants
into the Church of England was drawn up by one of the Houses of
Convocation of 1714, but did not receive the royal sanction. It is as
follows:
_A Form for admitting Converts from the Church of Rome, and such as
shall renounce their errors._
The bishop, or some priests appointed by him for that purpose, being at
the communion table, and the person to be reconciled standing without
the rails, the bishop, or such priest as is appointed, shall speak to
the congregation as followeth:
Dearly beloved,
We are here met together for the reconciling of a penitent (lately of
the Church of Rome, or lately of the separation) to the Established
Church of England, as to a true and sound part of CHRIST’S holy Catholic
Church. Now, that this weighty affair may have its due effect, let us in
the first place humbly and devoutly pray to Almighty GOD for his
blessing upon us in that pious and charitable office we are going about.
Prevent us, O LORD, in all our doings with thy most gracious favour, and
further us with thy continual help, that in this and all other our
works, begun, continued, and ended in thee, we may glorify thy holy
name, and finally by thy mercy obtain everlasting life, through JESUS
CHRIST our LORD.
Amen.
Almighty GOD, who showest to them that be in error the light of thy
truth, to the intent that they may return into the way of righteousness;
grant unto all them that are or shall be admitted into the fellowship of
CHRIST’S religion, that they may eschew those things that are contrary
to their profession, and follow all such things as are agreeable to the
same, through our LORD JESUS CHRIST.
Amen.
Psalm cxix. 161.
Let my complaint come before thee, O LORD; give me understanding
according to thy word.
Let my supplication come before thee; deliver me according to thy word.
My lips shall speak of thy praise, when thou hast taught me thy
statutes.
Yea, my tongue shall sing of thy word, for all thy commandments are
righteous.
Let thine hand help me, for I have chosen thy commandments.
I have longed for thy saving health, O LORD, and in thy law is my
delight.
O let my soul live, and it shall praise thee and thy judgments shall
help me.
I have gone astray, like a sheep that is lost; O seek thy servant, for I
do not forget thy commandments.
Glory be to the Father, &c.
As it was in the beginning, &c.
The Lesson. Luke XV. to ver. 8.
Then drew near unto him the publicans and sinners for to hear him. And
the Pharisees and Scribes murmured, saying, This man receiveth sinners,
and eateth with them. And he spake this parable unto them, saying, What
man of you having an hundred sheep, if he lose one of them, doth not
leave the ninety and nine in the wilderness, and go after that which is
lost, until he find it? and when he hath found it, he layeth it on his
shoulders rejoicing; and when he cometh home, he calleth together his
friends and his neighbours, saying unto them, Rejoice with me, for I
have found my sheep which was lost. I say unto you, that likewise joy
shall be in heaven over one sinner that repenteth, more than over ninety
and nine just persons which need no repentance.
The hymn to be used when the penitent comes from the Church of Rome.
Psalm cxv. to ver. 10.
Not unto us, O LORD, not unto us, but unto thy name give the praise, for
thy loving mercy and for thy truth’s sake.
Wherefore shall the heathen say: Where is now their GOD?
As for our GOD, he is in heaven; he hath done whatsoever pleased him.
Their idols are silver and gold, even the work of men’s hands.
They have mouths, and speak not; eyes have they, and see not; they have
ears, and hear not; noses have they, and smell not; they have hands, and
handle not; feet have they, and walk not; neither speak they through
their throat.
They that make them are like unto them, and so are all such as put their
trust in them.
But thou, house of Israel, trust thou in the Lord; he is their succour
and defence.
Glory be to the FATHER, &c.
As it was in the beginning, &c.
If the penitent comes from the separation, then this is to be used.
Psalm cxxii.
I was glad when they said unto me, We will go into the house of the
LORD.
Our feet shall stand in thy gates, O Jerusalem.
Jerusalem is built as a city that is at unity in itself.
For thither the tribes go up, even the tribes of the LORD, to testify
unto Israel, to give thanks unto the name of the LORD.
For there is the seat of judgment, even the seat of the house of
David.
O pray for the peace of Jerusalem, they shall prosper that love thee.
Peace be within thy walls, and plenteousness within thy palaces.
For my brethren and companions’ sake I wish thee prosperity.
Yea, because of the house of the LORD our GOD, I will seek to do thee
good.
Glory be to the Father, &c.
As it was in the beginning, &c.
Then the bishop sitting in a chair, or the priest standing, shall speak
to the penitent, who is to be kneeling, as follows:
Dear brother, or sister,
I have good hope that you have well weighed and considered with
yourself the great work you are come about, before this time; but
inasmuch as with the heart man believeth unto righteousness, and with
the mouth confession is made unto salvation, that you may give the
more honour to GOD, and that this present congregation of CHRIST here
assembled may also understand your mind and will in these things, and
that this your declaration may the more confirm you in your good
resolutions, you shall answer plainly to these questions, which we in
the name of GOD and of his Church shall propose to you touching the
same:
Art thou thoroughly persuaded that those books of the Old and the New
Testament, which are received as canonical scriptures by this Church,
contain sufficiently all doctrine requisite and necessary to eternal
salvation through faith in JESUS CHRIST?
Answer. I am so persuaded.
Dost thou believe in GOD the FATHER Almighty, Maker of heaven and
earth, and in JESUS CHRIST, his only begotten SON our LORD, and that
he was conceived of the HOLY GHOST, born of the Virgin Mary, that he
suffered under Pontius Pilate, was crucified, dead, and buried, that
he went down into hell, and also did rise again the third day, that he
ascended into heaven, and sitteth at the right hand of GOD the FATHER
Almighty, and from thence shall come again, at the end of the world,
to judge the quick and the dead?
And dost thou believe in the HOLY GHOST, the holy Catholic Church, the
communion of saints, the remission of sins, the resurrection of the
flesh, and everlasting life after death?
Answer. All this I stedfastly believe.
Art thou truly sorrowful that thou hast not followed the way
prescribed in these Scriptures for the directing of the faith and
practice of a true disciple of CHRIST JESUS?
Answer. I am heartily sorry, and I hope for mercy through JESUS
CHRIST.
Dost thou embrace the truth of the gospel in the love of it, and
stedfastly resolve to live godly, righteously, and soberly in this
present world all the days of thy life?
Answer. I do embrace it, and do so resolve, GOD being my helper.
Dost thou earnestly desire to be received into the communion of this
Church, as into a true and sound part of CHRIST’S holy Catholic
Church?
Answer. This I earnestly desire.
If the penitent come from the Church of Rome, this question is to
follow:
Dost thou renounce all the errors and superstitions of the present
Romish Church, so far as they are come to thy knowledge?
Answer. I do from my heart renounce them all.
If the penitent from the Church of Rome be in holy orders, let these
further questions be asked:
Dost thou in particular renounce the twelve last articles added in the
confession, commonly called “the Creed of Pope Pius IV.,” after having
read them, and duly considered them?
Answer. I do upon mature deliberation reject them all, as grounded
upon no warrant of Scripture, but rather repugnant to the word of GOD.
Dost thou acknowledge the supremacy of the kings and queens of this
realm, as by law established, and declared in the thirty-seventh
article of religion?
Answer. I do sincerely acknowledge it.
Wilt thou then give thy faithful diligence always so to minister the
doctrine and sacraments, and the discipline of CHRIST, as the LORD
hath commanded, and as this Church and realm hath received the same,
according to the commandments of GOD, so that thou mayest teach the
people with all diligence to keep and observe the same?
Answer. I will do so by the help of the LORD.
Wilt thou conform thyself to the liturgy of the Church of England, as
by law established?
Answer. I will.
If the penitent come from the separation, these questions are to be
asked:
Dost thou allow and approve of the orders of bishops, priests, and
deacons [as what have been in the Church of CHRIST from the time of
the apostles]; and wilt thou, as much as in thee lieth, promote all
due regard to the same good order and government of the Church of
CHRIST?
[NOTE. That within the crotchets is to be used only when the
penitent hath been a teacher in some separate congregation.]
Answer. I do approve it, and will endeavour that it may be so
regarded, as much as in me lieth.
Wilt thou conform thyself to the liturgy of the Church of England, as
by law established, and be diligent in attending the prayers and other
offices of the Church?
Answer. I will do so by the help of GOD.
If the penitent be one who has relapsed, the following question is to be
asked:
Art thou heartily sorry, that when thou wast in the way of truth, thou
didst so little watch over thy own heart, as to suffer thyself to be
led away with the shows of vain doctrine? and dost thou stedfastly
purpose to be more careful for the future, and to persevere in that
holy profession, which thou hast now made?
Answer. I am truly grieved for my former unstedfastness, and am fully
determined by GOD’S grace to walk more circumspectly for the time to
come, and to continue in this my profession to my life’s end.
Then the bishop, or priest, standing up, shall say:
Almighty GOD, who hath given you a sense of your errors, and a will to
do all these things, grant also unto you strength and power to perform
the same, that he may accomplish his work, which he hath begun in you,
through JESUS CHRIST. Amen.
_The Absolution._
Almighty GOD, our heavenly FATHER, who of his great mercy hath
promised forgiveness of sins to all them that with hearty repentance
and true faith turn unto him, have mercy upon you, pardon and deliver
you from all your sins, confirm and strengthen you in all goodness,
and bring you to everlasting life, through JESUS CHRIST our LORD.
Amen.
Then the bishop, or priest, taking the penitent by the right hand, shall
say unto him:
I N., bishop of ——, or I A. B., do upon this thy solemn profession and
earnest request receive thee into the holy communion of the Church of
England, in the name of the FATHER, and of the SON, and of the HOLY
GHOST.
People: Amen.
Then the bishop, or priest, shall say the LORD’S Prayer, with that
which follows, all kneeling.
Let us pray.
Our FATHER, which art in heaven, &c.
O GOD of truth and love, we bless and magnify thy holy name for thy
great mercy and goodness in bringing this thy servant into the
communion of this Church: give him (or her) we beseech thee, stability
and perseverance in that faith of which he (or she) hath in the
presence of GOD and of this congregation witnessed a good confession.
Suffer him (or her) not to be moved from it by any temptations of
Satan, enticements of the world, the scoffs of irreligious men, or the
revilings of those who are still in error; but guard him (or her) by
thy grace against all these snares, and make him (or her) instrumental
in turning others from the errors of their ways, to the saving of
their souls from death, and the covering a multitude of sins. And in
thy good time, O LORD, bring, we pray thee, into the way of truth all
such as have erred and are deceived; and so fetch them home, blessed
LORD, to thy flock, that there may be one fold under one Shepherd, the
LORD JESUS CHRIST; to whom with the FATHER and the HOLY SPIRIT be all
honour and glory, world without end. Amen.
Then the bishop, or priest, standing up (if there be no communion at
that time), shall turn himself to the person newly admitted, and say:
Dear brother, or sister,
Seeing that you have by the goodness of GOD proceeded thus far, I must
put you in mind, that you take care to go on in that good way into
which you are entered; and for your establishment and furtherance
therein, that, if you have not been confirmed, you endeavour to be so
the next opportunity, and receive the holy sacrament of the LORD’S
supper. And may GOD’S Holy Spirit ever be with you. Amen.
The peace of GOD, which passeth all understanding, keep your heart and
mind by CHRIST JESUS. Amen.—_Cardwell’s Synodalia. Wilkins’s
Concilia._
ABSOLUTION. (See _Confession_, _Penance_.) The power of absolution
consists in removing the guilt and punishment of sin, and receiving the
guilty person into favour, as if he were perfectly innocent. This is
variously expressed in holy Scripture. It is sometimes made the same
with justification, which is the acquitting a person from guilt, and
looking upon him as perfectly righteous. It is opposed to condemnation,
which is a laying of sin to his charge. This power is expressed by
remitting or retaining of sin, which is the pardoning or punishing of
it. It is called sometimes the power of opening and shutting the kingdom
of heaven, which is by admitting into, or excluding out of, the Church;
for none can be received into the kingdom of glory hereafter but such as
are admitted into the church or kingdom of grace here: called therefore
the power of the keys. It is called in St. Matthew the power of binding
and loosing, (xvi. 19,) “Whatsoever ye shall bind on earth,” &c. Sinners
are said to be “tied and bound with the chain of their sins,” to be
“holden with cords,” and to be “in the bond of iniquity.” Now to loosen
this bond, to untie those cords, and so be freed from these chains, is
done by what we call the power of absolution, or remission of sins: and
so the words of St. Matthew are the same in effect with those of St.
John, “Whose soever sins ye remit,” &c. This power of pardoning is
annexed to some acts of religion, instituted by God for this purpose,
and executed only by CHRIST’S ministers. As, 1. Baptism was ordained for
the remission of sins; so St. Peter told his converts, (Acts ii. 38,)
“Repent, and be baptized, every one of you,” &c. 2. The holy sacrament
of the eucharist was instituted for this purpose: as we read, Matt.
xxvi. 28, where CHRIST’S body is said to be broken, and “his blood shed
for many for the remission of sins.” 3. The preaching the word is for
the proclaiming of pardon, called therefore the ministry, or word, of
reconciliation. (2 Cor. v. 18.) 4. The prayer of the elders over the
sick hath joined to it the forgiveness of sins. (Jas. v. 14.) Now these
ministerial acts for the “remission of sins,” are peculiar only to the
“priest’s office:” neither is the virtue or effect of them to be
imparted to any other; for to them it is said, and to no other, “whose
sins ye remit,” &c.; and therefore a pardon pronounced by them must be
of greater efficacy than by any ordinary person.—_Hole._
The authority and power of conferring absolution on penitents, wherewith
our gracious SAVIOUR hath so clearly vested his ministerial successors,
“whose soever sins ye remit,” &c., having been abused by the Church of
Rome into a lucrative market of pardons and indulgences, it is no wonder
that Luther, and all our first reformers, should have taken infinite
offence at a practice so flagitious, and so directly contrary to the
command of CHRIST, “freely ye have received, freely give.” This,
however, should not have been a reason, as it was with too many, for
rejecting all absolutions. The true doctrine is, and must be, this: For
the consolation of his Church, and particularly of such as class with
the penitent publican in the gospel, CHRIST hath left with his bishops
and presbyters a power to pronounce absolution. This absolution is on
condition of faith and repentance in the person or persons receiving it.
On sufficient appearance of these, and on confession made with these
appearances in particular persons, the bishop or presbyter, as the
messenger of CHRIST, is to pronounce it. But he cannot search the heart;
GOD only, who can, confirms it. The power of absolution is remarkably
exercised by St. Paul, though absent, and depending on both report and
the information of the HOLY SPIRIT, in regard to the Corinthian
excommunicated for incest. The apostle, speaking in the character of one
to whom the authority of absolution had been committed, saith to the
Church of Corinth, “to whom ye forgave anything, I forgive also.” (2
Cor. ii. 10.) Thus the penitent was pardoned and restored to communion
by delegated authority, in the person of CHRIST, lest such an one should
be swallowed up with over-much sorrow, and lest Satan should get an
advantage over us. As these reasons for compassion still remain, it
seems evident that the Church should still retain the same power of
showing that compassion, as far as human understanding may direct its
application.—_Skelton._
Sacerdotal absolution does not necessarily require any particular or
auricular confession of private sins; forasmuch as that the grand
absolution of baptism was commonly given without any particular
confession. And therefore the Romanists vainly found the necessity of
auricular confession upon those words of our SAVIOUR, _Whose soever
sins ye remit, they are remitted unto them_: as if there could be no
absolution without particular confession; when it is so plain, that
the great absolution of baptism (the power of which is founded by the
ancients upon this very place) required no such particular confession.
We may hence infer, that the power of any sacerdotal absolution is
only ministerial; because the administration of baptism, (which is the
most universal absolution,) so far as man is concerned in it, is no
more than ministerial. All the office and power of man in it is only
to minister the external form, but the internal power and grace of
remission of sins is properly GOD’S; and so it is in all other sorts
of absolution.—_Bingham._
The bishops and priests of the whole Christian Church have ever used to
absolve all that truly repented, and at this day it is retained in our
Church as a part of the daily office; which being so useful, so
necessary, and founded on holy Scripture, needs not any arguments to
defend it, but that the ignorance and prejudice of some make them take
offence at it, and principally because it hath been so much abused by
the Papal Church. We may declare our abhorrency of these evil uses of
absolution; though in that sober, moderate, and useful manner we do
perform it, we do not vary from the prime intention of CHRIST’S
commission, and the practice of antiquity: absolution was instituted by
JESUS, and if it have been corrupted by men, we will cast away the
corruptions, not the ordinance itself.—_Comber._
Sin is compared to a bond, (Acts viii. 23; Prov. v. 22,) because it
binds down the soul by its guilt and power, and hinders it from free
converse with GOD, yea, makes it liable to eternal condemnation: but
JESUS came to unloose these bonds, and actually did so to divers, when
he was upon earth, and left this power to his apostles and their
successors, when he went to heaven; and this unloosing men from the bond
of their sins is that which we properly call _absolution_, and it is a
necessary and most comfortable part of the priest’s office. But the
sectaries do wholly disown this power, and are so bold as to deride us
for the use thereof: yet it is certain that CHRIST did give his
disciples the power of binding and loosing, (Matt. xvi. 19; xviii. 18,)
or, as it is elsewhere called, of remitting sins, (John xx. 22, 23,)
frequently repeating this commission, and solemnly promising to ratify
in heaven what they did on earth. It is plain also, that the apostles
exercised this power, (Acts ii. 38; 2 Cor. ii. 10,) and gave their
successors a charge to use it also (Gal. vi. 1; James v. 14, 15); and
the primitive histories do abundantly testify they did so very often; so
that they must cancel all those lines of Scripture, and records of
antiquity also, before they can take away this power. Nor can they
fairly pretend it was a personal privilege dying with the apostles,
since the Church hath used it ever since, and penitents need a
comfortable application of their pardon now, as well as they did then:
and whereas they object with the Jews, that “none can forgive sins but
GOD only,” (Luke v. 21,) we reply, that GOD alone can exercise this
power in his own right, but he may and hath communicated it to others,
who did it in his name, and by his authority; or, as St. Paul speaks,
_in the person of Christ_ (2 Cor. ii. 10); so that St. Ambrose saith,
“GOD himself forgives sins by them to whom he hath granted the power of
absolution.”—_Comber._
Calvin’s liturgy has no form of absolution in it: but he himself says
that it was an omission in him at first, and a defect in his liturgy;
which he afterwards would have rectified and amended, but could not. He
makes this ingenuous confession in one of his epistles: “There is none
of us,” says he, “but must acknowledge it to be very useful, that, after
the general confession, some remarkable promise of Scripture should
follow, whereby sinners might be raised to the hopes of pardon and
reconciliation. And I would have introduced this custom from the
beginning, but some fearing that the novelty of it would give offence, I
was over-easy in yielding to them; so the thing was omitted.” I must do
that justice to Calvin here, by the way, to say, that he was no enemy to
private absolution neither, as used in the Church of England. For in one
of his answers to Westphalus he thus expresses his mind about it: “I
have no intent to deny the usefulness of private absolution: but as I
commend it in several places of my writings, provided the use be left to
men’s liberty, and free from superstition, so to bind men’s consciences
by a law to it, is neither lawful nor expedient.” Here we have Calvin’s
judgment, fully and entirely, for the usefulness both of public and
private absolution. He owns it to be a defect in his liturgy, that it
wants a public absolution.—_Bingham._
Calvin’s own account of his facility merits attention. In his character,
flexibility of disposition appears to be a lineament either so faint, or
so obscured by more prominent features of a different cast, that it has
generally escaped vulgar observation. His panegyrist, the learned
translator of Mosheim’s Eccles. Hist., [Maclaine,] describes him as
surpassing most of the reformers “in obstinacy, asperity, and
turbulence.”—_Shepherd._
This penitence our Church makes not a new sacrament, (as doth the Church
of Rome,) but a means of returning to the grace of GOD bestowed in
baptism. “They which in act or deed sin after baptism, (saith our
homily,) when they turn to GOD unfeignedly, they are likewise washed by
this sacrifice from their sins.”—_Puller._
If our confession be serious and hearty, this absolution is as
effectual as if GOD did pronounce it from heaven. So says the
Confession of Saxony and Bohemia, and so says the Augustan Confession;
and, which is more, so says St. Chrysostom in his fifth homily upon
Isaiah, “Heaven waits and expects the priest’s sentence here on earth;
the LORD follows the servant, and what the servant rightly binds or
looses here on earth, that the LORD confirms in heaven.” The same says
St. Gregory (Hom. 20) upon the Gospels: “The apostles (and in them all
priests) were made GOD’S vicegerents here on earth, in his name and
stead to retain or remit sins.” St. Augustine and Cyprian, and
generally all antiquity, say the same; so does our Church in many
places, particularly in the form of absolution for the sick; but,
above all, holy Scripture is clear, (St. John xx. 23,) “Whose soever
sins ye remit, they are remitted unto them.” Which power of remitting
sins was not to end with the apostles, but is a part of the ministry
of reconciliation, as necessary now as it was then, and therefore to
continue as long as the ministry of reconciliation; that is, to the
end of the world. (Eph. iv. 12, 13.) When therefore the priest
absolves, GOD absolves, if we be truly penitent. Now, this remission
of sins granted here to the priest, to which GOD hath promised a
confirmation in heaven, is not the act of preaching, or baptizing, or
admitting men to the holy communion. But this power of remitting sins,
mentioned John xx., was not granted (though promised, Matt. xvi. 19)
till _now_, that is, after the resurrection, as appears by the
ceremony of _breathing_, signifying that then it was given: and
secondly, by the word _receive_, used in that place, (ver. 22,) which
he could not properly have used, if they had been endued with this
power before. Therefore the power of remitting, which here GOD
authorizes, and promises certain assistance to, is neither preaching
nor baptizing, but some other way of remitting, viz. that which the
Church calls absolution. And if it be so, then, to doubt of the effect
of it, (supposing we be truly penitent, and such as GOD will pardon,)
is to question the truth of GOD: and he that, under pretence of
reverence to GOD, denies or despises this power, does injury to GOD,
slighting his commission, and is no better than a Novatian, says St.
Ambrose.—_Sparrow._
Our Church has not appointed the indicative form of absolution to be
used in all these senses, but only once in the office of the sick, and
that may reasonably be interpreted, (according to the account given out
of St. Jerome,) a declaration of the sinner’s pardon, upon the apparent
evidences of a sincere repentance, and the best judgment the minister
can make of his condition; beyond which none can go, but the searcher of
hearts, to whom alone belongs the infallible and irreversible sentence
of absolution. The indicative form, “I absolve thee,” may be interpreted
to mean no more than a declaration of GOD’S will to a penitent sinner,
that, upon the best judgment the priest can make of his repentance, he
esteems him absolved before GOD, and accordingly pronounces and declares
him absolved. As St. Jerome observes, the priests under the old law were
said to cleanse a leper, or pollute him; not that they were the authors
of his pollution, but that they declared him to be polluted, who before
seemed to many to have been clean. As, therefore, the priest makes the
leper clean or unclean, so the bishop or presbyter here binds or looses,
not properly making the guilty or the guiltless; but according to the
tenor of his office, when he hears the distinction of sins, he knows who
is to be bound, and who is to be loosed. Upon this also, the master of
the sentences (following St. Jerome) observes, that the priests of the
gospel have that right and office which the legal priests had of old
under the law in curing the lepers. These, therefore, forgive sins, or
retain them, whilst they show and declare that they are forgiven or
retained by GOD. For the priests “put the name of the LORD” upon the
children of Israel, but it was he himself that blessed them, as it is
read in Num. vi. 27.—_Bingham._
Our Church maintains, appealing to Scripture for the proof of it, that
some power of absolving or remitting sins, derived from the apostles,
remains with their successors in the ministry; and accordingly, at the
ordination of priests, the words of our Saviour, on which the power is
founded, are solemnly repeated to them by the bishop, and the power at
the same time conferred. We do not pretend it is in any sort a
_discretionary_ power of forgiving sins, for the priest has no
_discernment of the spirit_ and hearts of men, as the apostles had, but
a power of pronouncing authoritatively, in the name of GOD, who has
committed to the priest the ministry of reconciliation, _his_ pardon and
forgiveness to all true penitents and sincere believers. That GOD alone
can forgive sins, that he is the sole author of all blessings, spiritual
as well as temporal, is undeniable: but that he can declare his gracious
assurance of pardon, and convey his blessings to us, by what means and
instruments he thinks fit, is no less certain. In whatever way he
vouchsafes to do it, it is our duty humbly and thankfully to receive
them; not to dispute his wisdom in the choice of those means and
instruments; for, in that case, he that despiseth, despiseth not man,
but GOD.—_Waldo._
The following remarks on our forms of absolution occur in “Palmer’s
Origines Liturgicæ.”
“An absolution followed the confession formerly in the offices of the
English churches, for prime, or the first hour of the day. We may,
perhaps, assign to the absolution thus placed, an antiquity equal to
that of the confession, though _Gemma Animæ_ and Durandus do not appear
expressly to mention it. The sacerdotal benediction of penitents was in
the earliest times conveyed in the form of a prayer to GOD for their
absolution; but, in after ages, different forms of benediction were
used, both in the East and West. With regard to these varieties of
_form_, it does not appear that they were formerly considered of any
importance. A benediction seems to have been regarded as equally valid,
whether it was conveyed in the form of a petition or a declaration,
whether in the optative or the indicative mood, whether in the active or
the passive voice, whether in the first, second, or third person. It is
true that a direct prayer to GOD is a most ancient form of blessing; but
the use of a precatory, or an optative form, by no means warrants the
inference, that the person who uses it is devoid of any divinely
instituted authority to bless and absolve in the congregation of GOD.
Neither does the use of a direct indicative form of blessing or
absolution imply anything but the exercise of an authority which GOD has
given, to such an extent, and under such limitations, as Divine
revelation has declared.”
In the primitive Church absolution was regarded to consist of five
kinds: sacramental, by baptism and the eucharist; declaratory, by word
of mouth and doctrine; precatory, by imposition of hands and prayer;
judicial, by relaxation of Church censures.—_Bingham._
The Absolution in the Order for Morning and Evening Prayer was first
inserted in the Second Book of King Edward VI. It can be pronounced by
the priest _only or alone_. At the last review the word _Minister_ in
the rubric preceding the absolution, was changed into _Priest_: this
change being obviously adopted from the Scotch Prayer Book in Charles
I.’s time, where the word in the same place is _Presbyter_. The other
two absolutions are coeval with our reformed Prayer Book. The
ministerial absolution of persons unquiet in conscience, before
receiving the holy communion, is mentioned in the first exhortation on
giving notice of the communion; and the absolution of excommunicated
persons in the 65th Canon.
ABSTINENCE. (See _Fasting_.) In the Romish Church, fasting and
abstinence admit of a distinction, and different days are appointed for
each of them. On their days of fasting, they are allowed but one meal in
four and twenty hours; but, on days of abstinence, provided they abstain
from flesh, and make but a moderate meal, they are indulged in a
collation at night. The times by them set apart for the first are, all
Lent, except Sundays, the Ember days, the vigils of the more solemn
feasts, and all Fridays except those that fall within the twelve days of
Christmas, and between Easter and the Ascension. Their days of
abstinence are all the Sundays in Lent, St. Mark’s day, if it does not
fall in Easter week, the three Rogation days, all Saturdays throughout
the year, with the Fridays before excepted, unless either happen to be
Christmas day. The reason why they observe St. Mark as a day of
abstinence is, as we learn from their own books, in imitation of St.
Mark’s disciples, the first Christians of Alexandria, who, under this
saint’s conduct, were eminent for their great prayer, abstinence, and
sobriety. They further tell us, that St. Gregory the Great, the apostle
of England, first set apart this day for abstinence and public prayer,
as an acknowledgment of the Divine mercy, in putting a stop to a
mortality in his time at Rome.
We do not find that the Church of England makes any difference between
days of fasting and days of abstinence. It is true, in the title of the
table of Vigils, &c., she mentions fasts and days of abstinence
separately; but when she comes to enumerate the particulars, she calls
them all days of fasting or abstinence, without distinguishing between
the one and the other. Nor does she anywhere point out to us what food
is proper for such times or seasons, or seem to place any part of
religion in abstaining from any particular kinds of meat. It is true, by
a statute, (5 Eliz. 5,) none were allowed to eat flesh on fish-days,
(which are there declared to be all Wednesdays, Fridays, and Saturdays
in the year,) without a licence first obtained, for which they are to
pay a yearly fine, (except such as are sick, who may be licensed either
by the bishop or minister,) under penalty of three pounds’ forfeiture,
or three months’ imprisonment without bail, and of forty shillings’
forfeiture for any master of a family that suffers or conceals it. But
then this is declared to be a mere political law, for the increase of
fishermen and mariners, and repairing of port towns and navigation, and
not for any superstition to be maintained in the choice of meats. For,
by the same act, whosoever, by preaching, teaching, writing, &c.,
affirms it to be necessary to abstain from flesh for the saving of the
soul of man, or for the service of GOD, otherwise than other politic
laws are or be, is to be punished as a spreader of false news. That is,
he must suffer imprisonment till he produce the author; and, if he
cannot produce him, must be punished at the discretion of the king’s
council. The sections of this act which relate to eating fish on
Wednesdays, were repealed by 27 Eliz. c. 11.
With us, therefore, neither Church nor State makes any difference in the
kinds of meat; but as far as the former determines in the matter, she
seems to recommend an entire abstinence from all manner of food till the
time of fasting be over; declaring in her homilies, that fasting (by the
decree of the six hundred and thirty fathers, assembled at the Council
of Chalcedon, which was one of the four first general councils, who
grounded their determination upon the sacred Scriptures, and
long-continued usage or practice both of the prophets and other godly
persons, before the coming of CHRIST, and also of the apostles and other
devout men in the New Testament) is a withholding of meat, drink, and
all natural food from the body, for the determined time of
fasting.—_Wheatly._
ABYSSINIA. The Abyssinian Church was founded early in the fourth
century. Its first bishop, Frumentius, received consecration from St.
Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, and to this day the _Abund_ of
Abyssinia is consecrated by the Alexandrian patriarch. In the sixth
century the Christians of Abyssinia fell into the heresy of the
Monophysites, in which they still remain; and they also agree with the
Greek Church in denying the procession of the HOLY GHOST from the SON.
In the fifth, and again in the seventeenth, century, attempts were made
to reduce the Abyssinian Christians to obedience to the Roman see, but
the attempt in both instances utterly failed. The number of Christians
in Abyssinia is said to amount to three millions.
ACŒMETÆ. (Ἁκοιμηταί, Watchers.) An order of monks instituted at the
beginning of the fifth century at Constantinople, who were divided into
three classes, who performed the Divine service by rotation, and so
continued night and day without intermission.
ACEPHALI. (ἀ and κεφαλὴ, literally, _without a head_.) The name given to
those of the Egyptian Eutychians, who, after Peter Magus, bishop of
Alexandria, had signed the _Henoticon_ of Zeno, A. D. 482, formed a
separate sect. (See _Henoticon_.) The word is also applied to those
bishops who were exempt from the jurisdiction of a metropolitan or
patriarch.
ACOLYTH, or ACOLYTE, (ἀκολουθος,) in our old English called Collet, was
an inferior church servant, who, next under the subdeacon, waited on the
priests and deacons, and performed the meaner offices of lighting the
candles, carrying the bread and wine, &c. He was allowed to wear the
cassock and surplice. In the Church of Rome it was accounted one of the
minor orders. In the Greek Church it is supposed to be another name for
the order of subdeacons, according to Bingham.—_Jebb._
ACROSTIC. A form of poetical composition among the Hebrews, composed of
twenty-two lines, or stanzas, according to the number of letters in the
Hebrew alphabet, each line or stanza beginning with each letter in its
order. Of the several poems of this character, there are twelve in all,
in the Old Testament, viz. Psalms xxv., xxxiv., xxxvii., cxi., cxii.,
cxix., cxlv. Part of Proverbs xxxi. Lament. i., ii., iii., iv. Psalm
cxix. is the most remarkable specimen. It still retains in the Bible
translation the name of the several letters of the Hebrew alphabet, to
mark its several divisions. This Psalm consists of twenty-two stanzas,
(the number of the letters of the Hebrew alphabet,) each division
consisting of eight couplets; the first line of each couplet beginning
with that letter of the alphabet which marks the division. Psalm xxxvii.
consists of twenty-two quatrains; the first line only of each quatrain
being acrostical. Lam. i. and ii., of twenty-two triplets, the first
line of each only being acrostical. Lam. iii., of twenty-two triplets
also, but with every line acrostical. Lam. iv. and Psalms xxv., xxxiv.,
and cxv., and part of Prov. xxxi., of twenty-two couplets, the first
line only of each being acrostical. Psalms cxi. and cxii., of twenty-two
lines each, in alphabetical order. The divisions of the Hebrew poetry
into lines, not metrical, but rhythmical and parallel in sentiment, is
very much elucidated by the alphabetical or acrostical poems.—_Jebb._
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. One of the canonical books of the New Testament.
It contains a great part of the lives of St. Peter and St. Paul,
beginning at our Lord’s ascension, and continued down to St. Paul’s
arrival at Rome, after his appeal to Cæsar; comprehending in all about
thirty years. St. Luke has been generally considered the author of this
book; and his principal design in writing it was to obviate the false
Acts, and false histories, which began to be dispersed up and down the
world. The exact time of his writing it is not known; but it must have
been written at least two years after St. Paul’s arrival at Rome,
because it informs us that St. Paul “dwelt two whole years in his own
hired house.” Perhaps he wrote it while he remained with St. Paul,
during the time of his imprisonment, Acts xxviii. 30.
St. Luke wrote this work in Greek; and his language is generally purer,
and more elegant, than that of the other writers of the New Testament.
Epíphanius (_Hæres._ xxx. chap. 3 and 6) tells us that this book was
translated by the Ebionites out of Greek into Hebrew, that is, into
Syriac, which was the common language of the Jews in Palestine; but that
those heretics corrupted it with a mixture of many falsities and
impieties, injurious to the memory of the apostles. St. Jerome assures
us, that a certain priest of Asia added to the true, genuine Acts, the
voyages of St. Paul and St. Thecla, and the story of baptizing a lion.
Tertullian (_de Baptismo_, chap. xvii.) tells us that St. John the
evangelist, having convicted this priest of varying from the truth in
this relation, the good man excused himself, saying, he did it purely
out of love to St. Paul.
The Marcionites and Manichæans, because they were sensible that this
book too plainly condemned their errors, rejected it out of the Canon of
Scripture. (Tertull. _contra Marcion_, lib. 5.)
There were several spurious ACTS OF THE APOSTLES; particularly, I. The
Acts of the Apostles, supposed to be written by Abdias, the pretended
bishop of Babylon, who gave out, that he was ordained bishop by the
apostles themselves, when they were upon their journey into Persia. II.
The Acts of St. Peter: this book came originally from the school of the
Ebionites. III. The Acts of St. Paul, which is entirely lost. Eusebius,
who had seen it, pronounces it of no authority. IV. The Acts of St. John
the Evangelist; a book made use of by the Encratites, Manichæans, and
Priscillianists. V. The Acts of St. Andrew; received by the Manichæans,
Encratites, and Apotactics. VI. The Acts of St. Thomas the Apostle;
received particularly by the Manichæans. VII. The Acts of St. Philip:
this book the Gnostics made use of. VIII. The Acts of St. Matthias. Some
have imagined that the Jews for a long time had concealed the original
Acts of the Life and Death of St. Matthias, written in Hebrew; and that
a monk of the abbey of St. Matthias at Treves, having got them out of
their hands, procured them to be translated into Latin, and published
them. But the critics will not allow them to be genuine and
authentic.—_Cotelerius. Fabricius Apocr. N. T. Tillemont, Hist. Eccles._
ADAMITES. A sect of Christian heretics who imitated Adam’s nakedness
before his fall, believing themselves as innocent since their redemption
by the death of CHRIST, and therefore met together naked upon all
occasions, asserting that if Adam had not sinned, there would have been
no marriages. They sprang from the Carpocratians and Gnostics, and
followed the errors of an infamous person called Prodicus. They gave the
name of deity to the four elements, rejected prayer, and said it was not
necessary to confess JESUS CHRIST. This sect was renewed in Flanders by
one Tanchelm, (1115–1124,) who being followed by 3000 soldiers,
committed all kinds of vice, calling their villanies by a spiritual
name. In the 15th century one Picard, so called from the country of his
birth, renewed it in Bohemia, from whence the sect spread into Poland:
it was said they met in the night, and used these words, (originally
ascribed to the Priscillianists in the 4th century,) _Swear, forswear,
and discover not the secret_.
ADMINISTRATOR. An ancient officer of the Church, whose duty was to
defend the cause of the widows, orphans, and all others who might be
destitute of help.
ADMINISTRATION, in an ecclesiastical sense, is used to express the
giving or dispensing the sacrament of our Lord.—In its more general use
it signifies the distribution of the personal effects of intestates,
which is made by the ordinary according to the enactment of sundry
statutes; the principal of which is 22 and 23 Car. II. cap. x.
ADMONITION. The first step of ecclesiastical censure, according to the
words of the apostle, “a man that is an heretic, after the first and
second admonition, reject.” (Tit. iii. 10.) This part of episcopal
discipline always precedes excommunication; which, however, must
necessarily follow, if the offender continue contumacious, and hardened
in his error or crime. Vide Canon 64, &c. The word also occurs in the
Ordination Service: “following with a glad mind and will their godly
admonition.”—_Jebb._
ADMONITIONISTS. Certain Puritans in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, who
were so called from being the authors of the “Admonition to the
Parliament,” 1571, in which everything in the Church of England was
condemned, which was not after the fashion of Geneva. They required
every ceremony to be “commanded in the Word,” and set at nought all
general rules and canons of the Church.
ADOPTIANS. Heretics in several parts of Spain, who held that our SAVIOUR
was GOD only by adoption. Their notions were condemned at Frankfort in
the year 794.
ADOPTION. To adopt is to make him a son who was not so by birth. The
Catechism teaches us that it is in holy baptism that “we are made
members of CHRIST, _children of_ GOD, and inheritors of the kingdom of
heaven.” GOD _sent forth his Son to redeem them that were under the law,
that we might receive the adoption of sons_. (Gal. iv. 4, 5.)
ADORATION. This word signifies a particular sort of worship, which the
Pagans gave to their deities: but, amongst Christians, it is used for
the general respect and worship paid to GOD. The heathens paid their
regard to their gods, by putting their hands to their mouths, and
kissing them. This was done in some places standing, and sometimes
kneeling; their faces were usually covered in their worship, and
sometimes they threw themselves prostrate on the ground. The first
Christians in their public prayers were wont to stand; and this they did
always on Sundays, and on the fifty days between Easter and Pentecost,
in memory of our LORD’S resurrection, as is still common in the Eastern
Churches. They were wont to turn their faces towards the east, either
because the East is a title given to CHRIST in the Old Testament, (as by
Zachariah, vi. 12, according to the Septuagint and the Latin Vulgate,)
or else to show that they expected the coming of CHRIST at the last day
from the east.
ADULT BAPTISM. (See _Baptism_.)
ADVENT. For the greater solemnity of the three principal holidays,
Christmas day, Easter day, and Whit-Sunday, the Church hath appointed
certain days to attend them: some to go before, and others to come after
them. Before Christmas are appointed four “Advent Sundays,” so called
because the design of them is to prepare us for a religious
commemoration of the _advent_ or coming of CHRIST in the flesh. The
Roman ritualists would have the celebration of this holy season to be
apostolical, and that it was instituted by St. Peter. But the precise
time of its institution is not so easily to be determined; though it
certainly had its beginning before the year 450, because Maximus
Taurinensis, who lived about that time, writ a homily upon it. And it is
to be observed, that, for the more strict and religious observation of
this season, courses of sermons were formerly preached in several
cathedrals on Wednesdays and Fridays, as is now the usual practice in
Lent. And we find by the Salisbury Missal, that, before the Reformation,
there was a special Epistle and Gospel relating to CHRIST’S advent,
appointed for those days during all that time.—_Wheatly._
It should be observed here, that it is the peculiar computation of the
Church, to begin her year, and to renew the annual course of her
service, at this time of Advent, therein differing from all other
accounts of time whatsoever. The reason of which is, because she does
not number her days, or measure her seasons, so much by the motion of
the sun, as by the course of our SAVIOUR; beginning and counting on her
year with him, who, being the true “Sun of righteousness,” began now to
rise upon the world, and, as “the Day-star on high,” to enlighten them
that sat in spiritual darkness.—_Bp. Cosin, Wheatly._
The lessons and services, therefore, for the four first Sundays in her
liturgical year, propose to our meditations the two-fold advent of our
LORD JESUS CHRIST; teaching us that it is he who was to come, and did
come, to redeem the world; and that it is he also who shall come again,
to be our judge. The end proposed by the Church in setting these two
appearances of CHRIST together before us, at this time, is to beget in
our minds proper dispositions to celebrate the one and expect the other;
that so with joy and thankfulness we may now “go to Bethlehem, and see
this great thing which is come to pass, which the LORD hath made known
to us,” even the Son of GOD come to visit us in great humility; and
thence, with faith unfeigned and hope immoveable, ascend in heart and
mind to meet the same Son of GOD in the air, coming in glorious majesty
to judge the quick and dead.—_Bp. Horne._
ADVOCATE, the word used in our Bibles as a translation of the Greek
παράκλητος, (see _Paraclete_,) which signifies one who exhorts, defends,
comforts; also one who prays or intercedes for another. It is an
appellation given to the HOLY SPIRIT by our SAVIOUR. (John xiv. 16; xv.
26.)
ADVOCATES are mentioned in the 96th, 131st, and 133rd English Canons, as
regular members of the Ecclesiastical Courts. The pleaders, or superior
practitioners, in all the English and Irish Church Courts are so called.
In London they form a corporation, or college, called Doctors’ Commons;
because all Advocates must be Doctors of Law, and they formerly lived
together in a collegiate manner, with a common table, &c. The candidate
Advocates obtain a fiat from the archbishop of Canterbury, and are
admitted by the judge to practise. In Ireland they do not form a
college: they must be Doctors of Law, but generally practise in the
common law or equity courts, besides. They are admitted to practise by
the judge of the Prerogative Court. The pleaders in the supreme courts
in Scotland, and generally throughout Europe, are called Advocates. The
institution of the order is very ancient. About the time of the emperor
Alexander Severus (see _Butler’s_ Life of L’Hopital) three ranks of
legal practitioners were established: the _orators_, who were the
pleaders; the _advocates_, who instructed the orators in points of law;
and the _cognitores_, or _procuratores_, who discharged much the same
office as proctors or attorneys now. The first order gradually merged
into the second.—_Jebb._
ADVOWSON, is the right of patronage to a church, or an ecclesiastical
benefice; and he who has the right of advowson is called the patron of
the church, from his obligation to defend the rights of the church from
oppression and violence. For when lords of manors first built churches
upon their own demesnes, and appointed the tithes of those manors to be
paid to the officiating ministers, which before were given to the clergy
in common, the lord, who thus built a church and endowed it with glebe
or land, had of common right a power annexed of nominating such minister
as he pleased (provided he were canonically qualified) to officiate in
that church, of which he was the founder, endower, maintainer, or, in
one word, the patron.
Advowsons are of two sorts, advowsons appendant, and advowsons in gross.
When annexed to a manor or land, so as to pass with them, they are
appendant; for so long as the church continues annexed to the possession
of the manor, as some have done from the foundation of the church to
this day, the patronage or presentation belongs to the person in
possession of the manor or land. But when the property of the advowson
has been once separated from that of the manor by legal conveyance, it
is called an advowson in gross, or at large, and exists as a personal
right in the person of its owner, independent of his manor or land.
Advowsons are also either presentative, collative, donative, or
elective. An advowson presentative is where the patron has a right to
present the parson to the bishop or ordinary to be instituted and
inducted, if he finds him canonically qualified. An advowson collative
is where the bishop is both patron and ordinary. An advowson donative is
where the king, or any subject by his licence, founds a church or
chapel, and ordains that it shall be merely in the gift or disposal of
the patron; subject to his visitation only, and not to that of the
ordinary; and vested absolutely in the clerk by the patron’s deed of
donation, without presentation, institution, or induction.
As to presentations to advowsons: where there are divers patrons,
joint-tenants, or tenants in common, and they vary in their presentment,
the ordinary is not bound to admit any of their clerks; and if the six
months elapse within which time they are to present, he may present by
the lapse; but he may not present within the six months; for if he do,
they may agree and bring a _quare impedit_ against him, and remove his
clerk. Where the patrons are co-parceners, the eldest sister, or her
assignee, is entitled to present; and then, at the next avoidance, the
next sister shall present, and so by turns one sister after another,
till all the sisters, or their heirs, have presented, and then the
eldest sister shall begin again, except they agree to present together,
or by composition to present in some other manner. But if the eldest
presents together with another of her sisters, and the other sisters
every one of them in their own name, or together, the ordinary is not
bound to receive any of their clerks, but may suffer the church to
lapse. But in this case, before the bishop can take advantage of the
lapse, he must direct a writ to inquire the right of patronage. Where an
advowson is mortgaged, the mortgager alone shall present, when the
church becomes vacant: and the mortgagee can derive no advantage from
the presentation in reduction of his debt. If a woman has an advowson,
or part of an advowson, to her and her heirs, and marries, the husband
may not only present jointly with his wife, during the coverture, but
also after her death the right of presenting during his life is lodged
in him, as tenant by courtesy, if he has children by her. And even
though the wife dies without having had issue by her husband, so that he
is not tenant by courtesy, and the church remains vacant at her death,
yet the husband shall present to the void turn; and if in such case he
does not present, his executor may. If a man, seized of an advowson,
takes a wife, and dies, the heir shall have two presentations, and the
wife the third, even though her husband may have granted away the third
turn. Or, if a manor, to which an advowson is appendant, descends to the
heir, and he assigns dower to his mother of the third part of the manor,
with the appurtenances, she is entitled to the presentation of the third
part of the advowson; the right of presentation being a chose in action
which is not assignable. If an advowson is sold, when the church is
vacant, it is decided that the grantee is not entitled to the benefit of
the next presentation. If, during the vacancy of a church, the patron
die, his executor, or personal representative, is entitled to that
presentation, unless it be a donative benefice, in which case the right
of donation descends to the heir. But if the incumbent of a church be
also seized in fee of the advowson of the same church, and die, his
heir, and not his executors, shall present.
As to the manner in which advowsons descend, it has been determined,
that advowsons in gross cannot descend from the brother to the sister of
the entire blood, but they shall descend to the brother of the half
blood, unless the first had presented to it in his lifetime, and then it
shall descend to the sister, she being the next heir of the entire
blood.
ÆONS. (Αίῶνες, ages.) The name given by some of the Gnostic heretics to
the spiritual beings, whom they supposed to have _emanated_ from the
Divinity. (See _Valentinus_.)
AERIANS. A small sect founded by Aërius, a presbyter of Sebaste, in the
lesser Armenia, about A. D. 355. St. Augustine tells us that Aërius, the
author of this heresy, was mortified at not attaining the episcopate;
and having fallen into the heresy of Arius, and having been led into
many strange notions by impatience of the control of the Church, he
taught, among other things, that no difference ought to be recognised
between a bishop and a presbyter; whereas, until then, even all
sectaries had acknowledged the episcopate as a superior order, and had
been careful at their outset to obtain episcopal ordination for their
ministers. Thus Aërius revenged himself upon the dignity to which he had
unsuccessfully aspired; and he has left his history and his character to
future ages, as an argument almost as forcible as direct reasoning and
evidence, of the apostolical ordinance of the episcopate.
AFFINITY. (From _affinis_.) Relation by marriage. Relation contracted by
the husband to the kindred of the wife, and by the wife to those of the
husband. It is opposed to consanguinity, or relation by
birth.—_Johnson._ (See _Consanguinity_.)
AFFUSION. Although dipping or plunging into the water were the more
ancient practice, and more universal in the primitive times, yet
sprinkling or pouring water on the head of the baptized person was of
great antiquity in the Church likewise. It had its beginning in the
cases of sick persons chiefly, who could not come to the public
baptistery, nor could the weakness of their constitution admit of their
being dipped all over in the water; and, therefore, the sprinkling or
pouring of a small quantity of water upon the face or head was judged
sufficient. In the fourth and fifth centuries aspersion was more common.
After the heathen nations were converted to Christianity, and by that
means the baptisms of adults were less frequent, the tenderness of
children’s bodies, especially in the colder countries, not enduring to
be dipped in water, the use of sprinkling generally succeeded in the
Church, instead of that of dipping. And, indeed, during the more early
ages of the Church, and when adults were frequently baptized, there were
some particular cases when aspersion was used instead of immersion; as
in that of some young women noticed by St. Chrysostom. Our Church, with
great moderation, does not totally lay aside immersion, if the strength
of the child will bear it, as indeed it seldom will without danger in
our cold country; in which case she admits aspersion only, rather than
occasion any injury or danger to the body of a tender babe; wisely
considering, that, in the sight of GOD, “mercy is better than
sacrifice.”—_Dr. Nicholls._
Either of these modes of administering baptism is sufficient. For it is
not in this spiritual washing, as it is in the bodily, where, if the
bath be not large enough to receive the whole body, some parts may be
foul, when the rest are cleansed. The soul is cleansed after another
manner; a little water can cleanse the believer, as well as a whole
river. The old fashion was to dip or sprinkle the person “thrice,” to
signify the mystery of the Trinity. The Church so appointed then because
of some heretics that denied the Trinity: upon the same ground,
afterwards, it was appointed to do it but once, (signifying the unity of
substance in the Trinity,) lest we should seem to agree with the
heretics that did it thrice. This baptizing is to be at the “font.”—_Bp.
Sparrow._
It should here be noticed, that our Church doth not direct sprinkling or
aspersion, but affusion or “pouring of water” upon the children to be
baptized. It is true the quantity of water to be used is nowhere
prescribed, nor is it necessary that it should be; but, however the
quantity be left to the minister’s discretion, yet it must be understood
to determine itself thus far: first, that the action be such as is
properly a “washing,” to make the administration correspond with the
institution; and this we should observe as ministers of CHRIST at large:
secondly, that the action be such, as is properly a “pouring of water,”
which is the rubrical direction to express that washing at all times
when “dipping” is not practised; and this we are bound to observe as
ministers of the Church of England in particular; taking it always for
granted, that there is a reason for whatever is prescribed in a rubric,
and such an one as is not to be contradicted by our private practice, or
rejected for the sake of any modes or customs brought in we know not
how.
And we should the rather keep to this rule of affusion, because we have
in a manner lost that more primitive way of baptizing by immersion.
Custom having “certified” in general, that it is the opinion and
judgment of all, who bring their children to the font, that they are
“too weak to endure dipping.” Or, if we would have their sentiments
certified more explicitly, there being a rubric to that purpose, we are
sure, as Dr. Wall observes, to find a certificate of the children’s
weakness in their dress; and to ask for further satisfaction would be a
mighty needless inquiry. I mention this observation of his, as the best
apology I know of for our present practice of baptizing by affusion,
without any formal declaration being made, according to rubric, of the
danger of “dipping.” It is not said we shall ask any questions. And,
when we are sure beforehand what would be the answer if the question
were asked, we seem under no obligation, as we are under no direction,
to put it at all.—_Archdeacon Sharp._ (See _Aspersion_.)
AGAPÆ. Love feasts, or feasts of charity, among the early Christians,
were usually celebrated in connexion with the LORD’S supper, but not as
a necessary part of it. The name is derived from the Greek word ἀγαπὴ,
which signifies love or charity. In the earliest accounts which have
come down to us, we find that the bishop or presbyter presided at these
feasts. It does not appear whether the food was dressed in the place
appointed for the celebration of the feast, or was previously prepared
by individual members of the Church at their own homes; but perhaps
either of these plans was adopted indifferently, according to
circumstances. Before eating, the guests washed their hands, and a
public prayer was offered up. A portion of Scripture was then read, and
the president proposed some questions upon it, which were answered by
the persons present. After this, any accounts which had been received
respecting the affairs of other Churches were recited; for, at that
time, such accounts were regularly transmitted from one community to
another, by means of which all Christians became acquainted with the
history and condition of the whole body, and were thus enabled to
sympathize with, and in many cases to assist, each other. Letters from
bishops and other eminent members of the Church, together with the Acts
of the Martyrs, were also recited on this occasion; and hymns or psalms
were sung. At the close of the feast, money was also collected for the
benefit of widows and orphans, the poor, prisoners, and persons who had
suffered shipwreck. Before the meeting broke up, all the members of the
Church embraced each other, in token of mutual brotherly love, and the
whole ceremony was concluded with a philanthropic prayer.
As the number of Christians increased, various deviations from the
original practice of celebration occurred; which called for the censures
of the governors of the Church. In consequence of these irregularities,
it was appointed that the president should deliver to each guest his
portion separately, and that the larger portions should be distributed
among the presbyters, deacons, and other officers of the Church.
While the Church was exposed to persecution, these feasts were not only
conducted with regularity and good order, but were made subservient to
Christian edification, and to the promotion of brotherly love, and of
that kind of concord and union which was specially demanded by the
circumstances of the times.
At first these feasts were held in private houses, or in other retired
places, where Christians met for religious worship. After the erection
of churches, these feasts were held within their walls; until, abuses
having occurred which rendered the observance inconsistent with the
sanctity of such places, this practice was forbidden. In the middle of
the fourth century, the Council of Laodicea enacted “that agapæ should
not be celebrated in churches;” a prohibition which was repeated by the
Council of Carthage, in the year 391; and was afterwards strictly
enjoined during the sixth and seventh centuries. By the efforts of
Gregory of Neocæsarea, Chrysostom, and others, a custom was generally
established of holding the agapæ only under trees, or some other
shelter, in the neighbourhood of the churches; and from that time the
clergy and other principal members of the Church were recommended to
withdraw from them altogether.
In the early Church it was usual to celebrate agapæ on the festivals of
martyrs, _agapæ natalitiæ_, at their tombs; a practice to which
reference is made in the epistle of the church of Smyrna, concerning the
martyrdom of Polycarp.
These feasts were sometimes celebrated on a smaller scale at marriages,
_agapæ connubiales_, and funerals, _agapæ funerales_.
The celebration of the agapæ was frequently made a subject of calumny
and misrepresentation by the enemies of the Christian faith, even during
the earliest and best ages of the Church. In reply to these groundless
attacks, the conduct of the Christians of those times was successfully
vindicated by Tertullian, Minucius Felix, Origen, and others. But real
disorders having afterwards arisen, and having proceeded to considerable
lengths, it became necessary to abolish the practice altogether; and
this task was eventually effected, but not without the application of
various means, and only after a considerable lapse of time.—_Riddle,
from Augusti and Siegel._
AGAPETÆ. In St. Cyprian’s time certain ascetics (who wished, perhaps, to
add to their religious celibacy the additional merit of a conquest over
a special and greater temptation) chose persons of the other sex,
devoted like themselves to a life of celibacy, with whom they lived
under the sanction of a kind of spiritual nuptials, still maintaining
their chastity, as they professed, though living, in all things else, as
freely together as married persons. These were called _Agapetæ_,
_Subintroductæ_, Συνείσακτοι. This practice, however pure in intention,
gave rise to the utmost scandal in the Church; and those who had adopted
it were condemned severely, both by the individual authority of St.
Cyprian, and afterwards by the decrees of councils. See Dodwell’s
_Dissertationes Cyprianicæ_.
AGISTMENT. The feeding of cattle in a common pasture for a stipulated
price; and hence tithe of agistment is the tithe due for the profit made
by agisting. The Irish parliament, in the last century, most
iniquitously declared that man an enemy of his country who should demand
tithe of agistment.—_Jebb._
AGNOETES or AGNOETÆ. (ἀ and γνῶμι.) A sort of Christian heretics about
the year 370, followers of Theophronius the Cappadocian, who joined
himself with Eunomius; they called in question the omniscience of GOD,
alleging that he knew not things past in any other way than by memory,
nor things to come but by an uncertain prescience.
AGNOETES. Another sort of heretics about the year 535, who followed the
errors of Themistius, deacon of Alexandria, who believed that CHRIST
knew not when the day of judgment should happen.
AGNUS DEI. A cake of wax, used in the Romish Church, stamped with the
figure of a lamb supporting the banner of the cross. The name literally
signifies _The Lamb of_ GOD. These cakes, being consecrated by the pope
with great solemnity, and distributed among the people, are supposed to
possess great virtues. They cover them with a piece of stuff, cut in the
form of a heart, and carry them very devoutly in their processions. From
selling these _Agnus_ DEIS to some, and presenting them to others, the
Romish clergy and religious officers derive considerable pecuniary
advantage. The practice of blessing the Agnus DEI took its rise about
the seventh or eighth century. It was common in those times to mark
converts with the sign of the cross after baptism; and in order to
distinguish the converted from heathens, they were commanded to wear
about their necks pieces of white wax stamped with the figure of a lamb.
This was done in imitation of the heathenish practice of hanging amulets
around the neck, as preservatives against accidents, diseases, or any
sort of infection. Though the efficacy of an Agnus DEI has not been
declared by Romish councils, the belief in its virtue has been strongly
and universally established in the Church of Rome. Pope Urban V. sent to
John Palæologus, emperor of the Greeks, an Agnus folded in fine paper,
on which were written verses explaining all its properties. These verses
declare that the Agnus is formed of balm and wax mixed with chrism, and
that being consecrated by mystical words, it possesses the power of
removing thunder and dispersing storms, of giving to women with child an
easy delivery, of preventing shipwreck, taking away sin, repelling the
devil, increasing riches, and of securing against fire.
AISLE. (_Ala._) The lateral divisions of a church, or of any part of it,
as nave, choir, or transept, are called its aisles. (See _Church_.)
Where there is but one aisle to a transept, it is always at the east. In
foreign churches the number of aisles is frequently two on either side
of the nave and choir; at Cologne there are three. This arrangement is
very ancient, since it is found in the Basilicas of St. John, Lateran,
and St. Paul, at Rome. In England this was never perhaps the original
plan. All, except one on each side, are clearly additions at Chichester,
Manchester, St. Michael’s, Coventry, Spalding, and several other
churches.
The last bay to the west, or that westward of the porch in the south
aisle, is generally a little earlier in character than the rest. It
frequently happens, too, that the north aisle is of an earlier type than
the south, where there is no reason to suppose them of different dates.
There is no sufficient reason assigned for this. The word has been very
commonly, but incorrectly, applied to the open space in the nave of
churches between the seats of the congregation.
AISE. A linen napkin to cover the chalice used in Bishop Andrew’s
chapel, and in Canterbury cathedral, before the rebellion. See
_Canterbury’s Doom_, 1646, _Neale’s Hist. of Puritans_.
ALB. An ample linen tunic with sleeves, named from its colour, (_albus_,
white,) worn next over the cassock and amice. It was at first loose and
flowing, afterwards bound with a zone, mystically signifying continence,
according to some ritualists; but more probably for the greater
convenience of ministering at the communion office. It has been in other
points considerably altered from its primitive form in the continental
churches subject to Rome; in the Greek churches it more nearly resembles
the form of the surplice used in the English Church. Cardinal Bona
admits that the alb, as well as the surplice, was anciently _talaris_,
that is, reaching to the feet, and it was therefore called _podéris_ in
the Greek Church. It was made originally of white linen; and was
probably the same as the surplice, from which it now differs only in the
form of the sleeves, which are not flowing, but closed at the wrists.
The rubrics of King Edward VI.’s First Book prescribed the alb to be
worn at the communion by the principal minister and his assistants, and
by the bishop at all times of his public ministrations. These rubrics
are referred to in our present Prayer Book, in the notice preceding the
Morning Prayer: “And here it is to be noted, that such ornaments of the
Church, and of the ministers thereof at all times of their
ministrations, shall be retained and be in use as were in this Church of
England by the authority of parliament, in the second year of the reign
of King Edward VI.” Most of our most eminent ritualists, and
constitutional lawyers, have considered the rubric of King Edward VI. as
still binding in strictness of law. The 58th Canon apparently, but not
really, contradicts these rubrics, as it prescribes a _surplice with
sleeves_, to be used at the communion as well as at other services. But
it is to be observed that an alb is, in fact, a surplice with sleeves;
and by these very rubrics the terms seem to be almost convertible, as
the bishop is enjoined to wear a _surplice_ or _alb_: and in the rubric
after the communion, regulating the Wednesday and Friday services, the
priest is to wear a plain _alb or surplice_. But even if the canon did
contradict the rubric, it ought to be remembered that the rubric of 1662
is the final enactment of the Church, and plainly ought to supersede the
enactment of 1604. The English alb is enjoined to be _plain_, that is,
not ornamental with lace, or gold, as was the mediæval custom.—_Jebb._
ALBATI. A sort of Christian hermits (so called from the white linen
which they wore). Anno 1399, in the time of Pope Boniface IX., they came
down from the Alps into several provinces of Italy, having for their
guide a priest clothed all in white, and a crucifix in his hand: he
pretended so much zeal and religion, that he was taken for a saint, and
his followers multiplied so fast, that the pope, growing jealous of
their leader’s aiming at his chair, sent soldiers, who apprehended and
put him to death, upon which his followers dispersed. They professed
sorrow and weeping for the sins and calamities of the times, they ate
together in the highways, and slept promiscuously like beasts.
ALBIGENSES. Certain religionists who sprung up in the twelfth century.
They received their name from a town in Aquitaine, called Albigia or
Alby, where their tenets were first condemned in a council held in the
year 1176. The Albigenses grew so formidable, that the court of Rome
determined upon a league or crusade against them. Pope Innocent III.,
desirous to put a stop to their progress, stirred up the great men of
France to make war upon them. After suffering cruelly from their
persecutors, they dwindled by little and little, till the time of the
Reformation; when such of them as were left fell in with the Vaudois,
and conformed to the doctrine of Zuinglius and the disciples of Geneva.
The Albigenses have been frequently confounded with the Waldenses; from
whom however it is said that they differed in many respects, both as
being prior to them in point of time, as having their origin in a
different country, and as being charged with divers heresies,
particularly Manicheism, from which the Waldenses were exempt.
ALBIS (_Dominica in_). See _Low Sunday_.
ALIENATION, ecclesiastically speaking, is the improper disposal of such
lands and goods as have become the property of the Church. These being
looked upon as devoted to GOD and his service, to part with them, or
divert them to any other use, may be considered as no less than the sin
of sacrilege. Upon some extraordinary occasions, however, as the
redemption of captives from slavery, or the relief of the poor in the
time of famine, this was permitted; in which cases it was not unusual to
sell even the sacred vessels and utensils of the church. Some canons, if
the annual income of the church was not sufficient to maintain the
clergy, allowed the bishop to sell certain goods of the church for that
purpose. By subsequent canons, however, this was prevented, unless the
consent of the clergy was obtained, and the sanction of the
metropolitan, lest, under the pretence of necessity or charity, any
spoil or devastation should be made on the revenues of the church. See
_Bing. Orig. Eccl._ lib. v. ch. vi. s. 6.
ALIENATION IN MORTMAIN, is the conveying or making over lands or
tenements to any religious house or other corporate body.
ALLELUIA, or HALLELUJAH. This is a Hebrew word signifying _Praise the_
LORD, or _Praise to the_ LORD. It occurs at the beginning and at the end
of many of the Psalms, and was always sung by the Jews on solemn days of
rejoicing. An expression very similar in sound seems to have been used
in many nations, who can hardly be supposed to have borrowed it from the
Jews. Hence it has been supposed to be one of the most ancient words of
devotion. St. John retains the word without translation (Rev. xix. 1, 3,
4, 6); and among the early Christians it was so usual to sing
_Hallelujah_, that St. Jerome says little children were acquainted with
it.
In evident imitation of the Jewish custom, the Church has from very
early times, at least during the season of Easter, preceded the daily
Psalms with _Alleluia_, or _Praise ye the LORD_. In the Roman and
unreformed offices it was disused during certain penitential seasons;
while Alleluia was used in other parts of the service also during the
Easter season, &c. In the First Book of King Edward VI., Allelujah was
sung after “Praise ye the Lord,” from Easter to Trinity Sunday. The
response, “The Lord’s name be praised,” was added at the last review. It
had been inserted in the Scotch Liturgy in King Charles I.’s time. (See
_Gloria Patri_.)—_Jebb._
ALL SAINTS’ DAY. The festival of All Saints is not of very high
antiquity. About the year 610, the bishop of Rome ordered that the
heathen Pantheon, a temple dedicated to all the gods, should be
converted into a Christian church. This was done, and it was
appropriately dedicated to the honour of All Martyrs; hence came the
origin of All Saints, which was then celebrated on the first of May. In
the year 834 it was changed to November 1st, on which day it is still
observed. Our Church having, in the course of her year, celebrated the
memories of the holy apostles, and the other most eminent saints and
martyrs of the first days of the gospel, deems it unnecessary to extend
her calendar by any other particular festivals, but closes her course
with this general one. It should be the Christian’s delight, on this
day, to reflect, as he is moved by the appointed scriptures, on the
Christian graces and virtues which have been exhibited by that goodly
fellowship of saints who, in all ages, have honoured GOD in their lives,
and glorified him in their deaths; he should pray for grace to follow
them “in all virtuous and godly living;” he should meditate on the
glorious rest that remains for the people of GOD, on which they have
entered; he should gratefully contemplate that communion of saints which
unites him to their holy fellowship, even while he is here militant, if
he be a faithful disciple of the SAVIOUR in whom they trusted; he should
earnestly seek that grace whereby, after a short further time of trial,
he may be united with them in the everlasting services of the Church
triumphant. The Church of England seems to have been induced to sum up
the commemoration of martyrs, confessors, doctors, and saints in this
one day’s service, from the circumstance of the great number of such
days in the Church of Rome having led to gross abuses, some of which are
enumerated in the preface to the Book of Common Prayer.
This day was popularly called “Allhallows day.” “Hallow E’en” in
Scotland, and “Holy Eve” in Ireland, means the eve of all Saints’ Day.
This day is celebrated as a high festival, or _scarlet_ day, at the
Universities of Oxford and Cambridge.
ALL SOULS. A festival or holiday of the Romish Church, on which special
prayers are made for the benefit of the souls of the departed. Its
observance has been traced back to the year 998; about which time, we
are told, a certain monk, whose curiosity had led him to visit Mount
Ætna, which he, in common with others of that age, verily believed to be
the mouth of hell, returned to his abbot with the grave story that he
had overheard “the devils within complain, that many departed souls were
taken out of their hands by the prayers of the Cluniac monks.” (See
_Clugni_.) The compassionate abbot took the hint, and set apart the
second day of November, to be annually kept by his monks as a day of
prayer for _All Souls_ departed. This local appointment was afterwards
changed by the pope into a general one, obligatory on all the Western
Churches. The ceremonies observed on this day were in good keeping with
the purpose of its institution. In behalf of the dead, persons arrayed
in black perambulated the cities and towns, each provided with a loud
and dismal-toned bell, which they rang in public places by way of
exhortation to the people to remember the souls in purgatory, and give
them the aid of their prayers. In France and Italy, at the present day,
the annual _Jour des Morts_ is observed, by the population resuming
their mourning habits, and visiting the graves of their friends for many
years after their decease. At the period of the Reformation, the Church
of England abrogated altogether the observance of this day, as based on
false doctrine, and as originating in a falsehood.
ALMONER. An officer in monasteries, who had the care of the Almonry. In
the cathedral of St. Paul, London, the Almoner had the distribution of
the alms, and the care of the burial of the poor. He also educated eight
boys in music and in literature, for the service of the Church. The
office afterwards was practically that of a Chori-master, or Master of
the Boys, and was usually held by a Vicar Choral. See _Dugdale’s History
of St. Paul’s_.
The Lord High Almoner is a Prelate, who has the disposing of the King’s
Alms, and of other sums accruing to the Crown. Till King James I.’s
accession, when the office of Dean of the Chapel Royal was revived, he
had the care of the King’s Chapel; his office being then analogous to
that of the Grand Almoner of France. See _Heylin’s Life of Laud_.
ALMONRY. A room where alms were distributed, generally near to the
church, or a part of it. The Almonries in the principal monasteries were
often great establishments, with endowments specially appropriated to
their sustentation, having a chapel, hall, and chambers for the
accommodation of the poor and infirm. The remains of the Almonry at
Canterbury, for example, are extensive and interesting.—_Jebb._
ALMS. In the primitive Church, the people who were of sufficient
substance used to give alms to the poor every Sunday, as they entered
the church. And the poor, who were approved and selected by the deacons
or other ministers, were exhorted to stand before the church doors to
ask for alms, as the lame man, who was healed by Peter and John, at the
Beautiful Gate of the temple. The order in our Church is, that these
alms should be collected at that part of the communion service which is
called the Offertory, while the sentences are in reading which follow
the place appointed for the sermon. The intention of the compilers of
our service was, that these alms should be collected every Sunday, as is
plain from the directions in the rubric; and this, whether there was a
communion or not. It is much to be regretted that the decay of charity
has caused this good custom to fall into too general disuse; and it is
one which all sincere churchmen should endeavour to restore. The alms
are, and have immemorially been, collected every Sunday in Ireland.
ALMS-CHEST. Besides the alms collected at the offertory, it may be
supposed that devout persons would make contributions to the poor on
entering the church, or departing from it, at evening service; and to
receive these alms, it is appointed by the 84th Canon, that a chest be
provided and placed in the church.
ALOGIANS. Heretics in the second century, who denied the Divine Logos,
or Word, and attributed the writings of St. John, in which the Second
Person of the Godhead is so styled, to Cerinthus.
ALTAR. Altar was the name by which the holy board was constantly
distinguished for the first three hundred years after CHRIST; during all
which time it does not appear that it was above once called “table,” and
that was in a letter of Dionysius of Alexandria to Xystus of Rome. And
when, in the fourth century, Athanasius called it a “table,” he thought
himself obliged to explain the word, and to let the reader know that by
_table_ he meant _altar_, that being then the constant and familiar
name. Afterwards, indeed, both names came to be promiscuously used; the
one having respect to the _oblation_ of the eucharist, the other to the
_participation_: but it was always placed altar-wise in the most sacred
part of the church, and fenced in with rails to secure it from
irreverence and disrespect.—_Wheatly._
In King Edward’s first service-book the word _altar_ was permitted to
stand, as being the name that Christians for many hundred years had been
acquainted withal. Therefore, when there was such pulling down of altars
and setting up of tables in Queen Elizabeth’s reign, she was fain to
make an injunction to restrain such ungodly fury, and appointed decent
and comely tables covered to be set up again in the same place where the
altars stood, thereby giving an interpretation of this clause in our
communion-book. For the word “table” here stands not exclusively, as if
it might not be called an altar, but to show the indifferency and
liberty of the name; as of old it was called “mensa DOMINI,” the table
of the LORD; the one having reference to the participation, the other to
the oblation, of the eucharist.—_Bp. Cosin._
It is called an _altar_, 1. Because, the holy eucharist being considered
as a sacrifice, we offer up the commemoration of that sacrifice which
was offered upon the cross. 2. We offer, with the action, prayers to GOD
for all good things, and we need not fear to call the whole action by
the name of a sacrifice, seeing part of it is an oblation to GOD of
hearty prayers, and it is not unusual for that to be said of the whole,
which is exactly true but of one part; and as the word _sacrifice_ may
be used without danger, so also the ancient Church did understand it.
And it is called a _table_, the eucharist being considered as a
sacrament; which is nothing else but a distribution and application of
the sacrifice to the receivers; and the proper use of a table is to set
food upon, and to entertain guests, both which are applicable to
this.—_Clutterbuck._
But at the beginning of the Reformation an unhappy dispute arose, viz.
whether those tables of the altar fashion, which had been used in the
Popish times, and on which masses had been celebrated, should still be
continued? This point was first started by Bishop Hooper, who in a
sermon before the king, in the third year of his reign, declared, “that
it were well, if it might please the magistrate to have altars turned
into tables; to take away the false persuasion of the people, which they
have of sacrifice, to be done upon altars; because as long,” says he,
“as altars remain, both the ignorant people and priests will dream of
sacrifice.” This occasioned not only a couple of letters from the king
and council, one of which was sent to all the bishops, and the other to
Ridley, bishop of London, in both which they were required to pull down
the altars; but also that, when the liturgy was reviewed in 1551, the
above-said rubric was altered, and in the room of it the priest was
directed to stand on the north side of the table. But this did not put
an end to the controversy. Another dispute arising, viz. whether the
table, placed in the room of the altar, ought to stand altar-wise; i. e.
in the same place and situation as the altar formerly stood? This was
the occasion that in some churches the tables were placed in the middle
of the chancels, in others at the east part thereof, next to the wall.
Bishop Ridley endeavoured to compromise this matter, and therefore, in
St. Paul’s cathedral, suffered the table to stand in the place of the
old altar; but beating down the wainscot partition behind, laid all the
choir open to the east, leaving the table then to stand in the middle of
the chancel. Under this diversity of usage, things went on till the
death of King Edward; when, Queen Mary coming to the throne, altars were
again restored wherever they had been demolished; but her reign proving
short, and Queen Elizabeth succeeding her, the people, (just got free
again from the tyranny of Popery,) through a mistaken zeal fell in a
tumultuous manner to the pulling down of altars; though, indeed, this
happened for the generality only in private churches, they not being
meddled with in any of the queen’s palaces, and in but very few of the
cathedrals. And as soon as the queen was sensible of what had happened
in other places, she put out an injunction to restrain the fury of the
people, declaring it to be no matter of great moment, whether there were
altars or tables, so that the sacrament was duly and reverently
administered; but ordering, that where altars were taken down, holy
tables should be decently made, and set in the place where the altars
stood, and so to stand, saving when the communion of the sacrament was
to be distributed; at which time the same was to be so placed in good
sort within the chancel, as thereby the minister might be more
conveniently heard of the communicants in his prayer and ministration,
and the communicants also more conveniently and in more number
communicate with the said minister. And after the communion, done from
time to time, the same holy table was to be placed where it stood
before. Pursuant hereunto, this part of the present rubric was added to
the liturgy, in the first year of her reign, viz. that “the table, at
the communion time, having a fair white linen cloth upon it, shall stand
in the body of the church, or in the chancel, where morning and evening
prayer are appointed to be said:” which was in those times generally in
the choir. But then it is plain from the aforesaid injunction, as well
as from the eighty-second Canon of the Church, (which is almost verbatim
the same,) that there is no obligation arising from this rubric to move
the table at the time of the communion, unless the people cannot
otherwise conveniently hear and communicate. The injunction declares,
that the holy tables are to be set in the same place where the altars
stood, which every one knows was at the east end of the chancel. And
when both the injunction and canon speak of its being moved at the time
of the communion, it supposes that the minister could not otherwise be
heard: the interposition of a belfry between the chancel and body of the
church hindering the minister in some churches from being heard by the
people, if he continued in the church. And with the same view seems this
rubric to have been added, and which therefore lays us under no
obligation to move the table, unless necessity requires. But whenever
the churches are built so as the minister can be heard, and conveniently
administer the sacrament at the place where the table usually stands, he
is rather obliged to administer in the chancel, (that being the _sanctum
sanctorum_, or most holy place, of the church,) as appears from the
rubric before the Commandments, as also from that before the Absolution,
by both which rubrics the priest is directed to turn himself to the
people. From whence I argue, that if the table be in the middle of the
church, and the people consequently round about the minister, the
minister cannot turn himself to the people any more at one time than
another. Whereas, if the table be close to the east wall, the minister
stands on the north side, and looks southward, and consequently, by
looking westward, turns himself to the people.—_Wheatly._
Great dispute has been raised in the last age about the name of the
communion table, whether it was to be called the Holy Table or an Altar.
And indeed anything will afford matter of controversy to men in a
disputing age. For the ancient writers used both names indifferently;
some calling it Altar, others the Lord’s Table, the Holy Table, the
Mystical Table, the Tremendous Table, &c., and sometimes both Table and
Altar in the same sentence ... Ignatius uses only the name θυσιαστήριον,
_altar_, in his genuine Epistles ... Irenæus and Origen use the same
name ... Tertullian frequently applies to it the name of Ara Dei and
Altare ... Cyprian uses both names; but most commonly Altar ... It is
certain they did not mean by the altar what the Jews and heathens meant;
either an altar dressed up with images, or an altar for bloody
sacrifices. In the first sense they rejected altars, both name and
thing. But for their own mystical, unbloody sacrifice, as they called
the eucharist, they always owned they had an altar.... In Chrysostom it
is most usually termed, “the mystical and tremendous table,” &c. St.
Austin usually gives it the name of Mensa Domini, the Lord’s Table. It
were easy to add a thousand other testimonies, where the altar is called
the Holy Table, to signify to us their notion of the Christian sacrifice
and altar at once, that it was mystical and spiritual, and had no
relation either to the bloody sacrifices of the Jews, or the idolatries
of the Gentiles, but served only for the service of the eucharist, and
the oblations of the people.—_Bingham._
In the First Book of King Edward, the terms used for this holy table are
the _Altar_, and _God’s Board_. In our present Prayer Book, it is styled
the _Table_, the _Holy Table_, and the _Lord’s Table_. The phrase
communion table occurs in the Canons only, as in the 20th, and the 82nd.
The word altar is used in the Coronation Service. It is employed without
scruple by Bishop Overall, one of the commissioners for the revision of
the Liturgy in King James I.’s reign, and by those who were employed in
the last Review in 1662, who of course understood the real spirit of the
Church of England. For example, the following are the words of Bishop
Sparrow, one of the Reviewers.
“That no man take offence at the word _Altar_, let him know, that
anciently both these names, _Altar_, or _Holy Table_, were used for the
same thing; though most frequently the fathers and councils use the word
_Altar_. And both are fit names for that holy thing. For the holy
eucharist being considered as a _sacrifice_, in the representation of
the breaking of the bread, and pouring forth of the cup, doing that to
the holy symbols which was done to Christ’s body and blood, and so
showing forth and commemorating the Lord’s death, and offering upon it
the same sacrifice that was offered upon the cross, or rather the
commemoration of that sacrifice, (St. Chrysost. in Heb. x. 9,) it may
fitly be called an _Altar_; which again is as fitly called an _Holy
Table_, the Eucharist being considered as a _Sacrament_, which is
nothing else but a distribution and application of the sacrifice to the
several receivers.”
And Bishop Cosins, who (_Nicholl’s_ add. notes, p. 42) speaks of the
king and queen presenting their offering “on their knees at God’s
altar:” though he adds afterwards, (p. 50,) on the passage “This our
sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving,”—“In which regard and divers
others besides, the eucharist may by allusion, analogy, and extrinsical
denomination, be fitly called a sacrifice, and the Lord’s table an
altar, the one relating to the other; though neither of them can be
strictly and properly so called.... The sacrament of the eucharist
carries the name of a sacrifice; and the table, whereon it is
celebrated, an altar of oblation, in a far higher sense than any of
their former sacrifices did, which were but the types and figures of
those services, which are performed in recognition and memory of
Christ’s own sacrifice, once offered upon the altar of his cross.”
Again, Bishop _Beveridge, on the necessity, &c., of frequent communion_,
uses the word; “Upon Sundays and holy days, although there be not such a
number, and therefore no communion, yet, however, the priest shall go up
to the _altar_,” &c.
And Bishop Bull (_Charge to the Clergy of St. David’s_): “Before the
priest goes to the _altar_ to read the second service,” &c.
Hence, though not presuming to dispute the wisdom of the Reviewers, or,
to speak more reverently, the dispositions of God’s providence, whereby
the use of the word altar was withheld from our Prayer Book, there can
be no doubt that the employment of the word can be justified, if we
understand it as the ancient Church understood it.—_Jebb._
According to Bingham, the ancient altars were of wood; and he considers
that the fashion of stone altars began in the time of Constantine. Stone
altars were enjoined by the Council of Epone, (or Albon,) in France, A.
D. 509 or 517; and throughout the whole of the time to which we look for
architectural examples, altars were of stone.
The place of the high altar was uniformly, in England at least, at the
east of the church; but in large churches room is left for processions
to pass behind it, and in cathedral churches of Norman foundation for
the bishop’s throne. Where the end of the church was apsidal, the high
altar was placed in the chord of the apse. Chantry altars, not being
connected with a service in which processions were used, were placed
against the wall, and scarcely an aisle or a transept was without one or
more. In form the high altar was generally large and plain, relying for
decoration wholly on the rich furniture with which it was loaded; very
rarely its front was panelled or otherwise ornamented. Chantry altars
were, perhaps, in ninety-nine cases in a hundred, mere slabs built into
the wall. At Jervaulx, however, at the end of each aisle, is a large
plain altar built up of separate stones, much in the form of a high
tomb. _In situ_ but few high altars remain, but chantry altars _in situ_
are frequent enough. They are not, however, often found in the aisles
and transepts of our churches, but in places where they would more
readily escape observation, as, for instance, under the east window (or
forming its sill) of a vestry, or of a parvise, or in a gateway to a
monastery, or in private chapels and chapels of castles. Altar stones
not _in situ_, but used in pavements and all places, are almost
innumerable, sometimes two or three or more occurring in a single small
church. They may be recognised by five little crosses, one in the
centre, and one at each corner. The multiplication of altars in the same
church is still strictly forbidden in the Eastern Church, as it was in
ancient times. (Vide _Bingham_, book viii. c. 6, § 16.)—_Poole._
ALTARAGE, a legal term used to denote the profits arising to the priest
or parson of the parish on account of the altar, called _obventio
altaris_. Since the Reformation there has been much dispute as to the
extent of the vicar’s claim upon tithes as altarage. In the 21st Eliz.
it was decided that the words _Alteragium cum manso competenti_ would
entitle him to the small tithes; but it has since been holden and now
generally understood, that the extent of the altarage depends entirely
upon usage and the manner of endowment.
ALTAR CLOTH. By the 82nd Canon it is appointed that the table provided
for the celebration of the holy communion shall be covered, in time of
divine service, with a carpet of silk, or other decent stuff thought
meet by the ordinary of the place, if any question be made of it; and
with a fair linen cloth at the time of the ministration, as becometh
that table. The sovereigns of England, at their coronation, present, as
their first oblation, a pall or altar cloth of gold, &c.
ALTAR PIECE. A picture placed over the altar. It is not uncommon in
English churches to place paintings over the altar, although it is a
practice of modern introduction, and although there would be a prejudice
against placing paintings in other parts of the church. The English
Reformers were very strongly opposed to the introduction of paintings
into the sanctuary. In Queen Elizabeth’s reign, a proclamation was
issued against pictures as well as images in churches; and Dean Nowell
fell under her Majesty’s displeasure for procuring for her use a Prayer
Book with pictures. The Puritans, who formed the religious world of King
Charles’s time, both in the Church and out of it, destroyed pictures
wherever they could find them, as relics of Popery. We may add that the
feeling against pictures prevailed not only in modern times, but in the
first ages of the primitive Church. In the various catalogues of church
furniture that we possess, we never read of pictures. There is a
particular breviat of the things found by the persecutors in the church
of Paul, bishop of Cirta, in Numidia, (A. D. 303,) where we find mention
made of cups, flagons, two candlesticks, and vestments; but of images
and pictures there is not a syllable. In Spain, at the Council of
Eliberis, A. D. 305, there was a positive decree against them. And, at
the end of this century, Epiphanius, passing through Anablatha, a
village of Palestine, found a veil there, hanging before the doors of
the sanctuary in the church, whereon was painted the image of CHRIST, or
some saint, which he immediately tore in pieces, and gave it as a
winding-sheet for the poor, himself replacing the hanging by one from
Cyprus. The first mention of pictures we find at the close of the fourth
century; when Paulinus, bishop of Nola, to keep the country people
employed, when they came together to observe the festival of the
dedication of the church of St. Felix, ordered the church to be painted
with the images of saints, and stories from Scripture history, such as
those of Esther and Job, and Tobit and Judith. (_Paulinus_, _Natal. 9.
Felicis_, p. 615.) The reader will find a learned historical
investigation of this subject in note B to the translation of
Tertullian’s Apology in the _Library of the Fathers_, which is thus
summed up: 1. In the first three centuries it is positively stated that
Christians had no images. 2. Private individuals had pictures, but it
was discouraged. (_Aug._) 3. The cross, not the crucifix, was used; the
first mention of the cross in a church is in the time of Constantine. 4.
The first mention of pictures in churches, except to forbid them, is at
the end of the fourth century, and these historical pictures from the
Old Testament, or of martyrdoms, not of individuals. 5. No account of
any picture of our LORD being publicly used occurs in the six first
centuries; the first is A. D. 600. 6. Outward reverence to pictures is
condemned. We find frequent allusion to pictures in the writings of St.
Augustine. We thus see that the use of pictures in churches is to be
traced to the fourth century; and we may presume that the practice of
the age, when the Church was beginning to breathe after its severe
persecutions, when the great creed of the Church Universal was drawn up,
and when the canon of Scripture was fixed, is sufficient to sanction the
use of pictures in our sanctuaries. That in the middle ages, pictures as
well as images were sometimes worshipped, as they are by many Papists in
the present day, is not to be denied. It was therefore natural that the
Reformers, seeing the abuse of the thing, should be strongly prejudiced
against the retention of pictures in our churches. But much of Romish
error consists in the abuse of what was originally good or true. We may,
in the present age, return to the use of what was originally good; but
being warned that what has led to Popish corruptions may lead to them
again, we must be very careful to watch against the recurrence of those
evil practices to which these customs have been abused or perverted.
ALTAR RAILS, as such, and as distinguished from the chancel screen, were
not known in the Western Church before the Reformation. We probably owe
them to Archbishop Laud, who, in order to guard against a continuance of
the profanations to which the holy table had been subjected, while
standing in the nave of the church, or in the middle of the chancel,
ordered that it should be placed at the east end of the chancel, and
protected from rude approach by rails. As the use of altar rails arose
out of, and visibly signified respect for, the great mysteries
celebrated at the altar, they were, of course, a mark for the hostility
of the Puritans; and accordingly, in the journal of William Dowsing,
parliamentary visitor of churches in the great rebellion, we find that
they were everywhere destroyed. They have generally, however, been
restored; and there are now few churches in England where they are not
found. In the East, the altar has been enclosed by a screen or an
enclosure resembling our rails, from ancient times. These were at first
only the cancelli, or κίγκλιδες, or, as Eusebius styles them,
_reticulated_ wood-work. They were afterwards enlarged into the holy
doors, which now wholly conceal the altar, and which Goar admits to be
an innovation of later times. (pp. 17, 18.) These are not to be
confounded with the enclosure of the choir; which, like the chancel
screen, was originally very low, a mere barrier, but was enlarged
afterwards into the high screens which now shut out the choir from the
church.—_Jebb._
ALTAR SCREEN. A screen behind the altar, bounding the presbytery
eastward, and in our larger churches separating it from the parts left
free for processions between the presbytery and the Lady Chapel, when
the latter is at the east end. (See _Cathedral_.) These screens were of
comparatively late invention. They completely interfered with the
ancient arrangement of the _Apsis_. (See _Apsis_.) The most magnificent
specimens of altar screens are at Winchester cathedral, and at St.
Alban’s abbey. In college chapels, and churches where an apse would be
altogether out of place, and where an east window cannot be inserted, as
at New College, and Magdalene, Oxford, they are as appropriate as they
are beautiful.—_Jebb._
AMBO. A kind of raised platform or reading desk, from which, in the
primitive Church, the Gospel and Epistle were read to the people, and
sometimes used in preaching. Its position appears to have varied at
different times; it was most frequently on the north side of the
entrance into the chancel. Sometimes there was one on each side, one for
the Epistle, the other for the Gospel, as may still be seen in the
ancient churches of St. Clement and St. Lawrence, at Rome, &c. The word
Ambo has been popularly employed for a reading desk within memory, as in
Limerick cathedral, where the desk for the lessons in the centre of the
choir was so called. The singers also had their separate ambo, and in
many of the foreign European churches it is employed by the precentor
and principal singers; being placed in the middle of the choir, like an
eagle, but turned towards the altar.—_Jebb._
AMBROSIAN OFFICE. A particular office used in the church of Milan. It
derives its name from St. Ambrose, who was bishop of Milan in the fourth
century, although it is not certain that he took any part in its
composition. Originally each church had its particular office; and even
when Pope Pius V. took upon him to impose the Roman office on all the
Western churches, that of Milan sheltered itself under the name and
authority of St. Ambrose, and the Ambrosian Ritual has continued in
use.—_Brouqhton, Gueranger._
AMEDIEU, or Friends of GOD. A kind of religious congregation in the
Church of Rome, who wore grey clothes and wooden shoes, had no breeches,
girding themselves with a cord; they began in 1400, and grew numerous;
but Pius V. united their society partly with that of the Cistercians,
and partly with the Soccolanti.—_Jebb._
AMEN. This, in the phraseology of the Church, is denominated _orationis
signaculum_, or _devotæ conscionis responsio_, the token for prayer—the
response of the worshippers. It intimates that the prayer of the speaker
is heard, and approved by him who gives this response. It is also used
at the conclusion of a doxology. (Rom. ix. 5.) Justin Martyr is the
first of the fathers who speaks of the use of the response. In speaking
of the sacrament he says, that, at the close of the benediction and
prayer, all the assembly respond, “Amen,” which, in the Hebrew tongue,
is the same as, “So let it be.” According to Tertullian, none but the
faithful were permitted to join in the response.
In the celebration of the LORD’S supper especially, each communicant was
required to give this response in a tone of earnest devotion. Upon the
reception, both of the bread and of the wine, each uttered a loud
“Amen;” and at the close of the consecration by the priest, all joined
in shouting a loud “Amen.” But the practice was discontinued after the
sixth century.
At the administration of baptism also, the witnesses and sponsors
uttered this response in the same manner. In the Greek Church it was
customary to repeat this response as follows: “This servant of the LORD
is baptized in the name of the FATHER, Amen; and of the SON, Amen; and
of the HOLY GHOST, Amen; both now and for ever, world without end;” to
which the people responded, “Amen.” This usage is still observed by the
Greek Church in Russia. The repetitions were given thrice, with
reference to the three persons of the Trinity.—_Coleman’s Christian
Antiquities._
It signifies truly or verily. Its import varies slightly with the
connexion or position in which it is placed. In the New Testament it is
frequently synonymous with “verily,” and is retained in some versions
without being translated. At the conclusion of prayer, as the Catechism
teaches, it signifies _So be it_; after the repetition of the Creed it
means _So it is_.
It will be observed, that the word “Amen” is at the end of some prayers,
the Creed, &c., printed in the same Roman letter, but of others, and
indeed generally, in Italics—“_Amen_.” This seems not to be done without
meaning, though unfortunately the distinction is not correctly observed
in all the modern Prayer Books. The intention, according to Wheatly, is
this: At the end of all the collects and prayers, which the priest is to
repeat or say alone, it is printed in Italic, a different character from
the prayers themselves, probably to denote that the minister is to stop
at the end of the prayer, and to leave the “Amen” for the people to
respond. But at the end of the LORD’S Prayer, Confessions, Creeds, &c.,
and wheresoever the people are to join aloud with the minister, as if
taught and instructed by him what to say, there it is printed in Roman,
i. e. in the same character with the Confessions and Creeds themselves,
as a hint to the minister that he is still to go on, and by pronouncing
the “Amen” himself, to direct the people to do the same, and so to set
their seal at last to what they had been before pronouncing.
AMERICA. (See _Church in America_.)
AMICE. An oblong square of fine linen used as a vestment in the ancient
Church by the priest. At first introduced to cover the shoulders and
neck, it afterwards received the addition of a hood to cover the head
until the priest came before the altar, when the hood was thrown back.
We have the remains of this in the hood.
The “grey amice,” a tippet or cape of fur, was retained for a time by
the English clergy after the Reformation; but, as there was no express
authority for this, it was prohibited by the bishops in the reign of
Elizabeth.
The word _Amice_ is sometimes used with greater latitude. Thus Milton,
(_Par. Reg._ iv.,)
——morning fair
Came forth, with pilgrim steps, in _amice_ grey.
By most ritualists, the _Amictus_, or _Amicia_, and the _Almutium_, of
the Western Churches were considered the same. But W. Gilbert French, in
an interesting and curiously illustrated Essay on “The Tippets of the
Canons Ecclesiastical,” considers that there is a distinction between
the _amice_ and the _almuce_. The former he identifies with the
definition given above. The latter he considers to be the choir tippet,
worn by all members of cathedral churches, of materials varying with the
ecclesiastical rank of the wearer. The hood part of the almuce was in
the course of time disused, and a square cap substituted; and the
remaining parts gave rise to the modern cape, worn in foreign churches,
and to the ornament resembling the stole, like the ordinary scarf worn
in our churches. The almuce, or “aumusse,” is now an ornament of fur or
other materials carried over the arm by the canons of many French and
other continental cathedrals. In the _Dictionnaire de Droit Canonique_
(Lymr. 1787) it is defined as an ornament which was first borne on the
head, afterwards carried on the arm. Cardinal Bona only mentions the
_amictus_, describing it as in the first paragraph of this article. He
identifies it, but certainly without any reason, with the Jewish ephod.
There seems nothing improbable in the various terms above mentioned
having been originally identical. (See _Band_, _Hood_, _Scarf_, and
_Tippet_.)—_Jebb._
AMPHIBALUM. (See _Chasible_.)
ANABAPTISTS. (See _Baptists_.) Certain sectaries whose title is
compounded of two Greek words, (ἀνα and βαπτιζω,) one of which signifies
“anew,” and the other “to baptize;” and whose distinctive tenet it is,
that those who have been baptized in their infancy ought to be baptized
_anew_.
John of Leyden, Münzer, Knipperdoling, and other German enthusiasts
about the time of the Reformation, were called by this name, and held
that CHRIST was not the son of Mary, nor true GOD; that we were
righteous by our own merits and sufferings, that there was no original
sin, and that infants were not to be baptized. They rejected, also,
communion with other churches, magistracy, and oaths; maintained a
communion of goods, polygamy, and that a man might put away his wife if
not of the same religion with himself; that the godly should enjoy
monarchy here on earth; that man had a free will in spiritual things;
and that any man might preach and administer the sacraments. The
Anabaptists of Moravia called themselves apostolical, going barefoot,
washing one another’s feet, and having community of goods; they had a
common steward, who distributed equally things necessary; they admitted
none but such as would get their livelihood by working at some trade;
they had a common father for their spirituals, who instructed them in
their religion, and prayed with them every morning before they went
abroad; they had a general governor of the church, whom none knew but
themselves, they being obliged to keep it secret. They would be silent a
quarter of an hour before meat, covering their faces with their hands,
and meditating, doing the like after meat, their governor observing them
in the mean time, to reprove what was amiss; they were generally clad in
black, discoursing much of the last judgment, pains of hell, and cruelty
of devils, teaching that the way to escape these was to be rebaptized,
and to embrace their religion. They caused considerable disturbance in
Germany, but were at length subdued. To this sect allusion is made in
our 38th Article. By the present Anabaptists in England, the tenets
subversive of civil government are no longer professed.
The practice of rebaptizing proselytes was used by some ancient
heretics, and other sectaries, as by the Montanists, the Novatians, and
the Donatists. In the third century, the Church was much agitated by the
question whether baptism received out of the Catholic communion ought to
be acknowledged, or whether converts to the Church ought to be
rebaptized. Tertullian, St. Cyprian, and the Africans generally, held
that baptism without the Church was null, as did also Firmilian, bishop
of Cæsarea in Cappadocia, and the Asiatics of his time. On this account,
Stephen, bishop of Rome, declined communion with the Churches of Africa
and of the East. To meet the difficulty, a method was devised by the
Council of Arles, Can. 8, viz. to rebaptize those newly converted, if so
be it was found that they had not been baptized in the name of the
FATHER, SON, and HOLY GHOST; and so the first Council of Nice, Can. 19,
ordered that the Paulianists, or followers of Paul of Samosata, and the
Cataphrygians should be rebaptized. The Council of Laodicea, Can. 7, and
the second of Arles, Can. 16, decreed the same as to some heretics.
But the notion of the invalidity of _infant_ baptism, which is the
foundation of the modern Anabaptism, was not taught until the twelfth
century, when Peterall Bruis, a Frenchman, preached it.
ANABATA. A cope, or sacerdotal vestment, to cover the back and shoulders
of a priest. This is no longer used in the English Church.
ANALOGY OF FAITH, [translated in our version, _proportion of faith_,] is
the proportion that the doctrines of the gospel bear to each other, or
the close connexion between the truths of revealed religion. (Rom. xii.
6.)
ANAPHORA. That part of the liturgy of the Greek Church, which follows
the introductory part, beginning at the _Sursum corda_, or, _Lift up
your hearts_, to the end, including the solemn prayers of consecration,
&c. It resembles, but does not exactly correspond to, the Roman Canon.
(See _Renandot_.)—_Jebb._
ANATHEMA, imports whatever is set apart, separated, or divided; but is
most usually meant to express the cutting off of a person from the
communion of the faithful. It was practised in the primitive Church
against notorious offenders. Several councils, also, have pronounced
anathemas against such as they thought corrupted the purity of the
faith. The Church of England in her 18th Article anathematizes those who
teach that eternal salvation is to be obtained otherwise than through
the name of Christ, and in her Canons excommunicates all who say that
the Church of England is not a true and apostolic Church.—_Can._ 3. All
impugners of the public worship of GOD, established in the Church of
England.—_Can._ 4. All impugners of the rites and ceremonies of the
Church.—_Can._ 6. All impugners of episcopacy.—_Can._ 7. All authors of
schism.—_Can._ 9. All maintainers of schismatics.—_Can._ 10. All these
persons lie under the anathema of the Church of England.
ANCHORET. A name given to a hermit, from his dwelling alone, apart from
society (Ἀναχωρητής). The anchoret is distinguished from the cœnobite,
or the monk who dwells in a fraternity, or Κοινόβια. (See _Monks_.)
ANDREW’S (_Saint_) DAY. This festival is celebrated by the Church of
England, Nov. 30, in commemoration of St. Andrew, who was, first of all,
a disciple of St. John the Baptist, but being assured by his master that
he was not the MESSIAS, and hearing him say, upon the sight of our
SAVIOUR, “_Behold the LAMB of GOD!_” he left the Baptist, and being
convinced himself of our SAVIOUR’S divine mission, by conversing with
him some time at the place of his abode, he went to his brother Simon,
afterwards surnamed Peter by our SAVIOUR, and acquainted him with his
having found out the MESSIAS; but he did not become our LORD’S constant
attendant until a special call or invitation. After the ascension of
CHRIST, when the apostles distributed themselves in various parts of the
world, St. Andrew is said to have preached the gospel in Scythia, in
Epirus, in Cappadocia, Galatia, Bithynia, and the vicinity of Byzantium,
and finally, to have suffered death by crucifixion, at Ægea, by order of
the proconsul of the place. The instrument of his death is said to have
been in the form of the letter X, being a cross decussate, or saltier,
two pieces of timber crossing each other in the middle; and hence
usually known by the name of St. Andrew’s cross.
ANGEL. (See _Idolatry_, _Mariolatry_, _Invocation of Saints_.) By an
angel is meant a messenger who performs the will of a superior. The
scriptural words, both in Hebrew and Greek, mean a messenger. Thus, in
the letters addressed by St. John to the seven churches in Asia Minor,
the bishops of those churches are addressed as angels; ministers not
appointed by the people, but sent by GOD. But the word is generally
applied to those spiritual beings who surround the throne of glory, and
who are sent forth to minister to them that be heirs of salvation. It is
supposed by some that there is a subordination of angels in heaven, in
the several ranks of seraphim, cherubim, thrones, dominions,
principalities, &c. We recognise in the service of the Church, the three
orders of archangels, cherubim, and seraphim. The only archangel, as
Bishop Horsley remarks, mentioned in Scripture, is St. Michael. (See
_Cherub_.) The word seraph signifies in the Hebrew to burn. It is
possible that these two orders of angels are alluded to in Psal. civ. 4,
“He maketh his angels spirits; and his ministers a flaming fire.” The
worship of angels is one of the sins of the Romish Church. It was first
invented by a sect in the fourth century, who, for the purpose of
exercising this unlawful worship, held private meetings separate from
those of the Catholic Church, in which it was not permitted. The Council
of Laodicea, the decrees of which were received and approved by the
whole Church, condemned the sect in the following terms: “Christians
ought not to forsake the Church of God, and depart and call on angels,
and make meetings, which are forbidden. If any one, therefore, be found,
giving himself to this hidden idolatry, let him be anathema, because he
hath left the LORD JESUS CHRIST, the Son of GOD, and hath betaken
himself to _idolatry_.” The same principle applies to prayers made to
any created being. The worship of the creature was regarded by the
Church in the fourth century as idolatry. See _Bishop Beveridge’s_
Expos. of Acts xxii.: see also _Bishop Bull_, on the Corruption of the
Church of Rome, sect. iii., who, whilst showing that the ancient fathers
and councils were express in their denunciation of it, (e. g. the
Council of Laodicea, Theodoret, Origen, Justin Martyr, &c.,) says, “It
is very evident that the Catholic Christians of Origen’s time made no
prayers to angels or saints, but directed all their prayers to God,
through the alone mediation of Jesus Christ our Saviour. Indeed, against
the invocation of angels and saints we have the concurrent testimonies
of all the Catholic Fathers of the first three centuries at least.”
Bishop Bull then refers to his own _Def. Fid. Nic._ ii. to 8, for a
refutation of Bellarmine’s unfair citation of Justin Martyr, (_Apol._ i.
6, p. 47,) where he says, “I have evidently proved that that plan of
Justin, so far from giving countenance to the religious worship of
angels, makes directly against it.” Also the most ancient Liturgies, &c.
ANGELIC HYMN. A title given to the hymn or doxology beginning with
“Glory be to God on high,” &c. It is so called from the former part of
it having been sung by the angels on their appearance to the shepherds
of Bethlehem, to announce to them the birth of the REDEEMER. (See
_Gloria in Excelsis_.)
ANGELICI. A sort of Christian heretics, who were supposed to have their
rise in the apostles’ time, but who were most numerous about A.D. 180.
They worshipped angels, and from thence had their name.
ANGELITES. A sort of Sabellian heretics, so called from Agelius or
Angelius, a place in Alexandria, where they used to meet.
ANGLO-CATHOLIC CHURCH. (See _Church of England_.) Any branch of the
Church reformed on the principles of the English Reformation.
In certain considerations of the first spiritual importance, the Church
of England occupies a singularly felicitous position. The great majority
of Christians—the Roman, Greek, and Eastern Churches—regard Episcopacy
as indispensable to the integrity of Christianity; the Presbyterians and
others, who have no bishops, nor, as far as we can judge, any means of
obtaining the order, regard episcopacy as unnecessary. Supposing for a
moment the question to be dubious, the position of the Presbyterian is,
at the best, unsafe; the position of the member of the Church of England
is, at the worst, perfectly safe: at the worst, he can only be in the
same position at last as the Presbyterian is in at present. On the
Anti-episcopalian’s own ground, the Episcopalian is on this point doubly
fortified; whilst, on the opposite admission, the Presbyterian is doubly
condemned, first, in the subversion of a Divine institution; and,
secondly, in the invalidity of the ordinances of grace. Proceeding,
therefore, on mere reason, it would be most unwise for a member of the
Church of England to become a Presbyterian; he can gain nothing by the
change, and may lose everything. The case is exactly the reverse with
the Presbyterian.
Again: by all apostolic Churches the apostolic succession is maintained
to be a _sine quâ non_ for the valid administration of the eucharist and
the authoritative remission of sins. The sects beyond the pale of the
apostolic succession very naturally reject its indispensability; but no
one is so fanatical as to imagine its possession invalidates the
ordinances of the Church possessing it. Now, of all branches of the
Catholic Church, the Church of England is most impregnable on this
point; she unites in her priesthood the triple successions of the
ancient British, the ancient Irish, and the ancient Roman Church.
Supposing, therefore, the apostolic Churches to hold the right dogma on
the succession, the member of the Church of England has not the
slightest occasion to disturb his soul; he is trebly safe. Supposing, on
the other hand, the apostolic succession to be a fortunate historical
fact, not a divinely perpetuated authority, he is still, at the least,
as safe as the dissenter; whereas, if it is, as the Church holds, the
only authority on earth which the SAVIOUR has commissioned with his
power, what is the spiritual state of the schismatic who usurps, or of
the assembly that pretends to bestow, what GOD alone can grant and has
granted to his Church only. No plausible inducement to separate from the
Church of England can counterbalance this necessity for remaining in her
communion: and her children have great cause to be grateful for being
placed by her in a state of such complete security on two such essential
articles of administrative Christianity.—_Morgan._
ANNATES, or FIRST-FRUITS. These are the profits of one year of every
vacant bishopric in England, claimed at first by the pope, upon a
pretence of defending the Christians from the infidels; and paid by
every bishop at his accession, before he could receive his investiture
from Rome. Afterwards the pope prevailed on all those who were spiritual
patrons to oblige their clerks to pay these annates; and so by degrees
they became payable by the clergy in general. Some of our historians
tell us that Pope Clement was the first who claimed annates in England,
in the reign of Edward I.; but Selden, in a short account which he has
given us of the reign of William Rufus, affirms that they were claimed
by the pope before that reign. Chronologers differ also about the time
when they became a settled duty. Platina asserts that Boniface IX., who
was pope in the first year of Henry IV., _Annalarum usum beneficiis
ecclesiasticis primum imposuit (viz.) dimidium annui proventus fisco
apostolico persolvere_. Walsingham affirms it to be above eighty years
before that time,(viz.) in the time of Pope John XXII., who was pope
about the middle of the reign of Edward II., and that he _reservavit
cameræ suæ primos fructus beneficiorum_. But a learned bishop of
Worcester has made this matter more clear. He states that the old and
accustomed fees paid here to the feudal lords were called _beneficia_;
and that the popes, assuming to be lords or spiritual heads of the
Church, were not contented with an empty though very great title,
without some temporal advantage, and therefore Boniface VIII., about the
latter end of the reign of Edward I., having assumed an absolute
dominion in beneficiary matters, made himself a kind of feudal lord over
the benefices of the Church, and as a consequence thereof, claimed a
year’s profits of the Church, as a beneficiary fee due to himself, the
chief lord. But though the usurped power of the pope was then very
great, the king and the people did not comply with this demand; insomuch
that, by the statute of Carlisle, which was made in the last year of his
reign, and about the beginning of the popedom of Clement V., this was
called a new imposition _gravis et intolerabilis, et contra leges et
consuetudines regni_; and by reason of this powerful opposition the
matter rested for some time: but the successors of that pope found more
favourable opportunities to insist on this demand, which was a year’s
profits of each vacant bishopric, at a reasonable valuation, viz. a
moiety of the full value; and having obtained what they demanded, they
afterwards endeavoured to raise the value, but were opposed in this
likewise by the parliament, in the 6th of Henry IV., and a penalty was
inflicted on those bishops who paid more for their first-fruits than was
accustomed. But, notwithstanding these statutes, such was the plenitude
of the pope’s power, and so great was the profit which accrued to him by
this invention, that in little more than half a century, the sum of
£16,000 was paid to him, under the name of annates, for expediting bulls
of bishoprics only. The payment of these was continued till about the
25th year of Henry VIII., and then an act was made, reciting, that since
the beginning of that parliament another statute had been made (which
act is not printed) for the suppressing the exaction of annates of
archbishops and bishops. But the parliament being unwilling to proceed
to extremities, remitted the putting that act in execution to the king
himself: that if the pope would either put down annates, or so moderate
the payment that they might no longer be a burthen to the people, the
king, by letters patent, might declare the act should be of no force.
The pope, having notice of this, and taking no care to reform those
exactions, that statute was confirmed; and because it only extended to
annates paid for archbishoprics and bishoprics, in the next year another
statute was made, (26 Henry VIII. cap. 3,) that not only those
first-fruits formerly paid by bishops, but those of every other
spiritual living, should be paid to the king. Notwithstanding these
laws, there were still some apprehensions, that, upon the death of
several prelates who were then very old, great sums of money would be
conveyed to Rome by their successors; therefore, Anno 33 Henry VIII., it
was enacted, that all contributions of annates for bishoprics, or for
any bulls to be obtained from the see of Rome, should cease; and if the
pope should deny any bulls of consecration by reason of this
prohibition, then the bishop presented should be consecrated in England
by the archbishop of the province; and if it was in the case of an
archbishop, then he should be consecrated by any two bishops to be
appointed by the king; and that, instead of annates, a bishop should pay
to the pope £5 per cent. of the clear yearly value of his bishopric. But
before this time (viz. 31 Henry VIII. cap. 22) there was a court erected
by the parliament, for the levying and government of these first-fruits,
which court was dissolved by Queen Mary; and in the next year the
payment was ordered to cease as to her. But in the first of Elizabeth
they were again restored to the crown, and the statute 32 Hen. VIII.,
which directed the grant and order of them, was recontinued; and that
they should be from thenceforth within the government of the exchequer.
But vicarages not exceeding £10 per annum, and parsonages not exceeding
ten marks, according to the valuation in the first-fruits’ office, were
exempted from payment of first-fruits; and the reason is because
vicarages, when this valuation was made, had a large revenue, arising
from voluntary oblations which ceased upon the dissolution, &c., and
therefore they had this favour of exemption allowed them afterwards. By
the before-mentioned statute, a new officer was created, called a
remembrancer of the first-fruits, whose business it was to take
compositions for the same; and to send process to the sheriff against
those who did not pay it; and by the act 26 Henry VIII. he who entered
into a living without compounding, or paying the first-fruits, was to
forfeit double the value.
To prevent which forfeiture, it was usual for the clerk newly presented,
to give four bonds to pay the same, within two years next after
induction, by four equal payments. But though these bonds were executed,
yet if the clergyman died, or was legally deprived before the payments
became due, it was a good discharge by virtue of the act 1 Elizabeth
before-mentioned. And thus it stood, until Queen Anne, taking into
consideration the insufficient maintenance of the poor clergy, sent a
message to the House of Commons by one of her principal secretaries,
signifying her intention to grant the first-fruits for the better
support of the clergy; and that they would find out some means to make
her intentions more effectual. Thereupon an act was passed, by which the
queen was to incorporate persons, and to settle upon them and their
successors the revenue of the first-fruits; but that the statutes
before-mentioned should continue in force, for such intents and purposes
as should be directed in her grant; and that this new act should not
extend to impeach or make void any former grant made of this revenue.
And likewise any person, except infants and _femme-coverts_, without
their husbands, might, by bargain and sale enrolled, dispose lands or
goods to such corporation, for the maintenance of the clergy officiating
in the Established Church, without any settled competent provision; and
the corporation might also purchase lands for that purpose,
notwithstanding the statute of _mortmain_. Pursuant to this law, the
queen (in the third year of her reign) incorporated several of the
nobility, bishops, judges, and gentry, &c., by the name of the Governors
of the Bounty of Queen Anne, for the augmentation of the maintenance of
the poor clergy, to whom she gave the first-fruits, &c., and appointed
the governors to meet at the Prince’s Chamber, in Westminster, or in any
other place in London or Westminster, to be appointed by any seven of
them; of which number a privy-counsellor, a bishop, a judge, or
counsellor at law, must be one; there to consult about the distribution
of this bounty. That four courts shall be held by these governors in
every year, viz. in the months of December, March, June, and September;
and that seven of the said governors (_quorum tres, &c._) shall be a
court, and that the business shall be despatched by majority of votes:
that such courts may appoint committees out of the number of the
governors, for the better managing their business; and at their first or
any other meeting, deliver to the queen what methods they shall think
fit for the government of the corporation; which being approved under
the great seal, shall be the rules of the government thereof. That the
lord keeper shall issue out writs of inquiry, at their request, directed
to three or more persons, to inquire, upon oath, into the value of the
maintenance of poor parsons who have not £80 per annum, and the distance
of their churches from London; and which of them are in market or
corporate towns, or not; and how the churches are supplied; and if the
incumbents have more than one living; that care may be taken to increase
their maintenance. That after such inquiry made, they do prepare and
exhibit to the queen a true state of the yearly value of the maintenance
of all such ministers, and of the present yearly value of the
first-fruits and arrears thereof, and of such pensions as are now
payable out of the same, by virtue of any former grants. That there
shall be a secretary, and a treasurer, who shall continue in their
office during the pleasure of the corporation; that they shall take an
oath before the court for the faithful execution of their office. That
the treasurer must give security to account for the money which he
receives; and that his receipt shall be a discharge for what he
receives; and that he shall be subject to the examination of four or
more of the governors. That the governors shall collect and receive the
bounties of other persons; and shall admit into their corporation any
contributors, (whom they think fit for so pious a work,) and appoint
persons under their common seal, to take subscriptions, and collect the
money contributed; and that the names of the benefactors shall be
registered in a book to be kept for that purpose.
Owing mainly to the exertion of Dean Swift, a similar remission of the
first-fruits was made in Ireland during the reign of Queen Anne, and a
corporation for the distribution of this fruit was appointed under the
designation of the _Board of First-fruits_, consisting of all the
archbishops and bishops of Ireland, the dean of St. Patrick’s, and the
chief officers of the Crown. The Board was dissolved by the act of
parliament which established the first Ecclesiastical Commission, which
now discharges its functions.
ANNIVELAIS, or _Annualais_. The chantry priests, whose duty it was to
say private masses at particular altars, were so called; as at Exeter
cathedral, &c. They were also called chaplains.
ANNUNCIADA. A society founded at Rome, in the year 1460, by Cardinal
John Turrecremata, for the marrying of poor maids. It now bestows, every
Lady-day, sixty Roman crowns, a suit of white serge, and a florin for
slippers, to above 400 maids for their portion. The popes have so great
a regard for this charitable foundation, that they make a cavalcade,
attended with the cardinals, &c., to distribute tickets for these sixty
crowns, &c., for those who are to receive them. If any of the maids are
desirous to be nuns, they have each of them 120 crowns, and are
distinguished by a chaplet of flowers on their head.
ANNUNCIADE, otherwise called the Order of the Ten Virtues, or Delights,
of the Virgin Mary; a Popish order of women, founded by Queen Jane, of
France, wife to Lewis XII., whose rule and chief business was to honour,
with a great many beads and rosaries, the ten principal virtues or
delights of the Virgin Mary; the first of which they make to be when the
angel Gabriel annunciated to her the mystery of the incarnation, from
whence they have their name; the second, when she saw her son JESUS
brought into the world; the third, when the wise men came to worship
him; the fourth, when she found him disputing with the doctors in the
temple, &c. This order was confirmed by the pope in 1501, and by Leo X.
again in 1517.
ANNUNCIATION of the BLESSED VIRGIN MARY. This festival is appointed by
the Church, in commemoration of that day on which it was announced to
Mary, by an angel, that she should be the mother of the Messiah. The
Church of England observes this festival on the 25th of March, and in
the calendar the day is called the “Annunciation of our Lady,” and hence
the 25th of March is called Lady-day. It is observed as a “scarlet day”
at the Universities of Cambridge and Oxford.
ANOMŒANS. (From ἄνομοιος, unlike.) The name of the extreme Arians in the
fourth century, because they held the essence of the SON of GOD to be
unlike unto that of the FATHER. These heretics were condemned by the
semi-Arians, at the Council of Seleucia, A. D. 359, but they revenged
themselves of this censure a year after, at a pretended synod in
Constantinople.
ANTELUCAN. In times of persecution, the Christians being unable to meet
for divine worship in the open day, held their assemblies in the night.
The like assemblies were afterwards continued from feelings of piety and
devotion, and called _Antelucan_, or _assemblies before daylight_.
ANTHEM. A hymn, sung in parts alternately. Such, at least, would appear
to be its original sense. The word is derived from the Greek Ἀντιφωνὴ,
which signifies, as Isidorus interprets it, “_Vox reciproca_,” &c., _one
voice succeeding another; that is, two choruses singing by turns_. (See
_Antiphon_.) In the Greek Church it was more particularly applied to one
of the Alleluia Psalms sung after those of the day. In the Roman and
unreformed Western offices it is ordinarily applied to a short sentence
sung before and after one of the Psalms of the day: so called, according
to Cardinal Bona, because it gives the tone to the Psalms which are sung
antiphonely, or by each side of the choir alternately; and then at the
end both choirs join in the anthem. The same term is given to short
sentences said or sung at different parts of the service; also
occasionally to metrical hymns. The real reason of the application of
the term in these instances seems to be this, that these sentences are a
sort of response to, or alternation with, the other parts of the office.
The preacher’s text was at the beginning of the Reformation sometimes
called the _Anthem_. (_Strype, Ann. of the Ref._ chap. ix. A. D. 1559.)
In this sense it is applied in King Edward’s First Book to the sentences
in the Visitation of the Sick, “Remember not,” &c., &c., “O Saviour of
the world,” &c., which were obviously never intended to be sung. In the
same book it is applied to the hymns peculiar to Easter day, and to the
prayer in the Communion Service, “Turn thou us,” &c., both of which are
prescribed to be said or sung. In our present Prayer Book it occurs only
in reference to the Easter Hymn, and in the rubrics after the third
Collects of Morning and Evening Prayer. These rubrics were first
inserted at the last Review, though there is no doubt that the anthem
had always been customarily performed in the same place. To the anthem
so performed Milton alluded in the well-known words, “In service high
and anthems clear;” these expressions, as well as the whole phraseology
of that unrivalled passage, being technically correct: the service
meaning the Church Hymns, set to varied harmonies; the anthem, (of which
two were commonly performed in the full Sunday morning service,) the
compositions now in question.
The English Anthem, as the term has long been practically understood,
sanctioned by the universal use of the Church of England, has no exact
equivalent in the service of other Churches. It resembles, but not
exactly, the _Motets_ of foreign choirs, and occasionally their
Responsories or Antiphons. There are a few metrical anthems,
corresponding to the hymns of those choirs. But, generally speaking, the
English anthem is set to words from Holy Scripture, or the Liturgy;
sung, not to a chant, or an air, like that of a hymn, but to varied
consecutive strains, admitting of every diversity of solo, verse, and
chorus. The Easter-day Anthem, at the time of the last Review, was not
usually sung, as now, to a chant, but to varied harmonies, (as is still
the case at Salisbury cathedral,)—and in the sealed book it is to be
observed, that it is not printed like the Psalms, in verses, but in
paragraphs. Properly speaking, our _services_, technically so called,
(see _Service_,) are anthems; as are also the hymns in the Communion and
Burial Service. The responses to the Commandments, and the sentence “O
Lord, arise,” &c., in the Liturgy, give a tolerably correct notion of
the Roman Antiphon.
The Church of England anthems consist of three kinds: _Full_; or those
sung throughout by the whole choir. _Full_ with verse; that is,
consisting of a chorus for the most part, but with an occasional passage
sung by but a few voices. _Verse_; consisting mainly of solos, duets,
trios, &c., the chorus being the appendage, not the substance.
Objections have been made of late to verse anthems; but there is no
question that they are nearly, if not quite, coeval with the
Reformation.
In many choirs, besides the anthem in its proper place after the third
Morning Collect, another was sung on Sundays after the sermon. In the
Coronation Service several anthems are prescribed to be used.—_Jebb._
An anthem in choirs and places where they sing is appointed by the
rubric in the daily service in the Prayer Book, after the third Collect,
both at Morning and Evening Prayer.
ANTHOLOGIUM. (In Latin, _Florilegium_.) The title of a book in the Greek
Church, divided into twelve months, containing the offices sung
throughout the whole year, on the festivals of our SAVIOUR, the Virgin
Mary, and other remarkable saints. It is in two volumes; the first
contains six months, from the first day of September to the last day of
February; the second comprehends the other six months. It is observable
from this book that the Greek Church celebrates Easter at the same time
with the Church of England, notwithstanding that they differ from us in
the lunar cycle.—_Broughton._
ANTHROPOLATRÆ. (_Man-worshippers._) A name of abuse given to churchmen
by the Apollinarians, because they maintained that CHRIST, whom both
admitted to be the object of the Christian’s worship, was a perfect man,
of a reasonable soul and human flesh subsisting. This the Apollinarians
denied. It was always the way with heretics to apply to churchmen terms
of reproach, while they assumed to themselves distinctive appellations
of honour: thus the Manichees, for instance, while they called
themselves _the elect_, _the blessed_, and _the pure_, gave to the
churchmen the name of _simple ones_. It is not less a sign of a
sectarian spirit to assume a distinctive name of honour, than to impose
on the Church a name of reproach, for both tend to divided communion in
spirit or in fact. There is this good, however, to be gathered from
these slanderous and vain-glorious arts of heretics; that their terms of
reproach serve to indicate some true doctrine of the Church: as, for
instance, that of _Anthropolatræ_ determines the opinion of Catholics
touching CHRIST’S human nature; while the names of distinction which
heretics themselves assume, usually serve to throw light on the history
of their own error.
ANTHROPOMORPHITES. Heretics who were so called because they maintained
that GOD had a human shape. They are mentioned by Eusebius as the
opponents of Origen, and their accusation of Origen implies their own
heresy. “Whereas,” they said, “the sacred Scriptures testify that GOD
has eyes, ears, hands, and feet, as men have, the partisans of
Dioscorus, being followers of Origen, introduce the blasphemous dogma
that GOD has not a body.” The Anthropomorphite error was common among
the monks of Egypt about the end of the fourth century. Dioscorus was a
leader of the opposite party.
ANTICHRIST. The man of sin, who is to precede the second advent of our
blessed Saviour JESUS CHRIST. “Little children,” saith St. John, “ye
have heard that Antichrist shall come.” And St. Paul, in the Second
Epistle to the Thessalonians, describes him: “That day (the day of our
LORD’S second advent) shall not come except there come a falling away
first, and that man of sin be revealed, the son of perdition, who
opposeth and exalteth himself above all that is called GOD, or that is
worshipped; so that he, as GOD, sitteth in the temple of GOD, showing
himself that he is GOD. Then shall that wicked be revealed, whom the
LORD shall consume with the spirit of his mouth, and shall destroy with
the brightness of his coming; even him whose coming is after the working
of Satan, with all power and signs and lying wonders, and with all
deceivableness of unrighteousness in them that perish.”
Under the image of a horn that had eyes, and a mouth that spake very
great things; that made war with the saints, and prevailed against them
till the ANCIENT of days came; and under the image of a little horn,
which attacked the very heavens, and trod down and trampled on the
state, Daniel is supposed to predict Antichrist.
St. John in the Apocalypse describes Antichrist as a beast that
ascendeth out of the bottomless pit, and maketh war upon the saints; as
a beast rising out of the sea, with two horns and two crowns upon his
horns, and upon his heads the name of blasphemy. In another place, he
speaks of the number of the beast, and says, it is six hundred
threescore and six.
It is not the purpose of this dictionary to state the various ways in
which this prophecy has been understood. We therefore pass on to say,
that Antichrist is to lay the foundation of his empire in Babylon, i. e.
(as many have supposed,) in Rome, and he is to be destroyed by the
second coming of our LORD.
ANTINOMIANS. The Antinomians derive their name from ἀντὶ, against,
νόμος, law, their distinguishing tenet being, that the law is not a rule
of life to believers under the gospel. The founder of the Antinomian
heresy was John Agricola, a Saxon divine, a contemporary, a countryman,
and at first a disciple, of Luther. He was of a restless temper, and
wrote against Melancthon; and having obtained a professorship at
Wittemberg, he first taught Antinomianism there, about the year 1535.
The Papists, in their disputes with the Protestants of that day, carried
the merit of good works to an extravagant length; and this induced some
of their opponents, as is too often the case, to run into the opposite
extreme. The doctrine of Agricola was in itself obscure, and perhaps
represented worse than it really was by Luther, who wrote with acrimony
against him, and first styled him and his followers Antinomians—perhaps
thereby “intending,” as Dr. Hey conjectures, “to disgrace the notions of
Agricola, and make even him ashamed of them.” Agricola stood in his own
defence, and complained that opinions were imputed to him which he did
not hold.
About the same time, Nicholas Amsdorf, bishop of Naumburg in Saxony,
fell under the same odious name and imputation, and seems to have been
treated more unfairly than even Agricola himself. The bishop died at
Magdeburg in 1541, and some say that his followers were called for a
time Amsdorfians, after his name.
This sect sprung up among the Presbyterians in England, during the
Protectorate of Oliver Cromwell, who was himself an Antinomian of the
worst sort. The supporters of the Popish doctrines deducing a
considerable portion of the arguments on which they rested their defence
from the doctrines of the old law, Agricola, in the height of his zeal
for reformation, was encouraged by the success of his master, Luther, to
attack the very foundation of their arguments, and to deny that any part
of the Old Testament was intended as a rule of faith or practice to the
disciples of CHRIST.
He is said to have taught that the law ought not to be proposed to the
people as a rule of manners, nor used in the Church as a means of
instruction; and, of course, that repentance is not to be preached from
the Decalogue, but only from the gospel; that the gospel alone is to be
inculcated and explained, both in the churches and the schools of
learning; and that good works do not promote our salvation, nor evil
works hinder it.
Some of his followers in England, in the seventeenth century, are said
to have expressly maintained, that as the elect cannot fall from grace,
nor forfeit the Divine favour, the wicked actions they commit are not
really sinful, nor are they to be considered as instances of their
violation of the Divine law; and that, consequently, they have no
occasion either to confess their sins, or to seek renewed forgiveness.
According to them, it is one of the essential and distinctive characters
of the elect, that they cannot do anything displeasing to GOD, or
prohibited by the law. “Let me speak freely to you, and tell you,” says
Dr. Tobias Crisp, (who may be styled the _primipilus_ of the more modern
scheme of Antinomianism, and was the great Antinomian opponent of
Baxter, Bates, Howe, &c.,) “that the Lord hath no more to lay to the
charge of an elect person, yet in the height of his iniquity, and in the
excess of riot, and committing all the abominations that can be
committed; I say, even then, when an elect person runs such a course,
the Lord hath no more to lay to that person’s charge, than God hath to
lay to the charge of a believer: nay, God hath no more to lay to the
charge of such a person than he hath to lay to the charge of a saint
triumphant in glory. The elect of God, they are the heirs of God; and as
they are heirs, so the first being of them puts them into the right of
inheritance, and there is no time but such a person is the child of
God.”
That the justification of sinners is an immanent and eternal act of God,
not only preceding all acts of sin, but the existence of the sinner
himself, is the opinion of most of those who are styled Antinomians,
though some suppose, with Dr. Crisp, that the elect were justified at
the time of CHRIST’S death. In answer to the question, “When did the
Lord justify us?” Dr. Crisp says, “He did, from eternity, in respect of
obligation; but in respect of execution, he did it when Christ was on
the cross; and in respect of application, he doth it while children are
yet unborn.”
The other principal doctrines which at present bear the appellation of
Antinomian, are said to be as follows:
1. That justification by faith is no more than a manifestation to us of
what was done before we had a being.
2. That men ought not to doubt of their faith, or question whether they
believe in Christ.
3. That by God’s laying our iniquities upon Christ, and our being
imputed righteous through him, he became as completely sinful as we, and
we as completely righteous as Christ.
4. That believers need not fear either their own sins or the sins of
others, since neither can do them any injury.
5. That the new covenant is not made properly with us, but with Christ
for us; and that this covenant is all of it a promise, having no
conditions for us to perform; for faith, repentance, and obedience, are
not conditions on our part, but on Christ’s; and that he repented,
believed, and obeyed for us.
6. That sanctification is not a proper evidence of justification—that
our righteousness is nothing but the imputation of the righteousness of
Christ—that a believer has no holiness in himself, but in Christ only;
and that the very moment he is justified, he is wholly sanctified, and
he is neither more nor less holy from that hour to the day of his death.
Justification by a faith not necessarily productive of good works, and
righteousness imputed to such a faith, are the doctrines by which the
members of this denomination are chiefly distinguished.
While the Socinian Unitarians place the whole of their religion in
morality, in disregard of Christian faith, the Antinomians rely so on
faith as to undervalue morality. Their doctrines at least have too much
that appearance.
In short, according to Dr. Williams, Dr. Crisp’s scheme is briefly this:
“That by God’s mere electing decree all saving blessings are by Divine
obligation made ours, and nothing more is needful to our title to these
blessings: that on the cross all the sins of the elect were transferred
to Christ, and ceased ever after to be their sins: that at the first
moment of conception a title to all those decreed blessings is
personally applied to the elect, and they are invested actually therein.
Hence the elect have nothing to do, in order to have an interest in any
of those blessings, nor ought they to intend the least good to
themselves in what they do: sin can do them no harm because it is none
of theirs; nor can God afflict them for any sin.” And all the rest of
his opinions “follow in a chain,” adds Dr. W., “to the dethroning of
Christ, enervating his laws and pleadings, obstructing the great design
of redemption, opposing the very scope of the gospel, and the ministry
of Christ and his prophets and apostles.”—_Adams._
High Calvinism, or Antinomianism, absolutely withers and destroys the
consciousness of human responsibility. It confounds moral with natural
impotency, forgetting that the former is a crime, the latter only a
misfortune; and thus treats the man dead in trespasses and sins, as if
he were already in his grave. It prophesies smooth things to the sinner
going on in his transgressions, and soothes to slumber and the repose of
death the souls of such as are at ease in Zion. It assumes that, because
men can neither believe, repent, nor pray acceptably, unless aided by
the grace of God, it is useless to call upon them to do so. It maintains
that the gospel is only intended for elect sinners, and therefore it
ought to be preached to none but such. In defiance, therefore, of the
command of God, it refuses to preach the glad tidings of mercy to every
sinner. In opposition to Scripture, and to every rational consideration,
it contends that it is not man’s duty to believe the truth of
God—justifying the obvious inference, that it is not a sin to reject it.
In short, its whole tendency is to produce an impression on the sinner’s
mind, that if he is not saved it is not his fault, but God’s; that if he
is condemned, it is more for the glory of the Divine Sovereignty, than
as the punishment of his guilt.
So far from regarding the moral cure of human nature as the great object
and design of the gospel, Antinomianism does not take it in at all, but
as it exists in Christ, and becomes ours by a figure of speech. It
regards the grace and the pardon as everything—the spiritual design or
effect as nothing. Hence its opposition to progressive and its zeal for
imputed sanctification: the former is intelligible and tangible, but the
latter a mere figment of the imagination. Hence its delight in
expatiating on the eternity of the Divine decrees, which it does not
understand, but which serve to amuse and to deceive; and its dislike to
all the sober realities of God’s present dealings and commands. It
exults in the contemplation of a Christ who is a kind of concretion of
all the moral attributes of his people; to the overlooking of that
Christ who is the Head of all that in heaven and on earth bear his
likeness. It boasts in the doctrine of the perseverance of the saints,
while it believes in no saint but one, that is, Jesus, and neglects to
persevere.—_Orme’s Life of Baxter_, vol. ii. p. 311.
ANTI-PÆDOBAPTISTS. (From ἀντὶ, against, παῖς, child, βάπτισμα, baptism.)
Persons who are opposed to the baptism of infants. In this country, this
sect arrogate to themselves the title of Baptists _par excellence_, as
though no other body of Christians baptized: just as the Socinians
extenuate their heresy by calling themselves _Unitarians_: thereby
insinuating that those who hold the mystery of the Holy Trinity do not
believe in one GOD. (See _Anabaptists_, _Baptism_.)
ANTIPHON, or ANTIPHONY. (ἀντὶ and φωνὴ.) The chant or alternate singing
of a Christian choir. This is the most ancient form of church music.
Diodorus and Flavian, the leaders of the orthodox party at Antioch
during the ascendency of Arianism, in the fourth century, and St.
Ambrose at Milan, instead of leaving the chanting to the choristers, as
had been usual, divided the whole congregation into two choirs, which
sang the psalms alternately. That the chanting of the psalms alternately
is even older than Christianity, cannot be doubted, for the custom
prevailed in the Jewish temple. Many of the psalms are actually composed
in alternate verses, evidently with a view to their being used in a
responsive manner. “I make no doubt,” says Nicholls, “but that it is to
this way of singing used in the temple, that that vision in Isaiah vi.
alluded, when he saw the two cherubims, and heard them singing, ‘Holy,
holy,’ &c. For these words cannot be otherwise explained, than of their
singing anthem-wise; ‘they called out this to that cherubim,’ properly
relates to the singing in a choir, one voice on one side, and one on the
other.” In the earlier days of the Christian Church, this practice was
adopted, and became universal. The custom is said, by Socrates the
historian, to have been first introduced among the Greeks by Ignatius.
St. Basil tells us that, in his time, about A. D. 470, the Christians,
“rising from their prayers, proceeded to singing of psalms, dividing
themselves into two parts, and singing by turns.” Tertullian remarks,
that “when one side of the choir sing to the other, they both provoke it
by a holy contention, and relieve it by a mutual supply and change.” For
these or similar reasons, the reading of the Psalter is, in places where
there is no choir, divided between the minister and people. In the
cathedral worship of the Church Universal, the psalms of the day are
chanted throughout. And in order to preserve their responsive character,
two full choirs are stationed one on each side of the church. One of
these having chanted one or two verses (the usual compass of the
chant-tune) remains silent, while the opposite choir replies in the
verses succeeding; and at the end of each psalm, (and of each division
of the 119th Psalm,) the _Gloria Patri_ is sung by the united choirs in
chorus, accompanied by the peal of the great organ. The usage, now
prevalent in foreign churches subject to Rome, of chanting one verse by
a single voice, and the other by the full choir, is not ancient, and is
admitted to be incorrect by some continental ritualists themselves. This
method is quite destructive of the genuine effect of antiphonal
chanting, which ought to be equally balanced on each side of the choir.
It may indeed be accepted as a sort of modification of the ordinary
parochial mode; but in regular choirs it would be a clear innovation, a
retrograde movement, instead of an improvement. In some choirs the
_Gloria Patri_ is sung antiphonally, but always to the great
organ.—_Jebb._
ANTIPHONAR. The book which contains the invitatories, responsories,
verses, collects, and whatever else is sung in the choir; but not
including the hymns peculiar to the Communion Service, which are
contained in the _Gradual_, or _Grail_.—_Jebb._
ANTI-POPE. He that usurps the popedom in opposition to the right pope.
Geddes gives the history of no less than twenty-four schisms in the
Roman Church caused by anti-popes. Some took their rise from a diversity
of doctrines or belief, which led different parties to elect each their
several pope; but they generally took their rise from dubious
controverted rights of election. During the great schism, which,
commencing towards the close of the 14th century, lasted for fifty
years, there was always a pope and anti-pope; and as to the fact which
of the two rivals was pope, and which anti-pope, it is impossible even
now to decide. The greatest powers of Europe were at this time divided
in their opinions on the subject. As is observed by some Roman Catholic
writers, many pious and gifted persons, who are now numbered among the
saints of the Church, were to be found indifferently in either
obedience; which sufficiently proved, as they assert, that the eternal
salvation of the faithful was not, in this case, endangered by their
error. The schism began soon after the election of Urban VI., and was
terminated by the Council of Constance. By that Council three rival
popes were deposed, and the peace of the Church was restored by the
election of Martin V.
ANTI-TYPE. A Greek word, properly signifying a type or figure
corresponding to some other type: the word is commonly used in
theological writings to denote the person in whom any prophetic type is
fulfilled: thus, our blessed SAVIOUR is called the _Anti-type_ of the
Paschal lamb under the Jewish law.
APOCALYPSE. A revelation. The name sometimes given to the last book of
the New Testament, the Revelation of St. John the Divine, from its Greek
title, ἀποκαλύψις, which has the same meaning.
This is a canonical book of the New Testament. It was written, according
to Irenæus, about the year of Christ 96, in the island of Patmos,
whither St. John had been banished by the emperor Domitian; but Sir
Isaac Newton fixes the time of writing this book earlier, viz. in the
time of Nero. In support of this opinion he alleges the sense of the
earliest commentators, and the tradition of the Churches of Syria
preserved to this day in the title of the Syriac version of that book,
which is this: “The Revelation which was made to John the Evangelist by
God in the island of Patmos, into which he was banished by Nero the
Cæsar.” This opinion, he tells us, is further confirmed by the allusions
in the Apocalypse to the temple, and altar, and holy city, as then
standing; as also by the style of it, which is fuller of Hebraisms than
his Gospel; whence it may be inferred, that it was written when John was
newly come out of Judea. It is confirmed also by the many Apocalypses
ascribed to the apostles, which appeared in the apostolic age: for
Caīus, who was contemporary with Tertullian, tells us, that Cerinthus
wrote his Revelation in imitation of St. John’s, and yet he lived so
early that he opposed the apostles at Jerusalem twenty-six years before
the death of Nero, and died before St. John. To these reasons he adds
another, namely, that the Apocalypse seems to be alluded to in the
Epistles of St. Peter, and that to the Hebrews; and if so, must have
been written before them. The allusions he means, are the discourses
concerning the high priest in the heavenly tabernacle; the σαββατισμὸς,
or the millennial rest; the earth, “whose end is to be burned,” &c.;
whence this learned author is of opinion, that Peter and John stayed in
Judea and Syria till the Romans made war upon their nation, that is,
till the twelfth year of Nero; that they then retired into Asia, and
that Peter went from thence by Corinth to Rome; that the Romans, to
prevent insurrections from the Jews among them, secured their leaders,
and banished St. John into Patmos, where he wrote his Apocalypsis; and
that very soon after, the Epistle to the Hebrews and those of Peter were
written to the churches, with reference to this prophecy, as what they
were particularly concerned in. Some attribute this book to the
arch-heretic Cerinthus: but the ancients unanimously ascribe it to John
the son of Zebedee, and brother of James. The Revelation has not at all
times been esteemed canonical. There were many Churches of Greece, as
St. Jerome informs us, which did not receive it; neither is it in the
catalogue of the canonical books prepared by the Council of Laodicea;
nor in that of St. Cyril of Jerusalem; but Justin, Irenæus, Origen,
Cyprian, Clemens of Alexandria, Tertullian, and all the fathers of the
fourth, fifth, and following centuries, quote the Revelations as a book
then acknowledged to be canonical.
It is a part of this prophecy, that it should not be understood before
the last age of the world; and therefore it makes for the credit of the
prophecy that it is not yet understood.—The folly of interpreters has
been to foretell times and things by this prophecy, as if GOD designed
to make them prophets. By this rashness, they have not only exposed
themselves, but brought the prophecy also into contempt. The design of
GOD was much otherwise. He gave this, and the prophecies of the Old
Testament, not to gratify men’s curiosities by enabling them to foreknow
things, but that, after they were fulfilled, they might be interpreted
by the event; and his own providence, not the interpreters, be then
manifested thereby to the world.—There is already so much of the
prophecy fulfilled, that as many as will take pains in this study, may
see sufficient instances of GOD’S providence.
The Apocalypse of John is written in the same style and language with
the prophecies of Daniel, and hath the same relation to them which they
have to one another: so that all of them together make but one
consistent prophecy, pointing out the various revolutions that should
happen both to the Church and the State, and at length the final
destruction and downfal of the Roman empire.
APOCRYPHA. (See _Bible_, _Scriptures_.) From ἀπὸ and κρύπτω, to hide,
“because they were wont to be read not openly and in common, but as it
were in secret and apart.” (_Bible of 1539, Preface to Apocrypha._)
Certain books appended to the sacred writings. There is no authority,
internal or external, for admitting these books into the sacred canon.
They were not received as portions of the Old Testament by the Jews, to
whom “were committed the oracles of GOD;” they are not cited and alluded
to in any part of the New Testament; and they are expressly rejected by
St. Athanasius and St. Jerome in the fourth century, though these two
fathers speak of them with respect. There is, therefore, no ground for
applying the books of the Apocrypha “to establish any doctrine,” but
they are highly valuable as ancient writings, which throw considerable
light upon the phraseology of Scripture, and upon the history and
manners of the East; and as they contain many noble sentiments and
useful precepts, the Church of England doth read them for “example of
life and instruction of manners.” (_Art._ VI.) They are frequently
quoted with great respect in the Homilies, although parties who bestow
much praise upon the Homilies are wont to follow a very contrary course.
The corrupt Church of Rome, at the fourth session of the Council of
Trent, admitted them to be of equal authority with Scripture. Thereby
the modern Church of Rome differs from the Catholic Church; and by
altering the canon of Scripture, and at the same time making her dictum
the rule of communion, renders it impossible for those Churches which
defer to antiquity to hold communion with her. Divines differ in opinion
as to the degree of respect due to those ancient writings. The reading
of the Apocryphal books in churches formed one of the grievances of the
Puritans: our Reformers, however, have made a selection for certain holy
days; and for the first lesson from the evening of the 27th of
September, till the morning of the 23rd of November, inclusive. Some
clergymen take upon themselves to alter these lessons; but for so doing
they are amenable to the ordinary, and should be presented by the
churchwardens, at the yearly episcopal or archidiaconal visitation; to
say nothing of their moral obligation. There were also Apocryphal books
of the New Testament; but these were manifest forgeries, and of course
were not used or accepted by the Church. (See _the Acts of the
Apostles_.)
APOLLINARIANS. An ancient sect who were followers of Apollinaris or
Apollinarius, bishop of Laodicea, about the middle of the fourth
century. He denied that our SAVIOUR had a reasonable human soul, and
asserted that the Logos or Divine nature supplied the place of it. This
is one of the sects we anathematize when we read the Athanasian Creed.
The doctrine of Apollinaris was condemned by several provincial
councils, and at length by the General Council of Constantinople, in
381. In short, it was attacked at the same time by the laws of the
emperors, the decrees of councils, and the writings of the learned, and
sunk, by degrees, under their united force.
APOLOGY. A word derived from two Greek words, signifying _from_ and
_speech_, and thus in its primary sense, and always in theology, it
means a defence from attack; an answer to objections. Thus the Greek
word, ἀπολογία, from which it comes, is, in Acts xxii. 1, translated by
_defence_; in xxv. 16, by _answer_; and in 2 Cor. vii. 11, by “clearing
of yourselves.” There were several _Apologies_ for Christianity composed
in the second century, and among these, those of Justin Martyr and
Tertullian are best known.
APOSTASY. (ἀποστάσις, falling away.) A forsaking or renouncing of our
religion, either formally, by an open declaration in words, or
virtually, by our actions. The word has several degrees of
signification. The primitive Christian Church distinguished several
kinds of apostasy: the first, of those who went entirely from
Christianity to Judaism. The second, of those who mingled Judaism and
Christianity together. The third, of those who complied so far with the
Jews, as to communicate with them in many of their unlawful practices,
without formally professing their religion; and the fourth, of those
who, after having been some time Christians, voluntarily relapsed into
Paganism. It is expressly revealed in Holy Scripture that there will be
a very general falling away from Christianity, or an apostasy, before
the second coming of our LORD. (2 Thess. ii. 3; 1 Tim. iv. 1; 2 Tim. iv.
3, 4.)
In the Romish Church the term _apostasy_ is also applied to a
renunciation of the monastic vow.
APOSTLE. A missionary, messenger, or envoy. The highest order in the
ministry were at first called Apostles; but the term is now generally
confined to those first bishops of the Church who received their
commission from our blessed LORD himself, and who were distinguished
from the bishops who succeeded them, by their having acted under the
immediate inspiration of the HOLY SPIRIT, and by their having frequently
exercised the power of working miracles. Matthias was chosen into the
place of Judas Iscariot, when it was necessary that “another should take
his bishopric,” (Acts i. 20,) and is called an apostle. St. Paul also
and St. Barnabas are likewise styled apostles. So that, when we speak of
the _twelve_ apostles, we allude to them only as they were when our LORD
was on earth. Afterwards, even in the restricted sense, there were more
than twelve. But both while there were but eleven, and afterwards when
there were more, they were called _the twelve_, as the name of their
college, so to speak; as the LXXII. translators of the Old Testament
into Greek are called the LXX. All the apostles had equal power; a fact
which is emphatically asserted by St. Paul.
Our LORD’S first commission to his apostles was in the third year of his
public ministry, about eight months after their solemn election; at
which time he sent them out by two and two. (Matt. x. 5, &c.) They were
to make no provision of money for their subsistence in their journey,
but to expect it from those to whom they preached. They were to declare,
that the kingdom of heaven, or the Messiah, was at hand, and to confirm
their doctrine by miracles. They were to avoid going either to the
Gentiles or the Samaritans, and to confine their preaching to the people
of Israel. In obedience to their Master, the apostles went into all the
parts of Palestine inhabited by the Jews, preaching the gospel, and
working miracles. (Mark vi. 12.) The evangelical history is silent as to
the particular circumstances attending this first preaching of the
apostles, and only informs us, that they returned, and told their Master
all that they had done. (Luke ix. 10.)
Their second commission, just before our LORD’S ascension into heaven,
was of a more extensive and particular nature. They were now not to
confine their preaching to the Jews, but to “go and teach all nations,
baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the
Holy Ghost.” (Matt, xxviii. 19, 20.) Accordingly they began publicly,
after our LORD’S ascension, to exercise the office of their ministry,
working miracles daily in proof of their mission, and making great
numbers of converts to the Christian faith. (Acts ii. 42–47.) This
alarmed the Jewish Sanhedrim; whereupon the apostles were apprehended,
and, being examined before the high priest and elders, were commanded
not to preach any more in the name of CHRIST. But this injunction did
not terrify them from persisting in the duty of their calling; for they
continued daily, in the temple, and in private houses, teaching and
preaching the gospel. (Acts ii. 46.)
After the apostles had exercised their ministry for twelve years in
Palestine, they resolved to disperse themselves in different parts of
the world, and agreed to determine by lot what parts each should take.
(_Clem. Alex. Apollonius._) According to this division, St. Peter went
into Pontus, Galatia, and those other provinces of the Lesser Asia. St.
Andrew had the vast northern countries of Scythia and Sogdiana allotted
to his portion. St. John’s was partly the same with St. Peter’s, namely
the Lesser Asia. St. Philip had the Upper Asia assigned to him, with
some parts of Scythia and Colchis. Arabia Felix fell to St.
Bartholomew’s share. St. Matthew preached in Chaldæa, Persia, and
Parthia. St. Thomas preached likewise in Parthia, as also to the
Hyrcanians, Bactrians, and Indians. St. James the Less continued in
Jerusalem, of which Church he was bishop. St. Simon had for his portion
Egypt, Cyrene, Libya, and Mauritania; St. Jude, Syria and Mesopotamia;
and St. Matthias, who was chosen in the room of the traitor Judas,
Cappadocia and Colchis. Thus, by the dispersion of the apostles,
Christianity was very early planted in a great many parts of the world.
We have but very short and imperfect accounts of their travels and
actions.
In order to qualify the apostles for the arduous task of converting the
world to the Christian religion, (Acts ii.,) they were, in the first
place, miraculously enabled to speak the languages of the several
nations to whom they were to preach; and, in the second place, were
endowed with the power of working miracles, in confirmation of the
doctrines they taught; gifts which were unnecessary, and therefore
ceased, in the future ages of the Church, when Christianity came to be
established by the civil power.
The several apostles are usually represented with their respective
badges or attributes; St. Peter with the keys; St. Paul with a sword;
St. Andrew with a cross; St. James the Less with a fuller’s pole; St.
John with a cup, and a winged serpent flying out of it; St. Bartholomew
with a knife; St. Philip with a long staff, whose upper end is formed
into a cross; St. Thomas with a lance; St. Matthew with a hatchet; St.
Matthias with a battle-axe; St. James the Greater with a pilgrim’s
staff, and a gourd-bottle; St. Simon with a saw; and St. Jude with a
club.
APOSTLES’ CREED is used by the Church between the third part of the
daily service, namely, the lessons, and the fourth part, namely, the
petitions, that we may express that faith in what we have heard, which
is the ground of what we are about to ask. For as “faith cometh by
hearing, and hearing by the word of GOD,” (Rom. x. 17,) so we must “ask
in faith,” if we “think to receive anything of the LORD.” (James i. 6,
7.) For “how shall we call upon him, in whom we have not believed?”
(Rom. x. 14.) But as all the doctrines of Scripture, though equally
true, are not of equal importance, the more necessary articles have
been, from the beginning of Christianity, collected into one body,
called in Scripture, “the form of sound words” (2 Tim. i. 13); “the
words of faith” (1 Tim. iv. 6); “the principles of the doctrine of
CHRIST” (Heb. vi. 1); but in our common way of speaking at present, “the
Creed,” from the Latin word, _credo_, which signifies “I believe.” Now
the ancient Churches had many such creeds; some longer, some shorter;
differing on several heads in phrase, but agreeing in method and sense,
of which that called “the Apostles’ Creed” is one. And it deserves this
name, not so much from any certainty, or great likelihood, that the
apostles drew it up in these very expressions; though some, pretty
early, and many since, have imagined they did; as because it contains
the chief apostolic doctrines, and was used by a Church which, before it
grew corrupt, was justly respected as the chief apostolic settlement, I
mean, the Roman.—_Abp. Secker._
The opinion which ascribes the framing of this Creed to the apostles in
person, though as ancient as the first account we have of the Creed
itself from Ruffinus, in the year 390, is yet rendered highly
improbable, as by many collateral reasons, so especially by this
argument, that it is not appealed to in elder times as the sacred and
unalterable standard. And therefore our excellent Church with due
caution styles it, in her 8th Article, “that which is commonly called
the Apostles’ Creed.” But though it seems not to have been compiled or
formally drawn up by the apostles themselves, yet is its authority of
sufficient strength; since it may still be demonstrated to be the
apostles’, or rather the apostolic, creed, in three several respects.
First, as it is drawn from the fountains of apostolical Scripture.
Secondly, as it agrees in substance with the confessions of all orthodox
Churches, which make up the Apostolic Church in the extended meaning of
the word. Thirdly, as it was the creed of an Apostolic Church in the
restrained sense of that term, denoting a Church founded by the
apostles, as was that of Rome.—_Kennet._
Though this Creed be not of the apostles’ immediate framing, yet it may
be truly styled apostolical, not only because it contains the sum of the
apostles’ doctrine, but also because the age thereof is so great, that
its birth must be fetched from the very apostolic times. It is true, the
exact form of the present Creed cannot pretend to be so ancient by four
hundred years; but a form, not much different from it, was used long
before. Irenæus, the scholar of Polycarp, the disciple of St. John,
where he repeats a creed not much unlike to ours, assures us, that “the
Church, dispersed throughout the whole world, had received this faith
from the apostles and their disciples;” which is also affirmed by
Tertullian of one of his creeds, that “that rule of faith had been
current in the Church from the beginning of the gospel:” and, which is
observable, although there was so great a diversity of creeds, as that
scarce two Churches did exactly agree therein, yet the form and
substance of every creed was in a great measure the same; so that,
except there had been, from the very plantation of Christianity, a form
of sound words, or a system of faith, delivered by the first planters
thereof, it is not easy to conceive how all Churches should harmonize,
not only in the articles themselves into which they were baptized, but,
in a great measure also, in the method and order of them.—_Lord
Chancellor King._
The Creed itself was neither the work of one man, nor of one day; but
the composure of it was gradual. First, several of the articles therein
were derived from the very days of the apostles: these were the articles
of the existence of GOD, the Trinity; that JESUS was CHRIST, or the
SAVIOUR of the world; the remission of sins; and the resurrection of the
dead. Secondly, the others were afterwards added by the primitive
doctors and bishops, in opposition to gross heresies and errors that
sprung up in the Church.—It hath been received in all ages with the
greatest veneration and esteem. The ancients declare their respect and
reverence for it with the most noble and majestic expressions; and in
these latter times, throughout several centuries of years, so great a
deference hath been rendered thereunto, that it hath not only been used
in baptism, but in every public assembly it hath been usually, if not
always, read as the standard and basis of the Christian faith.—_Lord
King._
But neither this, nor any other creed, hath authority of its own equal
to Scripture, but derives its principal authority from being founded on
Scripture. Nor is it in the power of any man, or number of men, either
to lessen or increase the fundamental articles of the Christian faith:
which yet the Church of Rome, not content with this its primitive creed,
hath profanely attempted, adding twelve articles more, founded on its
own, that is, on no authority, to the ancient twelve, which stand on the
authority of GOD’S word. (See _Creed of Pope Pius IV_.) But our Church
hath wisely refused to go a step beyond the original form; since all
necessary truths are briefly comprehended in it, which it is the duty of
every one of us firmly to believe, and openly to profess. “For with the
heart man believeth unto righteousness, and with the mouth confession is
made unto salvation.” (Rom. x. 10.)—_Abp. Secker._
The place of the Creed in our liturgy is, first, immediately after the
lessons of Holy Scripture, out of which it is taken; and since faith
comes by hearing GOD’S word, and the gospel doth not profit without
faith, therefore it is very fit, upon hearing thereof, we should
exercise and profess our faith. Secondly, the Creed is placed just
before the prayers, as being the foundation of our petitions; we cannot
“call on him, on whom we have not believed” (Rom. x. 14); and since we
are to pray to GOD the FATHER in the name of the SON, by the assistance
of the SPIRIT, for remission of sins and a joyful resurrection, we ought
first to declare that we believe in GOD the FATHER, the SON, and the
HOLY GHOST, and that there is remission here and resurrection hereafter
to be had for all true members of the Catholic Church, and then we may
be said to pray in faith. And hence St. Ambrose and St. Augustine advise
Christians to say it daily in their private devotions; and so our old
Saxon councils command all to learn and use it, not as a prayer, (as
some ignorantly or maliciously object,) but as a ground for our prayers,
and a reason for our faith and hope of their acceptance: upon which
account also, as soon as persecution ceased, and there was no danger of
the heathens overhearing it, the Creed was used in the public service.
And there are many benefits which we may receive by this daily use of
it. For, first, this fixes it firmly in our memories, that we may never
forget this blessed rule of our prayers, nor be at any time without this
necessary touchstone to try all doctrines by. Secondly, thus we daily
renew our profession of fidelity to Almighty GOD, and repeat that
watchword which was given us when we were first listed under CHRIST’S
banner, declaring thereby that we retain our allegiance to him and
remain his faithful servants and soldiers; and no doubt that will move
him the sooner to hear the prayers which we are now making to him for
his aid. Thirdly, by this we declare our unity amongst ourselves, and
show ourselves to be members of that holy Catholic Church, by and for
which these common prayers are made. Those who hold this one faith, and
those only, have a right to pray thus; nor can any other expect to be
admitted to join in them; and therefore this Creed is the symbol and
badge to manifest who are fit to make these prayers, and receive the
benefit of them.
Wherefore, in our daily use of this sacred form, let us observe these
rules:—First, to be heartily thankful to GOD for revealing these divine,
mysterious, and saving truths to us; and though the _Gloria_ be only set
at the end of St. Athanasius’s Creed, yet the duty of thanksgiving must
be performed upon every repetition of this Creed also. Secondly, we must
give our positive and particular assent to every article as we go along,
and receive it as an infallible oracle from the mouth of GOD; and for
this reason we must repeat it with an audible voice after the minister,
and in our mind annex that word, “I believe,” to every particular
article; for, though it be but once expressed in the beginning, yet it
must be supplied and is understood in every article; and to show consent
the more evidently, we must stand up when we repeat it, and resolve to
stand up stoutly in defence thereof, so as, if need were, to defend it,
or seal the truth of it, with our blood. Thirdly, we must devoutly apply
every article, as we go along, to be both a ground for our prayers and a
guide to our lives; for if we rightly believe the power of the FATHER,
the love of the SON, and the grace of the HOLY GHOST, it will encourage
us (who are members of the Catholic Church) to pray heartily for all
spiritual and temporal blessings, and give us very lively hopes of
obtaining all our requests. Again, since these holy principles were not
revealed and selected out from all other truths, for any other end but
to make us live more holily, therefore we must consider, how it is fit
that man should live, who believes that GOD the FATHER is his Creator,
GOD the SON his Redeemer, and GOD the HOLY GHOST his Sanctifier; who
believes that he is a member of that Catholic Church, wherein there is a
communion of saints, and remission for sins, and shall be a resurrection
of the body, and a life everlasting afterwards. No man is so ignorant
but he can tell what manner of persons they ought to be who believe
this; and it is evident, that whoever firmly and fully believes all
this, his faith will certainly and necessarily produce a holy
life.—_Dean Comber._
In the First Book of King Edward VI., the Apostles’ Creed followed the
lesser litany, “Lord, have mercy upon us,”—and immediately after it was
repeated the Lord’s Prayer. The alteration, as it at present stands, was
made in the Second Book.—_Jebb._
APOSTOLIC, APOSTOLICAL, something that relates to the apostles, or
descends from them. Thus we say, the apostolical age, apostolical
character, apostolical doctrine, constitutions, traditions, &c. In the
primitive Church it was an appellation given to all such Churches as
were founded by the apostles, and even to the bishops of those Churches,
as the reputed successors of the apostles. These were confined to four:
Rome, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem. In succeeding ages, the other
Churches assumed the same title, on account, principally, of the
conformity of their doctrine with that of the Churches which were
apostolical by foundation, and because all bishops held themselves
successors of the apostles, or acted in their respective dioceses with
the authority of apostles. The first time the term _apostolical_ is
attributed to bishops, is in a letter of Clovis to the Council of
Orleans, held in 511; though that king does not in it expressly
denominate them apostolical, but _apostolicâ sede dignissimi_, highly
worthy of the apostolical see. In 581, Guntram calls the bishops,
assembled at Macon, apostolical pontiffs. In progress of time, the
bishop of Rome increasing in power above the rest, and the three
patriarchates of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem having fallen into
the hands of the Saracens, the title apostolical came to be restricted
to the pope and his Church alone. At length some of the popes, and among
them Gregory the Great, not content to hold the title by this tenure,
began to insist that it belonged to them by another and peculiar right,
as the successors of St. Peter. In 1046, the Romish Council of Rheims
declared, that the pope was the sole apostolical primate of the
Universal Church.
APOSTOLICAL CONSTITUTIONS AND CANONS. These two collections of
ecclesiastical rules and formularies were attributed, in the early ages
of the Church of Rome, to Clement of Rome, who was supposed to have
committed them to writing from the mouths of the apostles, whose words
they pretended to record. The authority thus claimed for these writings
has, however, been entirely disproved; and it is generally supposed by
critics, that they were chiefly compiled during the second and third
centuries; or that, at least, the greater part must be assigned to a
period before the first Nicene Council. We find references to them in
the writings of Eusebius, Epiphanius, and Athanasius, writers of the
third and fourth centuries. A modern critic supposes them not to have
attained their present form until the fifth century. The _Constitutions_
are comprised in eight books. In these the apostles are frequently
introduced as speakers. They contain rules and regulations concerning
the duties of Christians in general, the constitution of the Church, the
offices and duties of ministers, and the celebration of Divine worship.
The tone of morality which runs through them is severe and ascetic. They
forbid the use of all personal decorations and attention to appearance,
and prohibit the reading of the works of heathen authors. They enjoin
Christians to assemble twice every day in the church for prayers and
psalmody, to observe various fasts and festivals, and to keep the
sabbath (i. e. the seventh day of the week) as well as the LORD’S day.
They require extraordinary marks of respect and reverence towards the
ministers of religion; commanding Christians to honour a bishop as a
king or a prince, and even as a kind of God upon earth, to render to him
absolute obedience, to pay him tribute, and to approach him through the
deacons or servants of the Church, as we come to GOD only through
CHRIST! This latter kind of (profane) comparison is carried to a still
greater extent, for the deaconesses are declared to resemble the HOLY
SPIRIT, inasmuch as they are not able to do anything without the
deacons. Presbyters are said to represent the apostles; and the rank of
Christian teachers is declared to be higher than that of magistrates and
princes. We find here, also, a complete liturgy or form of worship for
Christian churches; containing not only a description of ecclesiastical
ceremonies, but the prayers to be used at their celebration.
This general description of the contents of the books of Constitutions
is alone enough to prove that they are no productions of the apostolic
age. Mention also occurs of several subordinate ecclesiastical officers,
such as readers and exorcists, who were not introduced into the Church
until the third century. And there are manifest contradictions between
several parts of the work. The general style in which the Constitutions
are written is such as had become prevalent during the third century.
It is useless to inquire who was the real author of this work; but the
date and probable design of the forgery are of more importance, and may
be more easily ascertained. Epiphanius, towards the end of the fourth
century, appears to be the first author who speaks of these books under
their present title, Apostolical Constitutions. But he refers to the
work only as one containing much edifying matter, without including it
among the writings of the apostles; and indeed he expressly says that
many persons had doubted of its genuineness. One passage, however, to
which Epiphanius refers, speaks a language directly the reverse of what
we find in the corresponding passage of the work now extant; so that it
appears probable that the Apostolical Constitutions, which that author
used, have been corrupted and interpolated since his time. On the whole,
it appears probable, from internal evidence, that the Apostolical
Constitutions were compiled during the reigns of the heathen emperors,
towards the end of the third century, or at the beginning of the fourth;
and that the compilation was the work of some one writer (probably a
bishop) of the Eastern Church. The advancement of episcopal dignity and
power appears to have been the chief design of the forgery.
If we regard the Constitutions as a production of the third century,
(containing remnants of earlier compositions,) the work possesses a
certain kind of value. It contributes to give us an insight into the
state of Christian faith, the condition of the clergy and inferior
ecclesiastical officers, the worship and discipline of the Church, and
other particulars, at the period to which the composition is referred.
The growth of episcopal power and influence, and the derivation of the
episcopal authority from the apostles, is here clearly shown. Many of
the regulations prescribed, and many of the moral and religious remarks,
are good and edifying; and the prayers especially breathe, for the most
part, a spirit of simple and primitive Christianity. But the work is by
no means free from traces of superstition; and it is occasionally
disfigured by mystical interpretations and applications of Holy
Scripture, and by needless refinements in matters of ceremony. We find
several allusions to the events of apostolical times; but occurrences
related exclusively in such a work, are altogether devoid of
credibility, especially as they are connected with the design of the
compiler to pass off his book as a work of the apostles.
The _Canons_ relate chiefly to various particulars of ecclesiastical
polity and Christian worship; the regulations which they contain being,
for the most part, sanctioned with the threatening of deposition and
excommunication against offenders. The first allusion to this work by
name, is found in the Acts of the Council which assembled at
Constantinople in the year 394, under the presidency of Nectarius,
bishop of that see. But there are expressions in earlier councils, and
writers of the same century, which appear to refer to the Canons,
although not named. In the beginning of the sixth century, fifty of
these Canons were translated from the Greek into Latin by the Roman
abbot, Dionysius the Younger; and, about the same time, thirty-five
others were appended to them in a collection made by John, patriarch of
Constantinople. Since that time, the whole number have been regarded as
genuine in the East; while only the first fifty have been treated with
equal respect in the West. It appears highly probable, that the original
collection was made about the middle of the third century, or somewhat
later, in one of the Asiatic Churches. The author may have had the same
design as that which appears to have influenced the compiler of the
Apostolical Constitutions. The eighty-fifth Canon speaks of the
Constitutions as sacred books; and from a comparison of the two books,
it is plain that they are either the production of one and the same
writer, or that, at least, the two authors were contemporary, and had a
good understanding with each other. The rules and regulations contained
in the Canons are such as were gradually introduced and established
during the second and third centuries. In the canon or list of sacred
books of the New Testament, given in this work, the Revelation of St.
John is omitted; but the two Epistles of St. Clement and Apostolical
Constitutions are inserted.—_Augusti._
APOSTOLICAL FATHERS. An appellation usually given to the writers of the
first century, who employed their pens in the cause of Christianity. Of
these writers, Cotelerius, and after him Le Clerc, have published a
collection in two volumes, accompanied both with their own annotations
and the remarks of other learned men. Among later editions may be
particularly mentioned that by the Rev. Dr. Jacobson, Regius Professor
of Divinity at Oxford, which, however, does not include Barnabas or
Hermas. See also The Genuine Epistles of the Apostolic Fathers, by
Archbishop Wake, and a translation of them in one volume 8vo, by the
Rev. Temple Chevallier, B. D., formerly Hulsean lecturer in the
University of Cambridge. The names of the apostolical fathers are,
Clement, bishop of Rome, Ignatius, bishop of Antioch, Polycarp, bishop
of Smyrna, and Hermas. To these Barnabas the apostle is usually added.
The epistles and other writings of these eminent men are still extant. A
more admirable appendix to the pure word of GOD, and a more trustworthy
comment on the principles taught by inspired men, cannot be conceived.
As eye-witnesses of the order and discipline of the Church, while all
was fresh and new from the hands of the apostles, their testimony forms
the very summit of uninspired authority. None could better know these
things than those who lived and wrote at the very time. None deserve a
greater reverence than they who proclaimed the gospel, while the echo of
inspired tongues yet lingered in the ears of the people.
APOSTOLICAL SUCCESSION. (See _Succession_.) The line in which the
ministry of the Church is handed on from age to age: the _corporate_
lineage of the Christian clergy, just as in the Jewish Church there was
a _family_ lineage. The Church of England maintains the apostolical
succession in the preface to her Ordination Service. Those are said to
be in apostolical succession who have been sent to labour in the LORD’S
vineyard, by bishops who were consecrated by those who, in their turn,
were consecrated by others, and these by others, until the derived
authority is traced to the apostles, and through them to the great Head
of the Church. The apostolical succession of the ministry is essential
to the right administration of the holy sacraments. The clergy of the
Church of England can trace their connexion with the apostles by links,
not one of which is wanting, from the times of St. Paul and St. Peter to
our own.—See _Appendix to Rose’s Commission and consequent Duties of the
Clergy: Perceval’s Doctrine of the Apostolical Succession_, 2nd edition;
_Sinclair (Rev. John) on the Episcopal Succession_; and _Courayer’s
Defence of the English Ordinations_.
APOSTOLICI, or APOTACTICI. Heretics in Christianity, who sprung from the
Encratites and Cathari, and took these names because they pretended to
be the only followers of the apostles, and because they made a
profession of never marrying, and renounced riches. Epiphanius observes,
that these vagabonds, who appeared about the year 260, for the most part
made use of the apocryphal Acts of St. Andrew and St. Thomas. There was
another sect of this name, about the twelfth century, who were against
marriage, and never went without lewd women: they also despised infant
baptism, would not allow of purgatory, invocation of saints, and prayers
for the dead, and called themselves the true body of the Church,
condemning all use of flesh with the Manichæans.—_Bingham, Antiq. Chr.
Ch._
APOTACTITÆ, or APOTACTICI. (See _Apostolici_.)
APPARITOR. Apparitors (so called from the principal branch of their
office, which consists in summoning persons to appear) are officers
appointed to execute the orders and decrees of the ecclesiastical
courts. The proper business and employment of an apparitor is to attend
in court; to receive such commands as the judge shall please to issue
forth; to convene and cite the defendants into court; to admonish or
cite the parties to produce witnesses, and the like. Apparitors are
recognised by the 138th English Canon, which wholly relates to
them.—_Jebb._
APPEAL. The provocation of a cause from an inferior to a superior judge.
(1 Kings xviii.; Acts xxv.) Appeals are divided into judicial and
extra-judicial. Judicial appeals are those made from the actual sentence
of a court of judicature. In this case the force of such sentence is
suspended until the cause is determined by the superior judge.
Extra-judicial appeals are those made from extra-judicial acts, by which
a person either is, or is likely to be, wronged. He therefore resorts to
the legal protection of a superior judge. By the civil law, appeals
ought to be made _gradatim_; but by the canon law, as it existed before
the Reformation, they might be made _omisso medio_, and _immediately to
the_ pope; who was reputed to be the ordinary judge of all Christians in
all causes, having a concurrent power with all ordinaries. Appeals to
the pope were first sent from England to Rome in the reign of King
Stephen, by the pope’s legate, Henry of Blois, bishop of Winchester (A.
D. 1135–1154). Prior to that period, the pope was not permitted to enjoy
any appellate jurisdiction in England. William the Conqueror refused to
do him homage. Anglo-Saxon Dooms do not so much as mention the pope’s
name: and the laws of Edward the Confessor assert the royal supremacy in
the following words:—“Rex autem, qui vicarius Summi Regis est, ad hoc
constitutus est, ut regnum et populum Domini, et super omnia sanctam
ecclesiam, regat et defendat ab injuriosis; maleficos autem destruat et
evellat.” The Penitential of Archbishop Theodore (A. D. 668–690)
contains no mention of appeals to Rome; and in the reign of Henry II.,
at the Council of Clarendon, (A. D. 1164,) it was enacted, “De
appellationibus si emerserint ab archidiacono debebit procedi ad
episcopum, ab episcopo ad archiepiscopum, et si archiepiscopus defuerit
in justitia exhibenda, ad dominum regem perveniendum est postremo, ut
præcepto ipsius in curia archiepiscopi controversia terminetur; ita quod
non debeat ultra procedi absque assensu domini regis.” Notwithstanding
this law, and the statutes made against “provisors” in the reigns of
Edward I., Edward III., Richard II., and Henry V., appeals used to be
forwarded to Rome until the reign of Henry VIII., when, by the statutes
of the 24 Henry VIII. c. 12, and the 25 Henry VIII. c. 19, all appeals
to the pope from England were legally abolished. By these statutes,
appeals were to be finally determined by the High Court of Delegates, to
be appointed by the king in chancery under the great seal. This
jurisdiction was, in 1832, by 2 & 3 William IV. c. 92, transferred from
the High Court of Delegates to the Judicial Committee of the Privy
Council; whose “report or recommendation,” when sanctioned by the Crown,
is a final judgment.
The Crown, however, used to have the power to grant a commission of
review after the decision of an appeal by the High Court of Delegates.
(26 Henry VIII. c. 1; 1 Eliz. c. 1, _Goodman’s case_ in Dyer’s Reports.)
This prerogative Queen Mary exercised by granting a review after a
review in Goodman’s case, regarding the deanery of Wells. (See Lord
Campbell’s Judgment in the Court of Queen’s Bench in _Gorham_ v. _the
Bishop of Exeter_.) It is a remarkable fact that, although the statutes
for restraint of appeals had been repealed on Queen Mary’s accession, no
appeal in Goodman’s case was permitted to proceed out of England to the
pope.
The commissions of review were not granted by Queen Mary under the
authority of Protestant enactments, but by virtue of the common law,
regarding the regalities of the Crown of England. It does not appear
that by the 2 & 3 William IV. c. 92, 3 & 4 William IV. c. 41, 7 & 8
Vict., the prerogative is interfered with; and that the Crown is
compelled to adopt the “report or recommendation” of the Judicial
Committee of the Privy Council: on the contrary, the sovereign is quite
free to sanction or reject such report, which only becomes valid as a
decision on the royal assent being given. The ancient Appellant Court of
Delegates still subsists in Ireland.
APPELLANT. Generally, one who appeals from the decision of an inferior
court to a superior. Particularly those among the French clergy were
called _appellants_, who appealed from the bull _Unigenitus_, issued by
Pope Clement in 1713, either to the pope better informed, or to a
general council. This is one of the many instances in which the boasted
unity of the Roman obedience has been signally broken; the whole body of
the French clergy, and the several monasteries, being divided into
appellants and non-appellants.
APPROPRIATION is the annexing of a benefice to the use of a spiritual
corporation. This was frequently done in England after the Norman
Conquest. The secular clergy were then Saxons or Englishmen; and most of
the nobility, bishops, and abbots being Normans, they had no kind of
regard to the secular clergy, but reduced them as low as they could to
enrich the monasteries; and this was the reason of so many
appropriations. But some persons are of opinion, that it is a question
undecided, whether princes or popes first made appropriations: though
the oldest of which we have any account were made by princes; as, for
instance, by the Saxon kings, to the abbey of Crowland; by William the
Conqueror, to Battle Abbey; and by Henry I., to the church of Salisbury.
It is true the popes, who were always jealous of their usurped supremacy
in ecclesiastical affairs, did in their decretals assume this power to
themselves, and granted privileges to several religious orders, to take
appropriations from laymen: but in the same grant they were usually
required to be answerable to the bishop _in spiritualibus_, and to the
abbot or prior _in temporalibus_, which was the common form of
appropriations till the latter end of the reign of Henry II. For at
first those grants were not _in proprios usus_: it was always necessary
to present a clerk to the bishop upon the avoidance of a benefice, who,
upon his institution, became vicar, and for that reason an appropriation
and a rectory were then inconsistent. But because the formation of an
appropriation was a thing merely spiritual, the patron usually
petitioned the bishop to appropriate the church; but the king was first
to give licence to the monks that, _quantum in nobis est_, the bishop
might do it. The king being supreme ordinary, might of his own authority
make an appropriation without the consent of the bishop, though this was
seldom done. Appropriations at first were made only to spiritual
persons, such as were qualified to perform Divine service; then by
degrees they were extended to spiritual corporations, as deans and
chapters; and lastly to priories, upon the pretence that they had to
support hospitality; and lest preaching should by this means be
neglected, an invention was found out to supply that defect by a vicar,
as aforesaid; and it was left to the bishop to be a moderator between
the monks and the vicar, for his maintenance out of the appropriated
tithes; for the bishop could compel the monastery to which the church
was appropriated to set out a convenient portion of tithes, and such as
he should approve, for the maintenance of the vicar, before he confirmed
the appropriation.
It is true the bishops in those days favoured the monks so much, that
they connived at their setting out a portion of small tithes for the
vicar, and permitted them to reserve the great tithes to themselves.
This was a fault intended to be remedied by the statute 15 Rich. II.
cap. 6; by which it was enacted, that in every licence made of an
appropriation this clause should be contained, viz. that the diocesan
should ordain that the vicar shall be well and sufficiently endowed. But
this statute was eluded; for the abbots appointed one of their own monks
to officiate; and therefore the parliament, in the 4th year of Henry IV.
cap. 12, provided that the vicar should be a secular clergyman,
canonically instituted and inducted into the church, and _sufficiently_
endowed; and that no regular should be made vicar of a church
appropriate. But long before the making of these statutes the kings of
England made appropriation of the churches of Feversham and Milton in
Kent, and other churches, to the abbey of St. Augustine in Canterbury,
by these words: “Concessimus, &c., pro nobis, &c., abbati et conventui,
&c., quod ipsi ecclesias predictas appropriare ac eas sic appropriatas
in proprios usus tenere possint sibi et successoribus in perpetuum.” The
like was done by several of the Norman nobility, who came over with the
king, upon whom he bestowed large manors and lands; and out of which
they found tithes were then paid, and so had continued to be paid even
from the time they were possessed by the Saxons: but they did not regard
their law of tithing, and therefore they held it reasonable to
appropriate all, or at least some part of, those tithes to those
monasteries which they had founded, or to others as they thought fit;
and in such cases they reserved a power to provide for him who served
the cure; and this was usually paid to stipendiary curates. But
sometimes the vicarages were endowed, and the very endowment was
expressed in the grant of the appropriation, viz. that the church should
be appropriated upon condition that a vicarage should be endowed; and
this was left to the care of the bishop. But whenever the vicar had a
competent subsistence by endowment, the monks took all opportunities to
lessen it; and this occasioned several decretals prohibiting such usage
without the bishop’s consent, and that no custom should be pleaded for
it, where he that served the cure had not a competent subsistence. And
it has been a question whether an appropriation is good when there is no
endowment of a vicarage, because the statute of Henry IV. positively
provides that vicarages shall be endowed. But it is now settled, that if
it is a vicarage in reputation, and vicars have been instituted and
inducted to the church, it shall be presumed that the vicarage was
originally endowed. Thus much for the tithes: but the abbot and convent
had not only the tithes of the appropriate churches, but the right of
patronage too; for that was extinct, as to the former patron, by the
appropriation, unless he had reserved the presentation to himself; and
that made the advowson disappropriate, and the church presentable as
before, but not by the old patron, but by the abbot and convent, who
were then bound, upon a vacancy, to present a person to the bishop.
Sometimes the bishop would refuse the person presented unless they
consented to such an allowance for his maintenance as he thought fit,
and therefore they would present none. This occasioned the making
another decretal, which gave the bishop power to present; but this did
not often happen, because the monks were favoured by the bishops; that
is, the poorer sort, for the rich would not accept his kindness. They
always got their appropriations confirmed by the pope, and their
churches exempted from the jurisdiction of the bishop. But now all those
exemptions are taken away by the statute 31 Henry VIII. cap. 13, and the
ordinary is restored to his ancient right. Before giving an account of
that statute, it will not be improper to mention the forms of
appropriations both before and since that time. A licence being obtained
of the king as supreme ordinary, and the consent from the diocesan,
patron, and incumbent, thereupon the bishop made the grant.
By the aforesaid statute, those appropriations which were made formerly
by bishops, and enjoyed only by religious houses, are now become the
inheritance of laymen; and though the bishop’s power in such cases is
not mentioned in the statute, yet the law leaves all matters of right
just as they were before; for when those religious houses were
surrendered, the king was to have the tithes in the same manner as the
abbots had them in right of their monasteries; and there is a saving of
the rights and interests of all persons; so that, if before the
dissolution the vicar had an antecedent right to a competent
maintenance, and the bishop had power to allow it, it is not taken away
now.
This is the law of England, and it is founded on good reason: for tithes
were originally given for the service of the Church, and not for the
private use of monasteries; and it may be a question, whether a
monastery was capable of taking an appropriation, because it is not an
ecclesiastical body; for by the canons they could not preach, baptize,
or visit the sick, and they had no cure of souls. This matter was
disputed between St. Bernard, a Cistercian monk, and Peter the
Venerable: the first was dissatisfied that monks should take tithe from
the secular clergy, which was given to support them in attending the
cure of souls; the other answered him, that monks prayed for souls, but
tithes were not only given for prayers, but for preaching, and to
support hospitality. Upon the whole matter, appropriations may be made
by the joint consent of the queen, the ordinary, and the patron who hath
the inheritance of the advowson; and he must have the queen’s licence,
because she hath an interest in it as supreme ordinary: for it might
happen that the presentation may be devolved on her by lapse, and such
licence was usually granted when the church was void; but if it is
granted when the church is full, it does not make the appropriation
void, though such grant should be in general words, because, where it
may be taken in two intents, the one good, the other not, it shall be
expounded in that sense which may make the grant good. It is true, the
best way is to give a licence in particular words, importing that the
appropriation shall take effect after the death of the incumbent:
however, if it is a license _per verba de præsenti_, yet it is good for
the reason already mentioned. The bishop must likewise concur, for he
has an interest in the presentation, which may come to him by lapse
before it can be vested in the queen. Besides, an appropriation deprives
him of institution, for it not only carries the glebe and tithes, but
gives to the corporation a spiritual function, and supplies the
institution of the ordinary: for in the very instrument of appropriation
it is united and given to the body corporate _in proprios usus_, that
is, that they shall be perpetual parsons there: this must be intended
where there are no vicarages endowed, and yet they cannot have the cure
of souls because they are a body politic; but the vicar who is endowed
and comes in by their appointment, has the cure.
APSE, or APSIS. A semicircular or polygonal termination of the choir, or
other portion of a church. The word signifies in Greek a spherical arch.
It was called in Latin _testudo_, or _concha_, from the same reason that
a hemispherical recess in the school-room at Westminster was called _the
shell_. The ancient Basilicas, as may still be seen at Rome, had
universally a semicircular apse, round which the superior clergy had
their seats; at the upper end was the bishop’s throne; the altar was
placed on the chord of the arc; the transept, or gallery, intervened
between the apse or the choir. There the inferior clergy, singers, &c.,
were stationed, and there the lessons were read from the ambos. (See
_Choir_ and _Chaunt_.) This form was generally observed, at least in
large churches, for many ages, of which Germany affords frequent
specimens. And as Mr. Neale has shown in his very valuable remarks on
the Eastern churches, (_Hist. of the Holy Greek Church_,) the apse is
the almost invariable form even in parish churches in the East. Of this
arrangement there are traces in England. Then large Saxon churches, as
we collect from history, generally had an eastern apse at least, and
often several others. In Norman churches of large size, the apse was
very frequent, and it was repeated in several parts of the church. These
inferior apses represented the oriental _exedræ_, which usually
terminate their sacristies. Norwich and Peterborough cathedrals convey a
good impression of the general character of Norman churches in this
respect. Traces of the apse are found also at Winchester, Rochester,
Ely, Lincoln, Ripon, Gloucester, and Worcester cathedrals, besides St.
Alban’s, Tewkesbury, and other conventual churches. So also at
Canterbury, where the apse seems to have been disturbed by subsequent
arrangements. But it is remarkable that the ancient archiepiscopal chair
stood behind the altar in a sort of apse till late in the last century.
Traces of the ancient apse at Chester have been discovered of late
years. In small churches, as Steetley, Derbyshire, and Birkin,
Yorkshire, the eastern apse alone is found, nor is this at all a
universal feature. See Mr. Hussey’s _Notice of recent discoveries in
Chester Cathedral_. There are three very interesting English specimens
in Herefordshire, viz. as at Kilpech, Moccas, and Peter Church; all
small parish churches, and of Norman date; and with regular chancel
below the apse. In the early British and Irish churches there is no
trace of an apse, even in those which the learned Dr. Petrie, in his
essay on round towers, attributes to the 5th and 6th centuries. With the
Norman style the apse was almost wholly discontinued, though an early
English apse occurs at Tidmarsh, Berkshire, and a decorated apse at
Little Maplestead; the latter is, however, altogether an exceptional
case. There seems to have been some tendency to reproduce the apse in
the fifteenth century, as at Trinity church, Coventry, and Henry VII.’s
chapel, Westminster; but the latter examples entirely miss the breadth
and grandeur of the Norman apse. Yet the later styles might have had one
great advantage in the treatment of this feature in their flying
buttresses spanning the outer aisle of the apse, which is often so
striking a feature in foreign churches, and to which the perpendicular
clerestory to the Norman apse of Norwich makes some approach. Some
writers have confounded the apse with the choir or chancel; and think
that, according to primitive usage, the holy table ought to stand
between the latter and the nave: whereas in fact it always stood above
the choir; so that in churches where there is no apse (and none was
required when there were no collegiate or capitular clergy) its proper
place is close to the eastern wall of the church. See _Cathedral_.
AQUARII. A sect of heretics who consecrated their pretended eucharist
with water only, instead of wine, or wine mingled with water. This they
did under the delusion that it was universally unlawful to drink wine;
although, as St. Chrysostom says, our blessed LORD instituted the holy
eucharist in wine, and himself drank wine at his communion table, and
after his resurrection, as if by anticipation to condemn this pernicious
heresy. It is lamentable to see so bold an impiety revived in the
present day, when certain men, under the cloak of temperance, pretend a
eucharist without wine, or any fermented liquor. These heretics are not
to be confounded with those against whom St. Cyprian discourses at large
in his letter to Cæcilian, who, from fear of being discovered, from the
smell of wine, by the heathen in times of persecution, omitted the wine
in the eucharist cup. It was indeed very wrong and unworthy of the
Christian name, but far less culpable than the pretence of a temperance
above that of CHRIST and the Church, in the _Aquarii_. Origen engaged in
a disputation with them.—_Epiph. Hæres._ xlvi.; _August. de Hæres._ c.
46.; _Theodoret, de Fab. Hæret._ lib. i. cap. 20.; _Cyprian_, Ep. lxiii.
_ad Cæcilium._; _Conc. Carth._ iii. can. xxiv.; _Bingham_.
ARABICS, or ARABIANS. Heretics who appeared in Arabia in the third
century. According to Eusebius and St. Augustine, they taught that the
soul died, and was corrupted with the body, and that they were to be
raised together at the last day.
ARCADE. In church architecture, a series of arches supported by pillars
or shafts, whether belonging to the construction, or used in relieving
large surfaces of masonry: the present observations will be confined to
the latter, that is, to ornamental arcades.
These were introduced early in the Norman style, and were used very
largely to its close, the whole base story of exterior and interior
alike, and the upper portions of towers and of high walls being often
quite covered with them. They were either of simple or of intersecting
arches: it is needless to say that the latter are the most elaborate in
work, and the most ornamental; they are accordingly reserved in general
for the richer portions of the fabric. There is, moreover, another, and
perhaps even more effective, way of complicating the arcade, by placing
an arcade within and behind another, so that the wall is doubly
recessed, and the play of light and shadow greatly increased. The
decorations of the transitional, until very late in the style, are so
nearly those of the Norman, that we need not particularize the
semi-Norman arcade. In the next style the simple arcade is, of course,
most frequent. This, like the Norman, often covers very large surfaces.
Foil arches are often introduced at this period, and greatly vary the
effect. The reduplication of arcades is now managed differently from the
former style. Two arcades, perfect in all their parts, are set the one
behind the other, but the shaft of the outer is opposite to the arch of
the inner series, the outer series is also more lofty in its
proportions, and the two are often of differently constructed arches, as
at Lincoln, where the outer series is of trefoil, the inner of simple
arches, or _vice versâ_, the two always being different. The effect of
this is extremely beautiful.
[Illustration:
Norman Arcade from Canterbury.
]
But the most exquisite arcades are those of the Geometrical period,
where each arch is often surmounted by a crocketted pediment, and the
higher efforts of sculpture are tasked for their enrichment, as in the
glorious chapter-house of Salisbury, Southwell, and York; these are,
however, usually confined to the interior. In the Decorated period
partially, and in the Perpendicular entirely, the arcade gave place to
panelling, greatly to the loss of effect, for no delicacy or intricacy
of pattern can compensate for the bright light and deep shadows of the
Norman and Early English arcades.
ARCANI DISCIPLINA. The name given to a part of the discipline of the
early Church in withdrawing from public view the sacraments and higher
mysteries of our religion: a practice founded on a reverence for the
sacred mysteries themselves, and to prevent their being exposed to the
ridicule of the heathen. Irenæus, Tertullian, and Clement of Alexandria
are the first who mention any such custom in the Church. And the
Disciplina Arcani gradually fell into disuse after the time of
Constantine, when Christianity had nothing to fear from its
enemies.—_Bingham. Augusti._
ARCH. All architecture may be divided into the architecture of the
_entablature_ and of the _arch_, and as the very terms denote, _the
arch_ is the differential of the latter. Romanesque and Gothic fall
under this head. Our view of the arch is limited to a description of its
several forms; an estimate of its effects on style, and its mechanical
construction, being beyond our province.
[Illustration:
Semicircular. Horse-shoe. Stilted.
]
The Saxon and the Norman arch were alike _semicircular_ in their normal
form, though in Norman buildings we often find a greater arc of a
circle, or “_horse-shoe_” arch, or the semicircle is “_stilted_:” to one
or other of which constructions it was necessary to resort when an arch
of higher proportion than a semicircle was required. In the middle of
the twelfth century the _pointed arch_ was introduced. It was used for a
long time together with the semicircle, and often with an entire absence
of all but Norman details; and it is worthy of note that the pointed
arch is first used in construction, as in the great pier arches, and
evidently, therefore, from an appreciation of its mechanical value, and
not till afterwards in lighter portions, as windows and decorative
arcades. The pointed arch has three simple forms, the _equilateral_, the
_lancet_, and the _drop_ arch; the first described from the angles at
the base of an equilateral, the second of a triangle whose base is
greater, the third of a triangle whose base is less, than the sides.
These forms are common to every style, from Early English downwards. In
the Perpendicular period a more complex arch was introduced, struck
_from four centres_, all within or below the base of the arch. This
modification of the arch is of great importance, as involving
differences of construction in the fabric, especially in the vaulting,
so that it has a place in the history of Gothic architecture only
inferior to the introduction of the pointed arch.
[Illustration:
Equilateral. Lancet. Drop.
]
[Illustration:
Four-centred. Foil. Ogee.
]
There are, besides, other modifications of the arch, struck from more
than two centres, but these are either of less frequent occurrence, or
merely decorative. We may mention the _foil_ and the _ogee arch_; the
former struck from four centres, two without and two within the
resulting figure, _and flowing into one another_; the latter from
several centres, according to the number of foils, all generally within
the resulting figure, and _cutting one another_. The foil arch precedes
in history the foliation or cusping of arches and tracery, which it no
doubt suggested; the ogee arch came in with ogee forms of tracery and of
cusping, and outlived them.
ARCHBISHOP. An archbishop is the chief of the clergy in a whole
province; and has the inspection of the bishops of that province, as
well as of the inferior clergy, and may deprive them on notorious
causes. The archbishop has also his own diocese wherein he exercises
episcopal jurisdiction, as in his province he exercises archiepiscopal.
As archbishop, he, upon the receipt of the king’s writ, calls the
bishops and clergy within his province to meet in convocation. To him
all appeals are made from inferior jurisdictions within his province;
and, as an appeal lies from the bishops in person to him in person, so
it also lies from the consistory courts of his diocese to his
archiepiscopal court. During the vacancy of any see in his province he
is guardian of the spiritualities thereof, as the king is of the
temporalities; and, during such vacancy, all episcopal rights belong to
him. The archbishops in England have from time to time exercised a
visitatorial power over their suffragans, in use till the time of
Archbishop Laud. The archbishops of Ireland have immemorially visited
their suffragans triennially: the Episcopal Visitation being there
annual. (See _Stephens’ Edition of the Book of Common Prayer, with
notes_, vol. i. pp. 26–30.)
Some learned men are of opinion, that an archbishop is a dignity as
ancient as the apostles’ time, for there were _primi episcopi_ then,
though the name of archbishop was not known until some ages afterwards;
and that the apostle himself gave the first model of this government in
the Church, by vesting Titus with a superintendency over all Crete.
Certain it is that there were persons soon after that time, who, under
the name of metropolitans, exercised the same spiritual and
ecclesiastical functions as an archbishop; as for instance the bishop of
Carthage, who certainly assembled and presided in provincial councils,
and had ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the bishops of Africa; and the
bishops of Rome, who had the like primacy in the _suburbiconian_
provinces, viz. middle and southern Italy, with Sicily, and other
adjacent islands. Moreover, the Apostolical Canons, which were the rule
of the Greek Church in the third century, mention a chief bishop in
every province, and most of them about the eighth century assumed the
title of archbishops; some of which were so in a more eminent degree,
viz. those of Rome, Constantinople, Antioch, and Alexandria, which were
the four principal cities of the empire. To these the archbishop of
Jerusalem was added by the Council of Chalcedon, in 451, because that
was the capital city of the Holy Land, and these five were called
patriarchs.
The archbishop of Canterbury is styled primate of all England and
metropolitan, and the archbishop of York primate of England. They have
the title of Grace, and Most reverend Father in GOD by Divine
Providence. There are two provinces or archbishoprics in England,
Canterbury and York. The archbishop of Canterbury has the precedency of
all the other clergy; next to him the archbishop of York. Each
archbishop has, within his province, bishops of several dioceses. The
archbishop of Canterbury has under him, within his province, Rochester,
London, Winchester, Norwich, Lincoln, Ely, Chichester, Salisbury,
Exeter, Bath and Wells, Worcester, Lichfield, Hereford, Landaff, St.
David’s, Bangor, and St. Asaph; and four founded by King Henry VIII.,
erected out of the ruins of dissolved monasteries, viz. Gloucester and
Bristol, now united into one, Peterborough, and Oxford. The archbishop
of York has under him six, viz. the bishop of Chester, erected by Henry
VIII., and annexed by him to the archbishopric of York, the bishops of
Durham, Carlisle, Ripon, and Manchester, and the Isle of Man, annexed to
the province of York by King Henry VIII. The dioceses of Ripon and
Manchester have been formed in the province of York within the last few
years, by act of parliament. The archbishop of Armagh is styled primate
of all Ireland. The archbishop of Dublin, primate of Ireland. Before the
late diminution of the Irish episcopate, there were two other
archbishops, viz. of Cashel, styled primate of Munster, and Tuam,
primate of Connaught. Under Armagh were the bishoprics of *Meath, *Down,
*Derry, Dromore, Raphoe, *Kilmore, and Clogher. Under Dublin, Kildare,
Ferns, and *Ossory. Under Cashel, *Limerick, *Cork, Cloyne, *Killaloe,
and Waterford. Under Tuam, Clonfert, Elphin, and Killala. At present
Cashel is a suffragan of Dublin, Tuam of Armagh; and only those
suffragan bishoprics marked with an asterisk are retained. The bishops
of Calcutta and Sydney, being metropolitans, are archbishops in reality,
though not in title.
ARCHDEACON. In the English branch of the united Church, and most
European Churches, each diocese is divided into archdeaconries and
parishes. Sometimes a diocese has but one archdeaconry; sometimes four
or five. But in Ireland there is but one archdeacon to each diocese
(several dioceses being often united under one bishop); and
archdeaconries, as ecclesiastical divisions, are there unknown. The
dioceses of Dublin and Ardfert may be regarded as exceptions, but not
with justice: as the archdeaconry of Glendaloch in the former, and of
Aghadoe in the latter, belonged originally to separate dioceses, which
have been drawn into the adjacent ones: so that the dividing boundaries
are now unknown. (_Jebb._) Over the diocese the bishop presides; over
the archdeaconry one of the clergy is appointed by the bishop to
preside, who must be a priest, and he is called an archdeacon; over the
parish the rector or vicar presides. An archdeacon was so called
anciently, from being the chief of the deacons, a most important office
at a very early period in the Christian Church.
The antiquity of this office is held to be so high by many Roman
Catholic writers, that they derive its origin from the appointment of
the seven deacons, and suppose that St. Stephen was the first
archdeacon: but there is no clear authority to warrant this conclusion.
Mention is also made of Laurentius, archdeacon of Rome, who suffered A.
D. 260; but although he was called archdeacon, (according to
Prudentius,) he was no more than the principal man of the seven deacons
who stood at the altar. “_Hic primus è septem viris qui stant ad aram
proximi._” (Prudent. Hymn. de St. Steph.) At Carthage the office appears
to have been introduced within the last forty years of the third
century, as St. Cyprian does not mention it, whereas in the persecution
of Diocletian Cecilian is described as archdeacon, under the bishop
Mensurius. St. Jerome says, “that the archdeacon was chosen out of the
deacons, and was the principal deacon in every church, just as the
archpresbyter was the principal presbyter.”
But even in St. Jerome’s time, the office of archdeacon had certainly
grown to great importance. His proper business was, to attend the bishop
at the altar; to direct the deacons and other inferior officers in their
several duties, for their orderly performance of Divine service; to
attend the bishop at ordinations, and to assist him in managing and
dispensing the revenues of the Church: but without anything that could
be called “_jurisdiction_,” in the present sense of the word, either in
the cathedral or out of it.
After the Council of Laodicea, A. D. 360, when it was ordained that no
bishop should be placed in country villages, the archdeacon, being
always near the bishop, and the person mainly intrusted by him, grew
into great credit and power, and came by degrees, as occasion required,
to be employed by him in visiting the clergy of the diocese, and in the
despatch of other matters relating to the episcopal care.
He was the bishop’s constant attendant and assistant, and, next to the
bishop, the eyes of the whole Church were fixed upon him; it was
therefore by no means unusual for him to be chosen the bishop’s
successor before the presbyters, and St. Jerome records, “that an
archdeacon thought himself injured if he was ordained a presbyter.”
(“_Certe qui primus fuerit ministrorum, quia per singula concionatur in
populos, et a pontificis latere non recedit, injuriam putat si presbyter
ordinetur._”—Hieron. Com. in Ezek. c. 48.)
The author of the “Apostolical Constitutions” calls him the Ὁ παρεστὼς
τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ; and St. Ambrose informs us, in the account which he gives
of Laurentius, archdeacon of Rome, that it belonged to him “to minister
the cup to the people when the bishop celebrated the eucharist, and had
administered the bread before him.”—_Ambros. de Offic._ lib. i. c. 41.
At the beginning of the seventh century, he seems to have been fully
possessed of the chief care and inspection of the diocese in
subordination to the bishop.
But the authority of the archdeacon, in ancient times, was chiefly a
power of inquiry and inspection; and the gradual growth of his
“_jurisdiction_,” properly so called, during the middle ages, is a
subject of difficult inquiry. Pope Clement V. gives an archdeacon the
title of “_oculus Episcopi_,” saying that “he is in the bishop’s place,
to correct and amend all such matters as ought to be corrected and
amended by the bishop himself, unless they be of such an arduous nature,
as that they cannot be determined without the presence of his superior
the bishop.”
Regularly, the archdeacon cannot inflict any punishment, but can only
proceed by “_precepts_” and “_admonitions_.”
Beyond this, all the rights that any archdeacon enjoys, subsist by
_grants_ from the bishop, made either _voluntarily_, or of _necessity_,
or by _composition_. (See the case of composition made between the
bishop of Lincoln and his archdeacons, in Gibson’s _Codex_, vol. ii. p.
1548.)
As to the divisions in England of dioceses into archdeaconries, and the
assignment of particular divisions to particular archdeaconries, this is
supposed to have begun a little after the Norman conquest. We meet with
no archdeacons _vested with any kind of jurisdiction_ in the Saxon
times. Archbishop Lanfranc was the first who made an archdeacon with
power of “jurisdiction,” in his see of Canterbury, and Thomas, the first
archbishop of York after the Conquest, was the first in England that
divided his diocese into archdeaconries; as did also Remigius, bishop of
Lincoln. When the Norman bishops, by reason of their baronies, were tied
by the Constitutions of Clarendon to strict attendance upon the kings in
their parliaments, they were obliged, for the administration of their
dioceses, to grant larger delegations of power to archdeacons, who
visited when they did not (_de triennio in triennium_). Archdeacons,
therefore, with us, could not have this power of jurisdiction by common
right, or by immemorial custom; the power which the archdeacon has is
derived from the bishop, although he himself is an ordinary, and is
recognised as such by the books of common law, which adjudge an
administration made by him to be good, though it is not expressed by
what authority, because, as done by the archdeacon, it is presumed to be
done “_jure ordinario_.”
In the 22nd of Henry I. we have the first account of their being
summoned to convocation; and in the 15th of Henry III., and in the 32nd
year of the same king, they were summoned by _express name_.
This being the original of archdeacons, it is impossible for them to
prescribe to an independency on the bishop, as it was declared in a
court of law they might, and endeavoured to be proved by the gloss on a
legatine constitution, where we read that an archdeacon may have a
customary jurisdiction distinct from the bishop, and to which he may
prescribe. But the meaning of it is, not that there can be an
archdeaconry by prescription, and independent of the bishop, but that
the archdeacon may prescribe to a particular jurisdiction, exempt from
the ordinary; which jurisdiction has customarily been enjoyed by him and
his predecessors time out of mind.
The archdeaconries of St. Alban’s, of Richmond, and Cornwall, are cases
of this kind; these jurisdictions are founded upon ancient customs, but
the archdeacon is still subordinate to the bishop in various ways; he
being, in our law, as he is according to the canon law, _vicarious
episcopi_.
According to Lyndwood and other canonists, he can inquire into crimes,
but not punish the criminals; he has, in one sense, according to the
casuists, a cure of souls, by virtue of his office, though it is _in
foro exteriori tantum et sine pastorali cura_; and has authority to
perform ministerial acts, as to suspend, excommunicate, absolve, &c.,
therefore by the ecclesiastical law he is obliged to residence. And that
may be one reason why he may not be chosen to execute any temporal
office that may require his attendance at another place; another reason
is because he is an ecclesiastical person. But he has no parochial cure,
and therefore an archdeaconry is not comprehended under the name of a
benefice with cure; for if one who has such benefice accepts an
archdeaconry, it is not void by our law, though it is so by the canon
law. And yet, though he has not any parochial cure, he is obliged to
subscribe the declaration pursuant to the statute, 14 Charles II. It is
true, he is not expressly named therein, but all persons in holy orders
are enjoined to subscribe by that statute; and because an archdeacon
must be in those orders, therefore he must likewise subscribe, &c. And
as he has a jurisdiction in certain cases, so, for the better exercising
the same, he has power to keep a court, which is called the Court of the
Archdeacon, or his commissary, and this he may hold in any place within
his archdeaconry. With regard to the Archdeacon’s Court, it was said by
the justices of the Common Pleas, 2 & 3 William and Mary, in the case of
Woodward and Fox, that though it might be supposed originally that the
jurisdiction within the diocese was lodged in the bishop, yet the
Archdeacon’s Court had, “time out of mind,” been settled as a _distinct
court_, and that the statute 24th of Henry VIII. chap. xii. takes notice
of the Consistory Court, which is the bishop’s, and of the Archdeacon’s
Court, from which there lies an appeal to the bishop’s. (See _Appeal_.)
There is an officer belonging to this court, called a registrar, whose
office concerns the administration of justice, and therefore the
archdeacon cannot by law take any money for granting it; if he does, the
office will be forfeited to the queen. Regarding parochial visitations
by archdeacons, see “Articles and Directions to the Incumbents and
Churchwardens within the Archdeaconry of Surrey,” in Gibson’s _Codex_,
vol. ii. p. 1551–1555; and see _post_, “Visitation.”
By 1 & 2 Vict. c. cvi. s. 2, an archdeacon may hold, with his
archdeaconry, two benefices under certain restrictions; or a benefice
and a cathedral preferment.
He is also, whilst engaged in his archidiaconal functions, considered to
be resident on his benefice. In cathedrals of the old foundation, the
archdeacons of the diocese, how numerous soever, were members of the
greater chapter, and had stalls in the choir. This was the universal
custom on the continent, and is uniformly the case in Ireland, as it was
also in Scotland. In the diocese of Dublin, the archdeacon of Dublin has
a stall in both of the cathedrals there, the archdeacon of Glendaloch
however only in that of St. Patrick’s.
The archdeacons of Ireland have not for a long time exercised any
jurisdiction. It is however evident from old documents that they did
exercise it in ancient times. The bishops hold annual visitation.
ARCHES, COURT OF. The Court of Arches is an ancient court of appeal,
belonging to the archbishop of Canterbury, whereof the judge is called
the Dean of _Arches_, because he anciently held his court in the church
of St. Mary-le-Bow (_Sancta Maria de Arcubus_); though all the spiritual
courts are now holden at Doctors’ Commons.
ARCHIMANDRITE. A name formerly given to the superior of a monastery: it
is derived from the word μάνδρα, by which monasteries were sometimes
called. The term Archimandrite is still retained in the Greek Church.
ARCHPRIEST, or ARCHIPRESBYTER. An ancient title of distinction,
corresponding to our title, _rural dean_, revived under most unhappy
pretensions among the Romanists of England, in the year 1598. These men,
finding themselves without bishops, importuned the pope, Clement VII.,
to supply their need; but instead of sending them, as they desired, a
number of bishops, he gave them but one ecclesiastical superior, Robert
Blackwell, who after all was merely a priest; an archpriest indeed he
was called, but as such having no episcopal power. In the early times
this title was given to the chief presbyter in each church, presiding
over the church next under the bishop, and taking care of all things
relating to the church in the bishop’s absence. In this case however,
instead of being placed in a cathedral church, or discharging the office
of rural dean, under a bishop or archdeacon, he was appointed to govern
all the Romish clergy of England and Scotland, without one or the other.
Here then we find Rome, while preserving an old title, inventing an
office hitherto unknown to the Christian world. And, when appointed,
what could the archpriest do? He could merely be a rural dean on a large
scale. He could merely overlook his brother clergy. He could not
discharge any functions properly episcopal. He could not ordain priests,
confirm children, nor consecrate chapels, should circumstances permit or
require. It is plain, then, that the archpriest was a very imperfect and
insufficient substitute for a bishop. The archpriest in many foreign
churches, in Italy especially, answers to our cathedral dean. In some
Italian dioceses, somewhat to our rural dean.—_Darwell._
ARCHONTICS. Heretics who appeared in the second century, about A. D.
175, and who were an offshoot of the Valentinians. They held a quantity
of idle stories concerning the Divinity and the creation of the world,
which they attributed to sundry authors; and hence they were called
Archontics, from the Greek word ἀρχων, which means prince or ruler.
ARIANS. (See _Councils_.) Heretics, so named from Arius, their first
founder: they denied the three persons in the Holy Trinity to be of the
same essence, and affirmed the Word to be a creature, and that once
(although before the beginning of _time_) he was not. They were
condemned by the Council of Nice, in 325.
The doctrine of Arius may be thus stated:—The SON sprang not from the
nature of the FATHER, but was created from nothing: he had, indeed, an
existence before the world, even before time, but not from eternity. He
is, therefore, in essence different from the FATHER, and is in the order
of creatures, whom he, however, precedes in excellence, as GOD created
all things, even time, by his instrumentality; whence he was called the
SON of GOD, the Logos, or Word of GOD. As a creature the SON is perfect,
and as like to the FATHER as a creature can be to the Creator. But as he
has received all things as a gift, from the favour of the FATHER,—as
there was a period in which he was not,—so there is an infinite distance
between him and the nature of the FATHER; of which nature he cannot even
form a perfect idea, but can enjoy only a defective knowledge of the
same. His will was originally variable, capable of good and of evil, as
is that of all other rational creatures: he is, comparatively at least,
free from sin; not by nature, but by his good use of his power of
election; the FATHER, therefore, foreseeing his perseverance in good,
imparted to him that dignity and sublimity above all other creatures,
which shall continue to be the reward of his virtues. Although he is
called GOD, he is not so in truth, but was deified in that sense in
which men, who have attained to a high degree of sanctity, may arrive at
a participation of the Divine prerogatives. The idea then of a
generation of the SON from the essence of the FATHER is to be absolutely
rejected.
This doctrine, which must have corresponded to the superficial
understandings, and to the yet half-pagan ideas, of many who then called
themselves Christians, attacked the very soul of the Christian doctrine
of the redemption; for, according to this doctrine, it was not GOD made
man, but a changeable creature, who effected the great work of the
redemption of fallen man. The devout Christian, to whom faith in the
God-man, CHRIST, the only Divine Mediator, opened the way to an intimate
union with GOD, saw by this doctrine that his Redeemer and Mediator was
as infinitely removed from the essence of GOD as himself; he saw himself
driven back to the ancient pagan estrangement from GOD, and removed to
an unattainable distance from him.—See _Maimbourg, Hist. of Arians. For
an account of the revival of Arianism in the last century_, see _Van
Mildert’s Life of Waterland_.
ARK OF THE COVENANT. So the Jews called a small chest or coffer, three
feet nine inches in length, two feet three inches in breadth, and two
feet three inches in height, (_Prideaux, Connect._ Part i. Book iii.,)
in which were contained “the golden pot that had manna, and Aaron’s rod,
and the tables of the covenant,” as well the broken ones (according to
the Rabbins) as the whole. Heb. ix. 4. Over the ark was the mercy-seat,
and it was the covering of it. It was made of solid gold (Exod. xxv.
17–22); and at the two ends of it were two cherubims looking inward
toward each other, with expanded wings, which, embracing the whole
circumference of the mercy-seat, met on each side in the middle. The
whole (according to the Rabbins) was made out of the same mass, without
joining any of the parts by solder. Here it was that the _Shechinah_, or
Divine presence, rested, both in the tabernacle and in the temple, and
was visibly seen in the appearance of a cloud over it. And from hence
the Divine oracles were given out, by an audible voice, as often as GOD
was consulted in the behalf of his people. And hence it is, that GOD is
said, in Scripture, to dwell between the cherubims, on the mercy-seat,
because there was the seat or throne of the visible appearance of his
glory among them. And for this reason the high priest appeared before
this mercy-seat once every year, on the great day of expiation; at which
time he was to make his nearest approach to the Divine presence, to
mediate, and make atonement for the whole people of Israel.—_R. Levi,
Ben. Gersom, Solomon, &c._ Lev. xvi. 2; 1 Sam. iv. 4; 2 Sam. vi. 6; 2
Kings xix. 15; 1 Chron. xiii. 6; Psal. lxxx. 1; Lev. xvi. 14, 15; Heb.
ix. 7.
The ark of the covenant was, as it were, the centre of worship to all
those of that nation, who served GOD according to the Levitical law; and
not only in the temple, when they came thither to worship, but
everywhere else, in their dispersion throughout the whole world,
whenever they prayed, they turned their faces towards the place where
the ark stood, and directed all their devotions that way. Whence the
author of the book of Cosri justly says, that the ark, with the
mercy-seat, and cherubims, were the foundation, root, heart, and marrow,
of the whole temple, and all the Levitical worship therein performed.
And therefore had there been nothing else wanting in the second temple,
but the ark only, this alone would have been reason enough for the old
men to have wept, when they remembered the first temple, in which it
stood; and for the saying of Haggai, that the second temple was as
nothing in comparison of the first; so great a share had the ark of the
covenant in the glory of Solomon’s temple. However, the defect was
supplied as to the outward form: for, in the second temple, there was
also an ark, of the same shape and dimensions with the first, and put in
the same place: but it wanted the tables of the law, Aaron’s rod, and
the pot of manna; nor was there any appearance of the Divine glory over
it, nor any oracles delivered from it. The only use that was made of it
was, to be a representative of the former on the great day of expiation,
and to be a repository of the Holy Scriptures; that is, of the original
copy of that collection of them made by Ezra, after the captivity. In
imitation of which, the Jews, in all their synagogues, have a like ark,
or coffer, in which they keep their Scriptures. 1 Kings viii.
48.—_Lightfoot, of the Temple_, ch. xv. § 4.
The place of the temple where the ark stood, was the innermost and most
sacred part, called the _Holy of Holies_, and sometimes _the most holy
place_; which was made on purpose for its reception. This place, or
room, was of an exact cubic form, being thirty feet square, and thirty
feet high. In the centre of it, the ark was placed upon a stone (say the
Rabbins) rising three fingers’ breadth above the floor. On the two sides
of it stood two cherubims, fifteen feet high, at equal distance between
the centre of the ark and each side of the wall; where, having their
wings expanded, with two of them they touched the side walls, whilst the
other two met and touched each other exactly over the middle of the
ark.—_Yoma_, cap. v. § 2.
The ark, while it was ambulatory, with the tabernacle, was carried on
the shoulders of the Levites, by the means of staves, overlaid with
gold, and put through golden rings. Exod. xxv. 13, 14; xxvii. 6; Num.
iv. 4–6; 1 Chron. xv. 15.
What became of the old ark, on the destruction of the temple by
Nebuchadnezzar, is a dispute among the Rabbins. Had it been carried to
Babylon with the other vessels of the temple, it would have been brought
back again with them, at the end of the captivity. But that it was not
so, is agreed on all hands; whence it is probable it was destroyed with
the temple. The Jews contend, that it was hid and preserved by Jeremiah.
Some of them will have it, that King Josiah, being foretold by Huldah
the prophetess that the temple, soon after his death, would be
destroyed, caused the ark to be deposited in a vault, which Solomon,
foreseeing this destruction, had built on purpose for the preservation
of it.—_Buxtorf, de Arca_, cap. xxi., xxii.
ARMENIANS. The Christians of Armenia, the first country in which
Christianity was recognised as the national religion, in consequence of
the preaching of Gregory, called _The Illuminator_, in the beginning of
the fourth century. At a later time the Armenians adopted the Eutychian
or Monophysite heresy, asserting that the human nature of CHRIST is
swallowed up of the Divine; or is no more properly human than a drop of
vinegar put into the sea can afterwards be reckoned vinegar. They do not
deny the real presence in the eucharist, they do not mix water with
their wine, nor do they consecrate unleavened bread. They abstain from
eating blood and things strangled. They scrupulously observe fasting;
and fasts so frequently occur, that their whole religion seems to
consist in fasting. They admit infants to the sacrament of the
eucharist: they reject purgatory and prayers for the dead: they fast on
Christmas day, and they allow marriage in their priests. The Armenians
were anciently subject to the patriarchs of Constantinople, but they now
have their own patriarchs.
ARMINIANS. A powerful party of Christians, so called from Arminius,
professor of divinity at Leyden, who was the first that opposed the then
received doctrines in Holland, of an absolute predestination. They took
the name of Remonstrants, from a writing called a Remonstrance, which
was presented by them to the states of Holland, 1609, wherein they
reduced their peculiar doctrines to these five articles:—
1. That GOD, from all eternity, determined to bestow salvation on those
who, as he foresaw, would persevere unto the end in their faith in JESUS
CHRIST; and to inflict everlasting punishment on those who should
continue in their unbelief, and resist, to the end of life, his Divine
assistance; so that election was conditional; and reprobation, in like
manner, the result of foreseen infidelity and persevering wickedness.
2. On the second point, they taught, That JESUS CHRIST, by his suffering
and death, made an atonement for the sins of mankind in general, and of
every individual in particular; that, however, none but those who
believe in him can be partakers of that Divine benefit.
3. On the third article they held, That true faith cannot proceed from
the exercise of our natural faculties and powers, nor from the force and
operation of free will; since man, in consequence of his natural
corruption, is incapable either of thinking or doing any good thing; and
that, therefore, it is necessary to his conversion and salvation, that
he be regenerated and renewed by the operation of the HOLY GHOST, which
is the gift of GOD, through JESUS CHRIST.
4. On the fourth they believed, That this Divine grace, or energy of the
HOLY GHOST, begins, advances, and perfects everything that can be called
_good_ in man; and that, consequently, all good works are to be
attributed to GOD alone; that nevertheless, this grace, which is offered
to all, does not force men to act against their inclinations, but may be
resisted and rendered ineffectual by the perverse will of the impenitent
sinner.
5. And on the fifth, That GOD gives to the truly faithful, who are
regenerated by his grace, the means of preserving themselves in this
state; and, though the first Arminians entertained some doubt with
respect to the closing part of this article, their followers uniformly
maintain, That the regenerate may lose true justifying faith, fall from
a state of grace, and die in their sins.
The synod of Dort, consisting of Dutch, French, German, and Swiss
divines, and held in 1618, condemned their opinions.
ARMS. Armorial bearings, whether borne by individuals or by corporate
bodies and corporations sole: among which are reckoned bishops,
colleges, and other ecclesiastical persons and bodies. A bishop empales
his family coat with the arms of his see, to denote his spiritual
marriage with his Church; but the arms of the see occupy the _dexter
side_ of the escutcheon, or _the side of greater honour_. When a bishop
is married, he empales the arms of his wife with his own family coat, on
a separate escutcheon; and this escutcheon is placed by the sinister
side of the shield, empaling his own coat with the arms of the see. Many
of the arms of bishoprics contain allusions to the spiritual character
of the person who bears them. Thus the archbishops of Canterbury,
Armagh, and Dublin, each bear a pall, in right of their sees; as did the
archbishop of York till his arms were changed about the beginning of the
sixteenth century to two keys crossed saltierwise, and a crown royal in
chief. Colleges often assume the family coat of their founder as their
arms.
ARTICLES, THE THIRTY-NINE. The Thirty-nine Articles, based on the
Forty-two Articles framed by Archbishop Cranmer and Bishop Ridley in the
reign of Edward VI., were presented by his Grace the archbishop of
Canterbury, Dr. Parker, to the convocation of the province of Canterbury
which was convened with the parliament in January, 1562, and by the
convocation they were unanimously approved. In 1566 a bill was brought
into parliament to confirm them. The bill passed the Commons, but by the
queen’s command was dropped in the Lords. In 1571 the convocation
revised the articles of 1562, and made some alterations in them. In the
same year an act was passed, “to provide that the ministers of the
Church should be of sound religion.” It enacted that all ecclesiastical
persons should subscribe to “all the articles of religion which only
contained the confession of the true faith and of the sacraments,
comprised in a book imprinted, entitled ‘Articles,’ whereupon it was
agreed by the archbishops and bishops, and the whole clergy in
convocation holden at London, in the year of our LORD GOD 1562,
according to the computation of the Church of England, for the avoiding
of diversities of opinions, and for the establishing of consent touching
true religion, put forth by the queen’s authority.” In 1628 an English
edition was published by royal authority, to which is prefixed the
declaration of Charles I. The English Articles were adopted by the Irish
convocation in 1615.
Some have thought that they are only articles of union and peace; that
they are a standard of doctrine, not to be contradicted or disputed;
that the sons of the Church are only bound to acquiesce silently in
them; and that the subscription binds only to a general compromise upon
those articles, that so there may be no disputing or wrangling about
them. By this means they reckon, that though a man should differ in his
opinion from that which appears to be the clear sense of any of the
articles; yet he may with a good conscience subscribe them, if the
article appears to him to be of such a nature, that though he thinks it
wrong, yet it seems not to be of that consequence, but that it may be
borne with and not contradicted.
Now as to the laity, and the whole body of the people, certainly to them
these are only the articles of Church communion: so that every person,
who does not think that there is some proposition in them that is
erroneous to so high a degree that he cannot hold communion with such as
hold it, may, and is obliged to, continue in our communion; for
certainly there may be many opinions held in matters of religion, which
a man may believe to be false, and yet may esteem them to be of so
little importance to the chief design of religion, that he may well hold
communion with those whom he thinks to be so mistaken.
But what the clergy are bound to by their subscriptions is much more
than this. The meaning of every subscription is to be taken from the
design of the imposer, and from the words of the subscription itself.
The title of the Articles bears, that they were agreed upon in
convocation, “for the avoiding of diversities of opinions, and for the
establishing of consent touching true religion.” Where it is evident
that “a consent in opinion” is designed. If we in the next place
consider the declarations that the Church has made in the canons, we
shall find, that though by the fifth canon, which relates to the whole
body of people, such only are declared to be excommunicated _ipso
facto_, who shall affirm any of the articles to be erroneous, or such as
he may not with a good conscience subscribe to; yet the thirty-sixth
canon is express for the clergy, requiring them to subscribe “willingly
and _ex animo_,” and “acknowledge all and every article to be agreeable
to the word of GOD:” upon which canon it is, that the form of the
subscription runs in these words, which seem expressly to declare a
man’s own opinion, and not a bare assent to an article of peace, or an
engagement to silence and submission. The statute of the 13th of Queen
Elizabeth, chap. 12, which gives the legal authority to our requiring
subscriptions, in order to a man’s being capable of a benefice, requires
that every clergyman should read the Articles in the Church, with a
declaration of his unfeigned assent to them. These things make it appear
very plain, that the subscriptions of the clergy must be considered as a
declaration of their own opinion, and not as a bare obligation to
silence.—_Bishop Burnet._
We learn from the New Testament, that those who first embraced the
gospel declared their faith in JESUS, as the promised Messiah, in simple
and general terms (Acts viii. 37); and there is no ground for supposing
that the apostles required this declaration to be made in any one
particular form of words. No such formulary is transmitted to us; and,
had any ever existed, it would probably have been cited or alluded to in
the New Testament, or in the early apologies for Christianity. Every
bishop was authorized to prescribe a formulary for the use of his own
church; and there are still extant in writers who lived near to the
apostolic age, several abstracts of Christian faith, which, though they
agree in substance, vary in expression. But, when heresies gained
ground, and destroyed uniformity of belief among Christians, it became
necessary to have a public standard of faith; and to this cause we are
to attribute the origin of creeds. The design of these creeds was to
establish the genuine doctrines of the gospel, in opposition to the
errors which then prevailed; and to exclude from communion with the
orthodox Church of CHRIST all who held heretical opinions. New
dissensions and controversies continually arose; and we have to lament
that, in process of time, “the faith, which was once delivered unto the
saints,” became corrupted in the highest degree; and that those very
councils, which were convened according to the practice of the apostolic
age, for the purpose of declaring “the truth as it is in JESUS,” gave
their sanction and authority to the grossest absurdities and most
palpable errors. These corruptions, supported by secular power, and
favoured by the darkness and ignorance of the times, were almost
universally received through a succession of many ages, till at last the
glorious light of the Reformation dispelled the clouds which had so long
obscured the Christian world.
At that interesting period the several Churches, which had separated
themselves from the Roman communion, found it expedient to publish
confessions of their faith; and, in conformity to this practice, Edward
the Sixth, the first Protestant king of England, caused to be published
by his royal authority forty-two “Articles, agreed upon by the bishops
and other learned and good men, in the convocation held at London in the
year 1552, to root out the discord of opinions, and establish the
agreement of true religion.” These Articles were repealed by Queen Mary,
soon after her accession to the throne. But Queen Elizabeth, in the
beginning of her reign, gave her royal assent to thirty-nine [or rather
thirty-eight] “Articles, agreed upon by the archbishops and bishops of
both provinces, and the whole clergy, in the convocation holden at
London in the year 1562, for avoiding diversities of opinion, and for
the establishing of consent touching true religion.” These Articles were
revised, and some small alterations made in them, in the year 1571;
since which time they have continued to be the criterion of the faith of
the members of the Church of England on the subjects to which they
relate. The Articles of 1562 were drawn up in Latin only [in reality the
Articles both of 1552 and of 1562 were set forth in our authorized
English version, as well as in Latin]; but, in 1571, they were
subscribed by the members of the two houses of convocation, both in
Latin and English; and, therefore, the Latin and English copies are to
be considered as equally authentic. The original manuscripts, subscribed
by the Houses of Convocation, were burnt in the Fire of London; but Dr.
Bennet has collated the oldest copies now extant, and it appears that
there are no variations of any importance.
It is generally believed that Cranmer and Ridley were chiefly concerned
in framing the forty-two Articles, upon which our thirty-nine are
founded. But Bishop Burnet says, that “questions relating to them were
given about to many bishops and divines, who gave in their several
answers, which were collated and examined very maturely; all sides had a
free and fair hearing before conclusions were made.” Indeed, caution and
moderation are no less conspicuous in them than a thorough knowledge of
the Scriptures, and of the early opinions and practice of Christians.
These Thirty-nine Articles are arranged with great judgment and
perspicuity, and may be considered under four general divisions: the
first five contain the Christian doctrines concerning the Father, the
Son, and the Holy Ghost; in the sixth, seventh, and eighth, the rule of
faith is established; the ten next relate to Christians, as individuals;
and the remaining twenty-one relate to them, as they are members of a
religious society. But, as all confessions of faith have had a reference
to existing heresies, we shall here find, not only the positive
doctrines of the gospel asserted; but also the principal errors and
corruptions of the Church of Rome, and most of the extravagances into
which certain Protestant sects fell at the time of the Reformation,
rejected and condemned.—_Bp. Tomline._
The various forms through which the Articles have passed, may be seen in
_Cardwell’s Synodalia_, and in _Hardwick’s History of the Articles_. In
1615, a set of Articles of a Calvinistic nature were compiled by the
Irish convocation; but it does not appear that they ever received the
sanction of parliament. These, however, were superseded in 1635 by the
English Articles, which were then adopted by the Irish Convocation. (See
Introduction to _Stephens’ Book of Common Prayer_, from the Dublin MS.,
vol. i., xxxvii.–xxxix.) The old Articles are given at length. In
general, these perfectly agree with the English Articles; but the
doctrines of the Lambeth Articles are introduced.
ARTS. One of the faculties in which degrees are conferred in the
universities. In the English and Irish universities there are two
degrees in arts, that of Bachelor and that of Master. The whole circle
of the arts was formerly reduced to seven sciences, grammar, rhetoric,
logic, arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy; and these again were
divided into the _trivium_, including the first three, and the
_quadrivium_, including the remaining four. Music is now considered as a
separate faculty at Oxford, Cambridge, and Dublin; as the degrees of
Doctor and Bachelor of Music are given. Grammar was a separate but
subordinate faculty at Oxford and Cambridge, in which there were three
degrees, Doctor, Master, and Bachelor. There is an instance in Wood’s
Athenæ Oxon., of a _Doctor_ in Grammar and Rhetoric (Robt. Whityndon,
1513). The last record of grammatical degrees at Oxford is in 1568; at
Cambridge in 1539. The faculty of arts is called that of philosophy in
some foreign and more modern universities, there the degrees are Doctor
and Candidate.
ASAPH, _Psalms of_. One of the three Temple Choirs bore the designation
of the _Sons of Asaph_: from Asaph, their leader, in the time of David.
They were descendants of Gershom, the eldest son of Levi. Twelve Psalms
are entitled Psalms of Asaph: viz. the 50th, 73rd, 74th, 75th, 76th,
77th, 78th, 79th, 80th, 81st, 82nd, and 83rd. Critics are divided in
opinion, as to whether these were composed or adopted by the above-named
Asaph, or by one of the same name, but of later date, or were
appropriated to the peculiar use of the _Sons of Asaph_, in the courses
of attendance at the temple.
ASCENSION DAY. This holy day has been kept in the Christian Church from
the earliest times. It is reckoned by the compiler of the Apostolic
Constitutions among the other great festivals, Christmas day, the
Epiphany, Easter, and Whitsunday; and St. Augustine speaks of it as
either instituted by the apostles, or by some early and numerously
attended councils of the primitive bishops, whose authority he
considered most beneficial in the Church. “On this day,” says St.
Chrysostom, “the reconciliation between GOD and mankind was completed,
the long enmity was dissolved, the blasting war brought to an end.” “On
this day, we, who had been shown to be unworthy of earth, were raised to
the hope of heaven; we, who were not fit to receive dominion even on
earth below, were exalted to the kingdom which is above; and our nature,
kept out by cherubim from an earthly paradise, may now sit above the
cherubim on high.” CHRIST, the first-fruits of our nature, having
obtained this perfection, we that are his members may hope to partake
the same glory. This hope the returning day of his ascension should ever
bring into our minds, and we should keep it for the sustaining of our
hope, and in thankfulness for the grace it brought. It is one of the
days which the Church especially recommends for the receiving of the
holy communion. (See _the_ _Special Preface in the Communion Office_.)
It is difficult to account for the too prevalent neglect of this high
festival of our Church, on any other ground than the encroachment of
worldly principles upon the minds of men, to the displacing of the
principles of the Church. Ascension day is one of the six holy days for
which special psalms are appointed. The three Rogation days are
appointed to prepare us for its right celebration, and yet, because it
is not marked by worldly festivities, many neglect and pass it by. It is
observed as a scarlet day at Oxford and Cambridge. It is popularly
called Holy Thursday. By 27 Henry VI. cap. 5, the holding of fairs or
markets was prohibited on _Ascension day_, as well as on other high
holidays, and on Sundays, &c.; making an exception however of the four
Sundays in harvest: and it was enacted that the fair should be held on
some other day preceding or following. That part of the act which
related to Sundays in harvest was repealed by 13 and 14 Vict. cap. 23.
The rest of the act remains unrepealed.
ASCETICS. Men in the second century, who made profession of uncommon
degrees of sanctity and virtue, and declared their resolution of obeying
all the counsels of CHRIST, in order to their enjoying communion with
GOD here; and also, in expectation that, after the dissolution of their
mortal bodies, they might ascend to him with the greater facility, and
find nothing to retard their approach to the supreme centre of happiness
and perfection. They looked upon themselves as prohibited the use of
things which it was lawful for other Christians to enjoy, such as
_wine_, _flesh_, _matrimony_, and _commerce_. They thought it their
indispensable duty to attenuate the body by watchings, abstinence,
labour, and hunger. They looked for felicity in solitary retreats, in
desert places, where, by severe and assiduous efforts of sublime
meditation, they thought to raise their souls above all external objects
and all sensual pleasures. Both men and women imposed upon themselves
the most severe tasks, the most austere discipline; all which, however
it might be the fruit of pious intention, was in the issue extremely
detrimental to Christianity, and tended to introduce the doctrine of
justification by inherent righteousness. These persons were called
_ascetics_ (from ἀσκησις, exercise or discipline) and _philosophers_;
nor were they only distinguished by their title from other Christians,
but also by their garb. In the second century, indeed, such as embraced
this austere kind of life submitted themselves to all these
mortifications in private, without breaking asunder their social bonds,
or withdrawing themselves from the concourse of men. But in process of
time, they retired into deserts; and, after the example of the Essenes
and Therapeutæ, they formed themselves into certain companies.—See
_Origen, contr. Cels._ lib. v.; _Can. Apostol._ cap. 51; _Cyril,
Catech._ 10, n. 9; _Bingham, Antiq. Chr. Ch._
ASCETICISM. The practice of the Ascetics. We do not consider neglect of
the body—meaning by the term our present material organization—a rule of
Christianity. The abnegation of sin is, of course, the root of all
religion, and the body of sin is a scriptural phrase for our nature in
its unredeemed and antagonistic state; but it ceases to be a body of
sin, in this sense, when it becomes a member of CHRIST: it becomes in
baptism a temple of the HOLY GHOST. But how are we to judge that the
spirit within is indeed regenerated? Principally by the works of the
body. The existence of good works manifests the operation of the spirit
of good, and the Christian character therefore takes for its physical
development—labour, activity, perseverance, energy, fortitude, courage;
to all of which qualities self-denial is the preliminary. Christianity,
therefore, does not eradicate the powers of the body any more than it
does the feelings of the heart, or the faculties of the mind; it
eradicates their misdevotion. What it aims at effecting is, to assign to
each in its sanctified character its proper place and province. It
defines legitimate objects for the passions, legitimate ambitions for
the mind, legitimate aspirations for the soul. Simply, Christianity is
human nature in rectitude, not lethargy, of action. Nature in every
instance tells us that we possess such and such powers; the gospel
directs their application, and reveals the important results dependent
on their use or abuse. The right discipline, therefore, not the
destruction, of human capabilities, is inculcated by the Scriptures. GOD
has for the wisest reasons placed the extirpation of these internal
organs of action beyond our power, but within our power the regulating
them for good or evil, happiness or misery. The choice is ours; the
consequences attendant on the choice are not ours: these have been fixed
from, and will extend into, eternity.—_Morgan._
ASCODRUTES, or ASCODROUTES. An heretical sect of the Marcosians. They
rejected the sacraments, alleging that things spiritual cannot be
conveyed in corporeal symbols.—_Bingham, Antiq. Chr. Ch._
ASHES. Several religious ceremonies depend upon the use of _ashes_. St.
Jerome relates, that the Jews, in his time, rolled themselves in ashes,
as a sign of mourning. To _repent in sackcloth and ashes_ is a frequent
expression in Scripture, for mourning and being afflicted for our sins.
Numb. xix. 17. There was a sort of lustral water, made with the ashes of
an heifer, sacrificed on the great day of atonement, the ashes whereof
were distributed among the people. In the Romish Church, ashes are given
among the people on Ash-Wednesday: they must be made from branches of
olive, or some other trees, that have been blessed the foregoing year.
(_Pescara Cerem. Eccles. Rom._) The sacristan, or vestry-keeper,
prepares these ashes, and lays them in a small vessel on the altar:
after which the officiating priest blesses the ashes, which are strewed
by the deacons, and assistants, on the heads of all that are present,
accompanied with these words, _Memento, homo, quod pulvis es_, &c.;
_Remember, man, that thou art dust_, &c.—_Religious Ceremonies of all
Nations_, vol. iii. (See _Ash-Wednesday_.)
ASH-WEDNESDAY. (See _Lent_ and _Commination_.) This day seems to have
been observed as the first day of Lent in the time of Gregory the Great.
It is supposed by some, that Gregory added three days at the beginning
of Lent, to make the number forty, in more exact imitation of the number
of days in our blessed SAVIOUR’S fast; and that before his time there
were only thirty-six days, the Sundays being always kept as festivals.
It was called, in his time, _Dies cinerum_, the day of sprinkling ashes,
or _Caput jejunii_, the beginning of the fast. The custom of open
penance, which the name of the day reminds us of, is one of those things
which the Church of England, at the time of the Reformation, wished to
see restored; but on account of the prejudices of the time, she could
not carry out her wishes. (See _the_ _Commination Service in the Prayer
Book_.)
ASPERGILLUM. An instrument resembling a brush, used in the Roman
Catholic Church for the purpose of sprinkling holy water over objects to
be blessed.
ASPERSION. (See _Affusion_.) The sprinkling with water in the sacrament
of baptism. This our rubric permits.
_Then the priest shall take the child into his hands, and say to the
godfathers and godmothers_,
Name this child.
_And then naming it after them (if they shall certify him that the
child may well endure it) he shall dip it in the water discreetly
and warily, saying_,
_N._ I baptize thee in the name of the FATHER, and of the SON, and of
the HOLY GHOST. Amen.
_But if they certify that the child is weak, it shall suffice to pour
water upon it, saying the aforesaid words._
_N._ I baptize thee in the name of the FATHER, and of the SON, and of
the HOLY GHOST. Amen.
It is said by the Anabaptists that there is no authority in Scripture
for thus administering the sacrament of baptism. But we find in the
primitive Church, that although baptism was regularly administered by
immersion, yet in cases of sickness, where clinic baptism was
administered, aspersion was used. We conclude, then, that immersion is
not essential to the sacrament; and if sickness were an excuse for not
immersing under certain circumstances, it is still a sufficient excuse,
if in our cold climate to immerse our children would be attended with
danger.—See _Bingham’s Origines Ecclesiasticæ_.
ASSEMBLY OF DIVINES. The title given to a notable assembly held at
Westminster, 1st July, 1643, convoked by an ordinance of the Lords and
Commons, but forbidden to be held by the king, to take the liturgy,
government, and doctrines of the Church under consideration. The members
were elected by the knights and burgesses, two being returned for each
county. According to Clarendon, they were most of them men of mean
learning, and some of them of scandalous morals. Among the exceptions to
this condemnatory sentence were Lightfoot and Selden. Usher was
nominated, but with the few Episcopalians elected did not serve. The
Scottish covenant was taken by this assembly: the confession of faith
still received in the Scottish Presbyterian establishment, and the
larger and shorter catechisms, were drawn up. But the opinions of the
members differed so widely on many points, that the assembly broke up
without accomplishing the principal end for which it was convened. (See
_Confessions of Faith_.)
ASSUMPTION OF THE VIRGIN MARY. A festival of the Romish Church,
instituted in the seventh century, and fixed to the 15th of August, in
honour of the imaginary ascension of the Virgin Mary into heaven, which,
without any authority from Scripture or tradition, some sects in that
corrupt Church teach to have occurred in a miraculous manner, some years
after her death. Such is the corrupt practice of the Romanists, that in
many places higher honour is paid to this legendary festival than even
to the anniversary of the crucifixion of our Lord. (See _Virgin Mary_.)
ASYLUM. A place of refuge. This began to be a privilege of churches in
the time of Constantine. No persons could be arrested in churches. In
the middle ages this was a great advantage, to prevent the excesses of
private revenge. In times of great civilization it became an abuse, and
the privilege was taken away. (See _Sanctuary_.)
ATHANASIAN CREED. The learned, at this day, however they may differ in
their opinions about the age, or author, make no question but that the
composition was originally in Latin. The style and phraseology—its early
acceptance with the Latins, while unknown to the Greeks—the antiquity
and number of the Latin MSS., and their general agreement with each
other, compared with the lateness, the scarceness, and the disagreement
of the Greek copies—all seem to demonstrate this.
As to the antiquity of the Athanasian Creed, it was certainly become so
famous in the sixth century as to be commented upon, together with the
LORD’S Prayer and Apostles’ Creed, about the year 570, by Venantius
Fortunatus, bishop of Poitiers, in France. This is certain evidence for
the time specified, and presumptive for much greater antiquity. For who
can imagine that it should grow into such repute of a sudden?
From the doctrines contained in the Creed, and from its manner of
expressing them, it is probable that it is earlier than the times of
Nestorius, or the Ephesine council, in 431; the Creed not condemning the
heresy of the Nestorians in such full, direct, critical terms as the
Catholics found to be necessary against the wiles and subtleties of
those men.
From the doctrine of the incarnation, as expressed therein, we may be
confident that it is not earlier than the rise of the Apollinarian
heresy, which appeared at first about the year 360, and grew to a head
about 370, or a little later. And this consideration is against the
opinion that Athanasius made it, either during his banishment at Treves,
which ended in the year 338, or during his stay at Rome, in the year
343; or that he presented it to either Pope Julius, or Liberius, who
were both dead before the year 367. And Dr. Waterland, whose researches
were so extensive, infers that the Athanasian Creed is not earlier than
the year 420.
It is observable that, about the year 426, St. Augustine, then bishop of
Hippo, in Africa, held a close and intimate correspondence with the
Gallican Churches. For one Leporius, a presbyter, having spread false
doctrine in Gaul, chiefly relating to the incarnation, and being
censured for it, fled to Africa, and was there brought to a sense of his
errors by St. Augustine and some other African bishops. The lives and
characters suiting extremely well with place, time, occasion, and other
circumstances, all these concur to persuade that the Creed was composed
in Gaul, between the years 426 and 430. And as Honoratus of Marseilles
tells us that Hilary, archbishop of Arles, from 429, composed an
admirable “Exposition of the Creed,” and as among the ancient titles
given to this Creed are, “An Exposition of the Catholic Faith,” or, yet
nearer, “An Exposition of the Apostles’ Creed,” Hilary was probably the
author of this work: or else his Creed is lost.
As to the name of Athanasius, now generally prefixed to it, it may be
remarked, that upon the revival of the Arian controversy in Gaul, under
the influence of the Burgundian kings, it was natural to call one side
Athanasians, and the other side Arians; and so also to name the orthodox
faith the Athanasian faith, as the other, the Arian. This Creed,
therefore, being an excellent summary of the Catholic faith, as
maintained by Athanasius, might in process of time acquire the name of
the Athanasian faith, and so in a little while occasion the mistake of
ascribing it to him as his composition.
His name, together with the intrinsic worth and value of the form
itself, gave it credit enough to be received in France as an orthodox
formulary, or system of belief, about the middle of the sixth century,
and into the public offices of the Gallican Church about the year 670.
In Spain it was known and approved as a rule of faith about the year
633, and was soon after taken into the offices of the Church in that
kingdom. In Germany it was received at lowest about 787. As to our own
country, we have proof of the Creed’s being sung alternately in our
churches in the tenth century, when Abbo of Fleury, an ear-witness of
it, was here; and when the Saxon versions, still extant, were of
standing use, for the instruction and benefit both of clergy and people.
These evidences alone will prove the reception of this Creed in England
to have been as early as 950, or 930, or the time of Athelstan, whose
Latin Psalter has the Creed in it. But other circumstances make it
probable it was used as early as 880. About fourscore years after this,
it was received in Italy. And in Rome itself (which was always more
desirous of imposing her own offices upon other churches, than of
receiving any from them) it was received in the tenth century, and
probably about the year 930. From which time forwards this Creed has
been publicly recited in the Church offices all over the West; and it
seems in some parts of the Greek Church also.—_Waterland’s Critical
History of the Athanasian Creed_, &c.
Its reception has been both general and ancient. It has been received by
Greeks and Latins all over Europe; and if it has been little known among
the African and Asian Churches, the like may be said of the Apostles’
Creed, which has not been admitted, scarce known, in Africa, and but
little in Asia, except among the Armenians, who are said to receive it.
So that, for generality of reception, the Athanasian Creed may vie with
any, except the Nicene, or Constantinopolitan, the only general Creed
common to all the Churches.
As to the antiquity of its reception into the sacred offices, it was
received in several countries, France, Germany, England, Italy, and Rome
itself, as soon as the Nicene, or sooner; which is a high commendation
of it, as gaining ground by its own intrinsic worth, and without the
authority of any general council to enforce it. And there is this
further to be observed, that while the Nicene and Apostles’ Creeds were
growing up to their present perfection, in a course of years, or
centuries of years, and not completed till about the year 600, this
Creed was made and perfected at once, and is more ancient, if considered
as an entire form, than either of the others, having received its full
perfection while the others wanted theirs.—_Waterland._
In the Greek and Roman Churches it survived in the midst of all the
corruptions that arose: upon the Reformation there was not a Protestant
Church but what received it in its fullest extent: Luther, Calvin, Beza,
and all the wisest and best reformers, acknowledged the Athanasian
Creed, and made it their profession of faith: the Puritans, in our own
country, the parent stock of all our modern dissenters, embraced it as
readily as the Church of England herself.—_Dean Vincent._
This admirable summary of the Christian faith, as to the great doctrines
of the Trinity and the incarnation, has met with the esteem it deserves
among all that have at heart the welfare of Christianity. The faith into
which Christians are baptized is this,—there is but one GOD, yet there
are three persons,—the FATHER, the SON, and the HOLY SPIRIT, who are
equally Divine, and must be together the one GOD, since GOD is but one.
This is the faith which has been received in the Christian Churches from
the beginning; and this faith, I doubt not, will continue universally to
prevail, till all the chosen people are gathered in, and united in one
general assembly and church, in the pure realms of blessedness above. In
that happy country, the noise of controversies will cease. All who are
brought to stand in the presence of GOD, dressed in the unblemished
robes of innocence and immortality, will know, that all the three Divine
persons were concerned in bringing them thither; and as they owe their
happiness to the sacred three, they will join in directing the same
songs of praise to GOD, the Father of mercies, who chose them to himself
before the foundation of the world; to GOD the Son, who redeemed them
from wrath, by shedding his own precious blood; and to GOD the Holy
Spirit, who renewed and sanctified them, and conducted them safe through
the wilderness of this world, into the land of uprightness, the country
of rest and pure delight.—_Taylor on the Trinity._
On the clauses called damnatory, we may offer the following observations
from several of our standard writers. “He that believeth and is baptized
shall be saved; but he that believeth not shall be damned.” (Mark xvi.
16.) These are the words of him who is ordained of GOD to be the judge
of quick and dead; of him who himself shall pronounce the final doom of
all men; spoken by him at the time when he was taking his solemn leave
of his apostles, giving them his last and final charge, and in which the
fate of all the world is determined. The meek and humble JESUS makes use
of very sharp expressions, when he warns his disciples against those who
should oppose or dispute those truths: “Beware (saith he) of false
prophets;” beware of false teachers, such as corrupt sound doctrine in
the essential and fundamental articles of faith.—_Wheatly._
Many unbelievers, and some Christians, suppose opinions to be
involuntary, and therefore harmless. But let them consider how far this
will carry them. Nothing is more expressly revealed in Holy Scripture,
than that he who does not believe the Christian religion shall be
condemned. If it be said, that unbelief may arise from a disorder or
from a defect in the understanding, every such case is, by implication,
excepted. This sentence is deemed by us declaratory of the general will
of GOD, and does not imply an absolute exclusion of every culpable
individual from his mercy.—_Croft._
The denial of our LORD’S Divinity, as it stands condemned by the laws
both of our Church and State, so it has, from the very beginning, been
esteemed a “damnable heresy;” and all impugners of it have been always
excluded from the communion of the Church. Primitive writers call it an
“abominable heresy,” “a God-denying apostasy,” and, in those ages, those
who broached such doctrines were constantly deposed and
excommunicated.—_Randolph on the Trinity._
One sometimes finds in persons a wonderful inattention and a strange
indifference with regard to the first and most fundamental doctrines of
their religion. It might possibly be with some view to this kind of
conduct, that the compiler of the Creed inserted what are called the
damnatory clauses. He was desirous to excite their attention, and to
rouse them from this unmeaning slumber; to convince them that something
is to be believed, as well as practised; and that in matters of this
importance men should not trifle with GOD and their own consciences, and
halt between two opinions.—HORBERY.
These clauses have occasioned much needless uneasiness. When such men, I
say not as Chillingworth, for we have judged him weak in religious
reasoning, but as Clarke, Tillotson, Secker, could be uneasy under them,
I can ascribe it to nothing but the influence of religious terror; a
sentiment which operates in all possible degrees; which makes us scruple
to admit in religion what would occasion no difficulty in common
affairs, lest our acquiescence should be owing to some corrupt or
indirect motive. Scruples of this kind are owing to not freely admitting
those limitations which common sense suggests in the application of
every general proposition. Heresies are very numerous; defiling the
purity of the faith, making men act on wrong principles, affording
handles to infidelity, and dividing Christians amongst themselves, so as
to defeat the ends of religious society, and probably lose some degree
of future happiness; it seems needful, therefore, to draw the erroneous
notions, which are so pernicious, into a small compass, and solemnly
reject them; that the unwary may be cautioned, and the bold and busy
innovator discouraged. And lest the unstable, who are tossed about with
every wind of doctrine, should continue to indulge their childish
fondness for novelty, and live on without any regular and permanent
principles, it seems also needful to remind them of the last solemn
declaration of our blessed LORD, not surely with a view to bias the
judgment, but only to enforce the duty of a sober and serious attention
to sacred truth, uninfluenced by passion or caprice.—_Hey’s Lectures._
These clauses were inserted in this Creed, and in most of the ancient
Creeds, the Arian as well as others, by no means to intimate the
condemnation, for want of faith, of such as had no opportunity of
receiving the Christian religion; but of such only as, having it duly
preached to them, should receive it in an evil heart of unbelief, and,
holding it in unrighteousness, should mutilate or corrupt its
essentials. There is, surely, a wide difference between condemning with
severity, and believing with sorrow and compassion that another is
condemned. A man who pronounces this sentence, because he sees it
pronounced in the word of GOD, might die for the conversion and
retrieval of those on whom he is forced, by the conviction of his faith,
to pronounce it.—_Skelton._
Damnatory clauses, or anathemas, as they are angrily called, deriving
their authority from Scripture, should be considered as awful
admonitions, which it hath seemed good to Divine wisdom to announce
generally, in order to condemn an indifference of mind in matters of
religious principle; to correct a fond admiration of change or novelty;
and to intimidate, under the severest penalties of GOD’S displeasure,
the vain or interested from broaching their wild and pernicious
heresies.—_Bishop Cleaver._
Many have argued against the use of this Creed; and some, with strange
vehemence, partly from the doctrines which it teaches, but chiefly from
the condemnation which it pronounces on all who disbelieve them. Now the
doctrines are undeniably the same with those that are contained in the
Articles of our Church, in the beginning of our litany, in the
conclusions of many of our collects, in the Nicene Creed, and, as we
conceive, in that of the Apostles; in the doxology, in the form of
baptism, and in numerous passages of both Testaments; only here they are
somewhat more distinctly set forth, to prevent equivocation.—_Archbishop
Secker._
Whenever we go contrary to a stream, which has run in one channel for
seventeen centuries, we ought to doubt our own opinions, and at least
treat the general and concurring testimony of mankind with respect. If
any one has his doubts on the intricacies of this question, let him
first search the Scripture, and settle his principles from thence; if he
afterwards wishes to pursue his researches, let him not recur to the
crude and hasty publications of the present day, in which assertions are
rashly made, without foundation in Scripture, antiquity, or the
principles of any Church, but to those learned writers who managed this
controversy fifty years ago in our own country; or, if he has learning
and leisure sufficient, to the primitive fathers themselves.—_Dean
Vincent._
Whoever wrote this Creed, he meant nothing more than to collect things
said in various Catholic writers, against the various heresies
subsisting, and to simplify and arrange the expressions, so as to form a
confession of faith the most concise, orderly, and comprehensive,
possible. Not with any view of explaining any mysterious truths, but
with the sole design of rejecting hurtful or heretical errors. And it
may have been adopted on account of its excellence, in bringing the
errors which were to be shunned into a small compass, in exposing them
in a kind of poetic numbers, which strike and possess the ear; and may
have been called “Athanasian,” only on account of its containing
doctrines which have been defended with peculiar force and brilliancy by
the great prelate of Alexandria.—_Hey’s Lectures._
The Athanasian Creed only tells us what we must believe, if we believe a
Trinity in unity, three persons and one GOD: and I challenge any man,
who sincerely professes this faith, to tell me, what he can leave out of
this exposition, without destroying the Divinity of some of the three
persons, or the unity of the Godhead. If each person must be God and
Lord, must not each person be uncreated, incomprehensible, eternal,
almighty? If there be but one God, and one Lord, can there be three
separated, uncreated, incomprehensible, eternal, almighty Gods; which
must of necessity be three Gods, and three Lords! This Creed does not
pretend to explain _how_ there are three persons, each of which is God,
and yet but one God, but only asserts the thing, that thus it is, and
thus it must be, if we believe a Trinity in unity; which should make all
men, who would be thought neither Arians nor Socinians, more cautious
how they express the least dislike of it.—_Sherlock on the Trinity._
Every Divine perfection and substantial attribute of Deity is common to
the three: what is peculiar applies only to their relations, order, or
office; paternity, filiation, procession—first, second, third
persons—creation, redemption, sanctification. The Athanasian Creed is
altogether illustrative of this economy; and if it be carefully
considered under this point of view, I am persuaded it will appear to be
exceedingly reasonable and judicious. There is something in the mere
sound of the clauses which I doubt not beguiles it of its just praise.
Some have forgotten, perhaps, and some have never known, its proper
history. The numerous sects whose different apprehensions of the precise
nature of the holy Trinity led men in those distant days into one, at
least, of the two great errors, either that of “confounding the persons”
or “dividing the substance,” are now perhaps no more. They may indeed
subsist under other names; but men have long since ceased to talk of the
Sabellians, Noëtians, Patripassians, Praxeans, Eunomians, Apollinarians,
Photinians, Cerinthians, and even Arians, Nestorians, and Eutychians;
for these latter are the sects chiefly opposed in the Athanasian Creed.
But there is not one clause of this ancient formulary that is not
directed, in the simplest manner possible, against the different errors
of all these several sects; their wild and discordant notions are all
met by the constant reiteration of that one great truth, that though the
Christian verity compels us to acknowledge every person of the holy
Trinity to be God and Lord, yet the Catholic religion equally forbids us
to say there be three Gods, or three Lords; though, therefore, each is
uncreate, each eternal, each almighty, each God, and each Lord, yet
these attributes, as the exclusive attributes of Deity, are common to
the three; the omnipotence, the eternity, the Divinity, the power and
dominion, the glory and majesty, is one; “such as the FATHER is, such is
the SON, and such is the HOLY GHOST.”—_Nares on the Creeds._
Whilst the Apostles’ Creed compendiously sums up and declares the main
articles of our Christian faith, and the Nicene Creed explains more
fully the articles relating to the SON and the HOLY GHOST, the
Athanasian Creed stands as an excellent guard and defence against the
subtleties of most kinds of heretics, who, were it once removed, would
soon find means to enervate and evade the shorter Creeds, where the
Christian faith is more simply declared.—_Wheatly._
The intention of the Creed, as well as of our LORD in the Gospel, is
only to say, that whoever rejects the doctrine of it, from presumptuous
self-opinion, or wilful negligence, the case of such an one is
desperate. But though we pass judgment on his errors without reserve,
and, in general, on all who maintain them, yet personally and singly we
presume not to judge of his condition in the next world.—_Archbishop
Secker._
The use of it is, to be a standing fence and preservative against the
wiles and equivocations of most kinds of heretics. This was well
understood by Luther when he called it “a bulwark to the Apostles’
Creed;” much to the same purpose with what is cited of Ludolphus Saxo
(“tria sunt symbola; primum Apostolicum, secundum Nicenum, tertium
Athanasii; primum factum est ad fidei instructionem, secundum ad fidei
explanationem, tertium ad fidei defensionem”). And it was this and the
like considerations that have all along made it to be of such high
esteem among all the Reformed Churches, from the days of their great
leader.—_Waterland._
The Church of England proposes no Creeds to be believed upon their own
authority, but because they are agreeable to the word of GOD. The
articles of the Creed indeed are proposed as articles of faith. But they
are only collections of some important truths to which that testimony is
given. They are, at the highest, but extracts which are to be believed
because there contained; and so to be believed as there delivered.
Whatever doctrines are consonant to the Scriptures, she recommends to
our faith; but what are contrary to the word of GOD, she pronounces not
lawful for the Church to ordain. She expects her members to believe
nothing as of Divine revelation, but what the records of that revelation
plainly contain. Nor of the truths there discovered, does she impose the
belief of any as a necessary term of communion, but what she apprehends
the sacred oracles themselves to represent as a necessary term of
salvation. These were the creeds of the Western Church before the
Reformation; and because, at the Reformation, she withdrew from nothing
but what was corrupt, therefore, these being catholic and sound, she
still retains them.—_Wheatly._
Why, it is often said, are we so zealous in enforcing doctrines merely
speculative? The answer is, we believe them to be inculcated in
Scripture, essential to the Christian religion, and _not_ merely
speculative. The SON and the HOLY GHOST are each of them said to be sent
by the FATHER, each of them contributes to the great work of our
salvation. To refuse them Divine honour, is unquestionably to deny their
Divine power. We do not presume to fix limits to Divine mercy; but
surely we endanger our title to it, when we reject the conditions upon
which it is granted. The humble Christian hopes for no benefit from the
gospel covenant, but from a firm reliance on the merits of his SAVIOUR,
and the aid of the HOLY SPIRIT.—_Croft._
In the sacred Scripture there is no mention but of two sorts of men,
whereof some believe, so that they are saved; some believe not, and they
are damned. (Mark xvi. 16; John iii. 18.) But neither the Church, nor
the individual rehearsing the creed, is responsible for these
denunciations. It is a formulary which happens to express suitably and
well the exact opinions of the Church of England, in regard to the two
great mysteries of the Trinity and incarnation, as far as they can be
understood. True it is, indeed, that in her eighth Article she asserts,
that the three creeds, Nicene, Athanasian, and that which is commonly
called the Apostles’ Creed, “ought thoroughly to be received and
believed, for they may be proved by most certain warrants of Holy
Scripture.” And has the Church of England no right to make this
declaration? Is she to be the only society of Christians that shall not
have permission to assert that her faith is the right faith? What
dissenter from the Church of England would hesitate to assume this
liberty? Who is there that scruples to speak thus exclusively of his own
mode of thinking? Can anything be more candidly or unexceptionably
stated, than her confidence that these creeds ought to be believed,
because they may be proved by warrants of holy writ? In saying this,
does she preclude any man from examination? Does she lock up the volume
of holy writ? She appeals solely to Scripture for the truth of her
doctrine, leaving all who oppose her to the mercies of GOD. She does not
presume to say with those, whose cause has lately been strangely
popular, and whose language in a sister kingdom is such to this day,
that whoever presumes to separate from her, “eo ipso illis nulla est
speranda salus!” She does not even venture to assert, with the
celebrated reformer Calvin, whose famous Institutes were written on the
model of the Apostles’ Creed, and who must, no doubt, have had a view,
in saying it, to his own peculiar Church, “extra ecclesiæ gremium,” &c.;
“out of the bosom of the Church there is no hope whatever of salvation,
or remission of sins.” We may surely be permitted to admire that strange
course of things, and confusion of circumstances, that have lately
conspired to render those popular whose principles are truly exclusive
and intolerant; and the Church in some respects unpopular, which is as
truly tolerant. Her language is constantly the same, and perfectly
apostolic: “Search the Scriptures.” “Prove all things; hold fast that
which is good.”—_Nares on the Creeds._
Let the gates of our communion be opened as wide as is consistent with
the gospel of _Christ_; yet surely those will stand excluded, who hold
errors expressly condemned in that gospel, and which that gospel was
particularly and purposely wrote to guard against.—_Randolph on the
Trinity._
The commissioners in 1688, thirty eminent divines, appointed to review
and correct the liturgy, close the rubric they had prepared in the
following words,—“And the condemning clauses (viz. in the Athanasian
Creed) are to be understood as relating only to those who obstinately
deny the substance of the Christian faith.”
It is no hard matter for witty men to put very perverse senses on
Scripture to favour their heretical doctrines, and to defend them with
such sophistry as shall easily impose upon unlearned and unthinking men;
and the best way in this case is, to have recourse to the ancient faith
of the Christian Church, to learn from thence how these articles were
understood and professed by them; for we cannot but think, that those
who conversed with the apostles, and did not only receive the
Scriptures, but the sense and interpretation of them, from the apostles,
or apostolical men, understood the true Christian faith much better than
those at a farther remove; and therefore, as long as we can reasonably
suppose this tradition to be preserved in the Church, their authority is
very venerable.—_Sherlock on the Trinity._
These contentions were cause of much evil, yet some good the Church hath
reaped by them, in that they occasioned the learned and sound in faith
to explain such things as heresy went about to deprave. And in this
respect the Creed of Athanasius, concerning that truth which Arianism so
mightily did impugn, was both in the East and West Churches accepted as
a treasure of inestimable price, by as many as had not given up even the
very ghost of belief. That which heresy did by sinister interpretations
go about to pervert in the first and most ancient apostolical creed, the
same being by singular dexterity and plainness cleared from those
heretical corruptions, partly by this creed of Athanasius. These
catholic declarations of our belief, delivered by them who were so much
nearer than we are unto the first publication thereof, and continuing
needful for all men at all times to know, these confessions, as
testimonies of our continuance in the same faith to this present day, we
rather use than any other gloss or paraphrase devised by ourselves,
which, though it were to the same effect, notwithstanding could not be
of the like authority and credit.—_Hooker._
The doctrinal part of the creed has been called a “bulwark;” and if it
be maintained, it should be maintained as a fortification. In time of
peace, the inconvenience of keeping up fortifications occasions their
being sometimes neglected, but when war breaks out afresh, every one is
clamorous in blaming the imprudence of such neglect. If we are at peace
now with the powers which would attack us where our creed would be our
defence, we are always liable to be at war with them again. We have seen
how naturally all the heresies condemned in the creed arise, when men
once become eager in solving the difficulties of the Trinity and the
incarnation; and such eagerness might at any time arise, or any
revolution, or great disturbance, or confusion; and in case of renewed
attacks, our present creed would be a much better defence than any new
one that would be made at the time it was wanted.—_Hey’s Lectures._
What the consequence may be, should we part with our creed, may easily
be inferred from what followed upon the dropping a single word
(_consubstantial_, or, as expressed in our English creed, “being of one
substance with the FATHER”) out of the [Nicene] creed at the Council of
Ariminum. The Catholics, being deceived by the great and earnest
importunity of the Arians for unity and peace, were at last prevailed
upon. The word _consubstantial_ was left out; and the Arians boasted
over all the world, that the Nicene faith was condemned and Arianism
established in a general council. It is candour, when good Catholics are
divided about words, to bring them to a right understanding of one
another, which will set them at peace and unity again. But it is
tameness to give up the main bulwarks of the faith to fallacious
adversaries and designing men, whose arts and aims, however disguised,
are always known to strike at the foundation of religion.—_Bingham and
Wheatly._
To the sceptic, the Arian, and the Socinian, we do not expect to find
such a creed acceptable, because it was designed to restrain the
fantastic and pernicious opinions started on their part upon the
subjects contained in it. But every firm and steady believer may still,
and indeed ought to, hold high the value of the only creed delivered to
us from antiquity, which states that first and great principle of
Christian revelation, the importance and necessity of a just faith. Upon
us, the ministers of the Church, especially, it is incumbent, as
occasions offer, to explain and illustrate its design and uses to the
more unlearned, as well as to obviate the crude exceptions made against
its doctrines or language, to derive its due weight of authority from
the venerable antiquity of its origin, and to draw an argument of its
merits from the universal approbation with which it has been received.
Who would not tremble at the proposal of laying waste a fence, which in
any degree hath afforded protection to what was obtained for us at so
inestimable a price; and of inviting, by a voluntary surrender of our
present security, renewed instances of insult, in repeated and incessant
attacks to be made upon the terms and obligations of our Christian
covenant?—_Bp. Cleaver._
There are no kinds of heretics but hope to make the vulgar understand
their tenets respectively, and to draw them aside from the received
faith of the Church: and, therefore, it behoves the pastors of the
Church to have a standing form to guard the people against any such
attempts. The Christian Churches throughout the world, ever since the
multiplication of heresies, have thought it necessary to guard their
people by some such forms as these in standing use amongst them. And
they are not so much afraid of puzzling and perplexing the vulgar by
doing it, as they are of betraying and exposing them to the attempts of
seducers, should they not do it. The common people will be in no danger
of running either into Sabellianism, or tritheism, if they attend to the
Creed itself, (which fully obviates and confutes both those heresies,)
instead of listening to those who first industriously labour to deceive
them into a false construction of the Creed, and then complain of the
common people’s being too apt to misunderstand it.—_Waterland._
Those in authority should be very cautious how they give in to such
schemes as, under the plausible pretence of pruning our vine, and
reforming things in their own nature indifferent and alterable, would by
degrees overturn our whole establishment.—_Randolph on the Trinity._
We may, perhaps, be reminded, that some of our own most sanguine friends
have wished to expunge it. But one of them lived to retract his opinion,
and a friend of truth is not to be overawed by authority, however
respectable, nor silenced by popular clamour.—_Croft._
So long as there shall be any men left to oppose the doctrines which
this Creed contains, so long will it be expedient, and even necessary,
to continue the use of it, in order to preserve the rest; and, I
suppose, when we have none remaining to find fault with the doctrines,
there will be none to object against the use of the Creed, or so much as
to wish to have it laid aside.—_Waterland, Ath. Creed._
Whatever may be pretended, this is not a controversy about some
metaphysical abstract notions of personality, subsistence, or moral
distinctions in the Divine nature; in these there will be always room
left for different speculations and sentiments. It is not a controversy
about forms, but it is a controversy about the very object of religious
worship. Should there be a falling away from this profession, should
there be a denying of the LORD that bought us, or of the HOLY SPIRIT,
the Sanctifier and Comforter, disowning them to be truly and properly by
nature GOD, of the same essence and eternity as the FATHER, and with him
the one GOD, not three Gods, with too much reason it might be said, the
glory is departed from us, whether dissenters or of the Established
Church, that hath been counted the head and great support of the
Protestant Churches. Should we, or they, thus fall, those Protestants,
whose confessions we have mentioned, yea, and all Christians abroad,
must, upon their professed principles, renounce us as not holding the
head.—_London Ministers’ Cases, Trinity._
The Creed of Athanasius, and that sacred hymn of glory, than which
nothing doth sound more heavenly in the ears of faithful men, are now
reckoned as superfluities which we must in any case pare away, lest we
cloy GOD with too much service. Yet cause sufficient there is why both
should remain in use; the one as a most divine explication of the
chiefest articles of our Christian belief, the other as an heavenly
acclamation of joyful applause to his praises in whom we believe.
Neither the one nor the other unworthy to be heard sounding, as they
are, in the Church of CHRIST, whether Arianism live or die.—_Hooker._
For a detailed justification of the Athanasian Creed, see _Redcliffe on
the Athanasian Creed_.
It is appointed to be said in the Church of England on the great
festivals, and on certain holidays, in place of the Apostles’ Creed, at
Morning Prayer. So that it may be said once a month at least.—_Sparrow.
Wheatly._
This Creed is called in the Roman offices the Psalm, Quicunque vult, and
was printed for antiphonal chanting, as it is now recited in our choirs;
being alternated, like the Psalms between minister and people in parish
churches. The right notion that a creed is also a song of thanksgiving
is thus significantly cherished. It has been objected to the Church of
England, that she has disingenuously attributed this Creed to St.
Athanasius: whereas in fact she has not decided the question. It is
called indeed the _Creed of St. Athanasius_ in the rubric before the
Apostles’ Creed; but that is plainly an abbreviated term for the full
designation prefixed to the Creed itself, “this confession of our
Christian faith, _commonly called the Creed of Saint Athanasius_.” And
even the running heading does not so designate it. The words “the Creed
of _Saint Athanasius_,” was deliberately altered by the correctors of
the sealed books for “at Morning Prayer,” the present heading, in which,
as in all other corrections, the authentic copy was followed. See the
fac-simile of the corrected sealed books in Stephens’s Book of Common
Prayer with notes. The same remark may apply to the designation in the
8th Article, _Athanasius’s Creed_.
ATHEIST. (From ἀ and θέος, without GOD.) One who denies the being and
moral government of GOD. There have been but few atheists in the strict
sense of the word, under any system, and at any time. Some few perhaps
still remain, and adopt the system of Spinosa, which supposes the
universe to be one vast substance, impelled to all its movements by some
internal force, which operates by a blind and irresistible necessity.
The heathen, who vied with heretics in giving names of opprobrium to
true Christians, called the primitive Christians _Atheists_, because
they did not worship _their_ gods.
ATONEMENT. (See _Propitiation_, _Co__venant of Redemption_, _Sacrifice_,
and _Jesus Christ_.) The word atonement signifies the satisfying of
Divine justice, as mentioned in the Article on the Covenant of
Redemption. The etymology of the word conveys the idea of two parties,
previously at variance, being set _at one_ again, and hence
_at-one-ment_, from originally signifying _reconciliation_, comes, by a
natural metonymy, to denote that by which the reconciliation is
effected. The doctrine of the atonement is thus stated by the Church:
“The SON, which is the Word of the FATHER, begotten from everlasting of
the FATHER, the very and eternal GOD, and of one substance with the
FATHER, took man’s nature in the womb of the blessed Virgin, of her
substance; so that two whole and perfect natures, that is to say, the
Godhead and Manhood, were joined together in one person, never to be
divided, whereof is one CHRIST, very GOD and very Man; who truly
suffered, was crucified, dead and buried, to reconcile his FATHER to us,
and to be a sacrifice, not only for original guilt, but also for actual
sins of men.”—_Article 2._
That our blessed LORD suffered is sufficiently clear from Scripture, and
that it was not for himself, but for us, that this GOD-man lived so
sorrowfully, and died so painfully, the Scripture is full and clear: and
not only in general, that it was for our sakes he did it; but, in
particular, it was for the reconciling his FATHER to us, and to purchase
the pardon of our sins for us,—expressly telling us, that “he hath
reconciled both (Jew and Gentile) unto GOD, in one body, by the cross,
having slain the enmity thereby.” (Eph. ii. 16.) “Yea, when we were
enemies, we were reconciled to GOD by the death of his SON.” (Rom. v.
10.) “So that us, who were sometimes alienated, and enemies in our minds
by wicked works, now he hath reconciled in the body of his flesh through
death, to present us holy, and unblameable, and unreproveable in his
sight.” (Col. i. 21, 22.) And the reason is, because “it pleased the
FATHER that in him should all fulness dwell;” and, “having made peace
through the blood of his cross, by him to reconcile all things to
himself; by him, I say, whether they be things in heaven or things in
earth.” (Verse 19, 20.) And this reconciliation of GOD to us, he made by
offering up himself a sacrifice for us. For “GOD sent his SON to be the
propitiation for our sins,” (1 John iv. 10,) “and he is the propitiation
for our sins, and not for ours only, but also for the sins of the whole
world.” (Chap. ii. 2.) And therefore when we see him sweating great
drops of blood under the burden of sin, we must not think they were his
own sins that lay so heavy upon him: no, they were our sins, which he
had taken off from us and laid upon himself; for he bore our griefs, and
carried our sorrows; “He was wounded for our transgressions, he was
bruised for our iniquities; the chastisement of our peace was upon him,
and with his stripes we are healed.” (Isaiah liii. 4, 5.) So undoubted a
truth is this comfortable assertion, that JESUS CHRIST by his death and
sufferings reconciled his FATHER to us, and therefore was a sacrifice,
not only for “original guilt,” but also for “actual sins of
men.”—_Beveridge._
ATTRITION. (See _Contrition_.) The casuists of the Church of Rome have
made a distinction between a perfect and an imperfect contrition. The
latter they call attrition, which is the lowest degree of repentance, or
a sorrow for sin arising from a sense of shame, or any temporal
inconvenience attending the commission of it, or merely from fear of the
punishment due to it, without any resolution to sin no more: in
consequence of which doctrine, they teach that, after a wicked and
flagitious course of life, a man may be reconciled to GOD, and his sins
forgiven, on his death-bed, by confessing them to the priest with this
imperfect degree of sorrow and repentance. This distinction was settled
by the Council of Trent. It might, however, be easily shown that the
mere sorrow for sin because of its consequences, and not on account of
its evil nature, is no more acceptable to GOD than hypocrisy itself can
be.—_Conc. Trident._ sess. xiv. cap. 4.
AUDIENCE, COURT OF. The Court of Audience, which belongs to the
archbishop of Canterbury, was for the disposal of such matters, whether
of voluntary or contentious litigation, as the archbishop thought fit to
reserve for his own hearing. This court was afterwards removed from the
archbishop’s palace, and the jurisdiction of it exercised by the
master-official of the audience, who held his court in the consistory
palace at St. Paul’s. But now the three offices of official-principal of
the archbishop, dean or judge of the peculiars, and official of the
audience, being united in the person of the dean of arches, its
jurisdiction belongs to him. The archbishop of York has likewise his
Court of Audience.
AUGSBURGH, or AUGUSTAN, CONFESSION. In 1530, a diet of the German
princes was convened by the emperor Charles V., to meet in that city,
for the express purpose of pacifying the religious troubles, by which
most parts of Germany were then distracted. “In his journey towards
Augsburgh,” says Dr. Robertson, “the emperor had many opportunities of
observing the dispositions of the Germans, in regard to the points in
controversy, and found their minds everywhere so much irritated and
inflamed, that nothing tending to severity or rigour ought to be
attempted, till the other methods proved ineffectual. His presence seems
to have communicated to all parties an universal spirit of moderation
and desire of peace. With such sentiments, the Protestant princes
employed Melancthon, the man of the greatest learning, as well as the
most pacific and gentlest spirit among the Reformers, to draw up a
confession of faith, expressed in terms as little offensive to the Roman
Catholics as a regard to truth would admit. Melancthon, who seldom
suffered the rancour of controversy to envenom his style, even in
writings purely polemical, executed a task, so agreeable to his natural
disposition, with moderation and success.”
The singular importance of this document of Protestant faith seems to
require, in this place, a particular mention of its contents. It
consists of twenty-one articles. In the first, the subscribers of it
acknowledge the unity of GOD and the trinity of persons; in the second,
original sin; in the third, the two natures and unity of person in JESUS
CHRIST, and all the other articles contained in the symbol of the
apostles, respecting the SON of GOD. They declare in the fourth, that
men are not justified before GOD by their works and merits, but by the
faith which they place in JESUS CHRIST, when they believe that GOD
forgives their sins out of love for his SON. In the fifth, that the
preaching of the gospel and the sacraments are the ordinary means used
by GOD to infuse the HOLY GHOST, who produces faith, whenever he wills,
in those that hear his word. In the sixth, that faith produces the good
works to which men are obliged by the commandments of GOD. In the
seventh, that there exists a perpetual Church, which is the assembly of
saints; and that the word of GOD is taught in it with purity, and the
sacraments administered in a legitimate manner; that the unity of this
Church consists in the uniformity of doctrine and sacraments; but that
an uniformity of ceremonies is not requisite. In the eighth, they
profess that the word of GOD and the sacraments have still their
efficacy, although administered by wicked clergymen. In the ninth, that
baptism is requisite for salvation, and that little children ought to be
baptized. In the tenth, that, in the sacrament of the last supper, both
the body and blood of the LORD are truly present, and distributed to
those who partake of it. In the eleventh, that confession must be
preserved in the Church, but without insisting on an exact enumeration
of sins. In the twelfth, that penance consists of contrition and faith,
or the persuasion, that, for the sake of JESUS CHRIST, our sins are
forgiven us on our repentance; and that there is no true repentance
without good works, which are its inseparable fruits. In the thirteenth,
that the sacraments are not only signs of the profession of the gospel,
but proofs of the love of GOD to men, which serve to excite and confirm
their faith. In the fourteenth, that a vocation is requisite for pastors
to teach in the Church. In the fifteenth, that those ceremonies ought to
be observed which keep order and peace in the Church; but that the
opinion of their being necessary to salvation, or that grace is
acquired, or satisfaction done for our sins, by them, must be entirely
exploded. In the sixteenth, that the authority of magistrates, their
commands and laws, with the legitimate wars in which they may be forced
to engage, are not contrary to the gospel. In the seventeenth, that
there will be a judgment, where all men will appear before the tribunal
of JESUS CHRIST; and that the wicked will suffer eternal torments. In
the eighteenth, that the powers of free-will may produce an exterior
good conduct, and regulate the morals of men towards society; but that,
without the grace of the HOLY GHOST, neither faith, regeneration, nor
true justice can be acquired. In the nineteenth, that GOD is not the
cause of sin, but that it arises only from the corrupt will of man. In
the twentieth, that good works are necessary and indispensable; but that
they cannot purchase the remission of sins, which is only obtained in
consideration of faith, which, when it is sincere, must produce good
works. In the twenty-first, that the virtues of the saints are to be
placed before the people, in order to excite imitation; but that the
Scripture nowhere commands their invocation, nor mentions anywhere any
other mediator than JESUS CHRIST. “This,” say the subscribers of the
Confession, “is the summary of the doctrine taught amongst us; and it
appears from the exposition which we have just made, that it contains
nothing contrary to Scripture; and that it agrees with that of the
Catholic Church, and even with the Roman Church, as far as is known to
us by their writers. This being so, those who wish that we should be
condemned as heretics are very unjust. If there be any dispute between
us, it is not upon articles of faith, but only upon abuses that have
been introduced into the Church, and which we reject. This, therefore,
is not a sufficient reason to authorize the bishops not to tolerate us,
since we are agreed in the tenets of faith which we have set forth:
there never has been an exact uniformity of exterior practice since the
beginning of the Church, and we preserve the greater part of the
established usages. It is therefore a calumny to say, that we have
abolished them all. But, as all the world complained of the abuses that
had crept into the Church, we have corrected those only which we could
not tolerate with a good conscience; and we entreat your Majesty to hear
what the abuses are which we have retrenched, and the reasons we had for
doing it. We also entreat, that our inveterate enemies, whose hatred and
calumnies are the principal cause of the evil, may not be believed.”
They then proceed to state the abuses in the Church of Rome, of which
they complain. The first is the denial of the cup in the sacrament of
the Lord’s supper; the second, the celibacy of the clergy; the third,
the form of the mass. On this head their language is very remarkable:
“Our Churches,” they say, “are unjustly accused of having abolished the
mass, since they celebrate it with great veneration: they even preserve
almost all the accustomed ceremonies, having only added a few German
hymns to the latter, in order that the people may profit by them.” But
they object to the multiplicity of masses, and to the payment of any
money to a priest for saying them. The fourth abuse of which they
complain, is the practice of auricular confession: but, they observe,
that they have only taken from it the penitent’s obligation to make to
the priest a particular enumeration of his sins, and that they had
retained the confession itself, and the obligation of receiving
absolution from the priest. The fifth abuse is the injunction of
abstinence from particular meats. Monastic vows they represent as the
sixth abuse. The seventh and last abuse of which they complain, is that
of ecclesiastical power. They say that “a view of the attempts of the
popes to excommunicate princes, and dispose of their states, led them to
examine and fix the distinction between the secular and ecclesiastical
power, to enable themselves to give to Cæsar what belongs to Cæsar, and
to the popes and bishops what belongs to them.” That “ecclesiastical
power, or the power of the keys, which JESUS CHRIST gave to his Church,
consisted only of the power of preaching the gospel, of administering
the sacraments, the forgiveness of sins, and refusing absolution to a
false penitent: therefore,” say they, “neither popes nor bishops have
any power to dispose of kingdoms, to abrogate the laws of magistrates,
or to prescribe to them rules for their government;” and that, “if there
did exist bishops who had the power of the sword, they derived this
power from their quality of temporal sovereigns, and not from their
episcopal character, or from Divine right, but as a power conceded to
them by kings or emperors.”
It is not a little remarkable, that considerable differences, or various
readings, are to be found in the printed texts of this important
document, and that it is far from certain which copy should be
considered the authentic edition. The German copies printed in 1530, in
quarto and octavo, and the Latin edition printed in quarto in 1531, are
in request among bibliographical amateurs; but there is a verbal, and,
in some instances, a material, discrepancy among them. The Wittenberg
edition, of 1540, is particularly esteemed, and has been adopted by the
publishers of the “Sylloge Confessionum Diversarum,” printed in 1804, at
the Clarendon press. [Later editions of the _Sylloge_ include also the
form of 1531.] One of the most important of these various readings
occurs in the tenth article. In some of the editions which preceded that
of 1540, it is expressed, “that the body and blood of CHRIST are truly
present, and distributed to those who partake of our LORD’S supper; and
the contrary doctrine is reprobated.” The edition of 1540 expresses
that, “with the bread and wine, the body and blood of CHRIST are truly
given to those who partake of our LORD’S supper.”
“In the Confession of Augsburgh,” says Dr. Maclaine, the learned
translator of Mosheim’s Ecclesiastical History, “there are three sorts
of articles; one sort, adopted equally by the Roman Catholics and
Protestants; another, that consists of certain propositions, which the
papal party considered as ambiguous and obscure; and a third, in which
the doctrine of Luther was entirely opposite to that of Rome. This gave
some reason to hope, that, by the means of certain qualifications and
modifications, conducted mutually in a spirit of candour and charity,
matters might be accommodated at last. For this purpose, select persons
were appointed to carry on the salutary work; at first, seven from each
party, consisting of princes, lawyers, and divines; which number was
afterwards reduced to three. Luther’s obstinate, stubborn, and violent
temper rendering him unfit for healing divisions, he was not employed in
these conferences; but he was constantly consulted by the Protestant
party.”
The Confession was read, at a full meeting of the diet, by the
chancellor of the elector of Saxony. It was subscribed by that elector,
and three other princes of the German empire, and then delivered to the
emperor.—_Butler’s Confessions of Faith_. _Robertson’s Sylloge
Confessionum_.
AUGUSTINES. A religious order in the Church of Rome, who followed St.
Augustine’s pretended rule, ordered them by Pope Alexander IV., in 1256.
It is divided into several branches, as hermits of St. Paul, the
Jeronymitans, monks of St. Bridget, the Augustines called Chaussez, who
go without stockings, begun in 1574, by a Portuguese, and confirmed in
1600 and 1602, by Pope Clement VIII. As for the pretended rules of St.
Augustine, they are reduced to three classes, the first comprehending
that the monks ought to possess nothing in particular, nor call anything
their own; that the wealthy who became monks ought to sell what they
had, and give the money to the poor; that those who sued for the
religious habit ought to pass under trial before they were admitted;
that the monks ought to subtract nothing from the monastery, nor receive
anything whatsoever, without the leave of their superior, to whom they
ought to communicate those points of doctrine which they had heard
discoursed of without the monastery; that if any one was stubborn
towards his superior, after the first and second correction in secret he
should be publicly denounced as a rebel; if it happened in the time of
persecution that the monks were forced to retire, they ought immediately
to betake themselves to that place where their superior was withdrawn;
and if for the same reason a monk had saved anything belonging to the
monastery, he should give it up as soon as possible to his superior. The
second class imported that they were to love GOD and their neighbour;
how they were to recite the psalms, and the rest of their office; the
first part of the morning they ought to employ in manual works, and the
rest in reading, and to return in the afternoon to their work again
until the evening; that they ought to possess nothing of their own, be
obedient to their superior, keep silence in eating, have Saturday
allowed to provide themselves with necessaries; and it was lawful for
them to drink wine on Sundays; that when they went abroad they must
always go two together; that they were never to eat out of the
monastery; that they should be conscientious in what they sold, and
faithful in what they bought; that they ought not to utter idle words,
but work with silence; and, lastly, that whoever neglected the practice
of these precepts ought to be corrected and beaten, and that the true
observers of them must rejoice and be confident of their salvation. As
for the third, after having enjoined them to love GOD and their
neighbour, they ought to possess nothing but in common; the superior
ought to distribute everything in the monastery, according to each man’s
necessity, and they should not incline their hearts to temporal things;
that they ought to honour GOD in one another as being become his holy
temples; they must attend prayers at canonical hours, and were not to be
hindered at any other time; that they should pray with attention, and
sing only what was really appointed to be sung; that they ought to apply
themselves to fasting and abstinence with discretion; and that if any of
them was not able to fast, he ought not to eat between meals unless he
was sick; that they must mind what was read to them while they were at
their meals; that none ought to be envious to see the sick better
treated than the rest were, or that something more delicate was given to
those of a weaker constitution; that those who were recovering ought to
make use of comfortable things, and, when recovered, to return to the
common usage; to be grave and modest in their habits; never to be far
from their companion; to express modesty and stayedness in their outward
behaviour; not to cast a lustful eye upon women, nor wish to be seen by
them; nor when at church to harbour any thoughts of women; that when it
was known a friar courted any woman, after having been forewarned
several times, he ought to be corrected; and that if he would not submit
to the correction, he should be turned out of the monastery; that all
correction should be inflicted with charity; that they ought not to
receive letters nor presents in secret; they ought to be contented with
those habits that were given them; that all their works should be
rendered in common; that if some of their relations sent them clothes,
it should be in the superior’s power to give them to whom he pleased;
that he who concealed anything of his own should be proceeded against as
guilty of robbery; they were to wash their own clothes, or have them
washed by others, with the superior’s leave; those who were in any
office should serve their brethren without grudging; that they ought to
shun all lawsuits; that they ought to ask their brethren forgiveness for
any injury done them; to forbear ill language one to another; the
superior was to be obeyed, but not to be proud of his dignity; that the
monks ought to observe these rules out of love, and not slavish fear;
and that this rule ought to be read once a week in the presence of the
monks.
The Augustine monks, (commonly called Black Canons,) according to
Fuller, were established in England later than the Benedictines, that
is, in 1105, though of older existence in Europe. They were next to the
Benedictines in power and wealth. The members of these two orders and
their branches were called _Monks_, those of the Mendicant orders, as
Dominicans and Franciscans, were called _Friars_. (See _Monastery_.) But
_Canon_ was the title more usually assigned to the Augustinians. This
order was more numerous and powerful in Ireland than the Benedictines,
though inferior to them in England. The branches of this order were the
Premonstrants, (or White Canons,) the Victorines, and the Gilbertines.
The Arroasians were merely reformed Augustinians, not a separate branch
of the order. The Augustinians possessed two mitred abbeys, Waltham and
Cirencester; one cathedral priory, Carlisle; one abbey, afterwards
converted into a cathedral by Henry VIII., Bristol.
AUGUSTINE, or AUSTIN, FRIARS. These are not to be confounded with the
above, being one of the minor Mendicant orders, observing the rule of
St. Augustine. Fuller says they first entered England in 1252: “and had
(if not their first) their finest habitation at St. Peter’s the Poor,
London, thence probably taking the denomination of poverty. They were
good disputants; on which account they are remembered still at Oxford by
an act performed by candidates for Mastership, called _Keeping of
Augustines_.” This exercise, with other ancient forms, was abolished by
the University Statute towards the beginning of the present
century.—_Jebb._
AURICULAR CONFESSION. (See _Confession_, _Absolution_.) The confession
of sins at the ear of the priest. The following is the chapter on
confession in the Council of Trent which is obligatory on the Romish
Church.
“From the institution of the sacrament of repentance already set forth,
the Church has always understood, that an entire confession of sins was
also appointed by the LORD; and that it is of Divine right necessary to
all who have lapsed after baptism. Because our LORD JESUS CHRIST, when
about to ascend from earth to heaven, left his priests, his vicars, to
be, as it were, the presidents and judges, to whom all mortal sins, into
which CHRIST’S faithful people should fall, should be brought; in order
that by the power of the keys they might pronounce sentence of remission
or retention. For it is plain that the priests cannot exercise this
judgment, without knowledge of the cause, nor can they observe equity in
enjoining penalties, if men declare their sins only generally, and not
rather particularly and separately. From this it is inferred that it is
right that the penitents should recount in confession all the deadly
sins of which, upon examination, their conscience accuses them, even
though they be most secret and only against the two last commandments,
which not unfrequently grievously wound the soul, and are more dangerous
than those which are openly practised; for as to venial sins, by which
we are not excluded from the grace of GOD, and into which we more
frequently fall, although they may be declared in confession, rightly,
usefully, and without any presumption, as the usage of pious men
declares, yet they may be passed over in silence without offence, and
can be expiated by many other remedies. But since all mortal sins, even
thoughts, make men the children of wrath and the enemies of GOD, it is
necessary to seek from GOD the pardon of all, with open and modest
confession. When, therefore, CHRIST’S faithful people desire to confess
all the sins which occur to their memory, they expose them all beyond
all doubt to the mercy of GOD to be pardoned. But they who do otherwise,
and knowingly keep back any, propose nothing to the Divine mercy to be
pardoned by the priest; for if a sick man is ashamed to uncover his
wound to the physician, he cannot with medicine cure that of which he
has no knowledge. It is, moreover, inferred that those circumstances
should be explained in confession, which change the kind of the sin;
because, without these, neither can the sins themselves be entirely
disclosed by the penitents, nor known to the judges; nor can they
rightly judge of the grievousness of the sin, nor impose upon the
penitents the fitting punishments. Whence it is unreasonable to teach
that these circumstances were sought out by idle men, or that only one
circumstance should be confessed, namely, to have sinned against a
brother. But it is impious to call this confession impossible, which is
appointed to be performed in this manner, or to style it the torture of
consciences: for it appears that nothing else is required of penitents
in the Church, than that, after a man has diligently examined himself,
and explored the recesses and hiding-places of his conscience, he should
confess those sins by which he remembers that he has mortally offended
his LORD and GOD. But the other sins which do not occur to him when
taking diligent thought, are understood to be included altogether in the
same confession; and for these we faithfully say with the prophet,
‘Cleanse thou me, O LORD, from my secret faults.’ But the difficulty of
this sort of confession, and the shame of uncovering sins, would,
indeed, appear grievous, if it were not lightened by the so many and
great conveniences and consolations which are most assuredly conferred
by absolution upon all who rightly approach this sacrament. But as
regards the manner of secretly confessing to the priest alone, although
_Christ_ has not forbidden any man from publicly confessing his faults,
in revenge for his sins, and humiliation of himself, both by way of
example to others, and for the edification of the Church which he has
offended; this is not, however, a Divine command, nor may it be
advisedly enjoined by any human law, that sins, especially secret ones,
should be disclosed by open confession. Wherefore, since that secret
sacramental confession which the holy Church has used from the
beginning, and still uses, has always been approved of by the holiest
and most ancient fathers, with great consent and unanimity, the empty
calumny is plainly refuted of those who are not ashamed to teach that it
is contrary to the Divine command, and a human invention, which had its
origin with the fathers who were assembled in the Lateran Council. For
the Church did not order by the Lateran Council that CHRIST’S faithful
people should confess, which she always had understood to be necessary,
and appointed by Divine right, but that the command of confession should
be complied with at least once in the year, by all and each who have
come to years of discretion; whence now, in the universal Church, that
wholesome custom of confessing in the sacred, and especially acceptable,
time of Lent, is observed with great benefit to the souls of the
faithful; which custom this holy synod highly approves, and receives as
pious and worthy to be retained.”
Here an attempt is made to invest the Christian priesthood with the
prerogative of the Most High, who is a searcher of the hearts, and a
discerner of the thoughts; in forgetfulness of the very distinction
which GOD drew between himself and all men—“man looketh to the outward
part, the LORD trieth the heart.” As CHRIST has invested his ministers
with no power to do this of themselves, the Tridentine Fathers have
sought to supply what they must needs consider a grievous omission on
his part, by enjoining all men to unlock the secrets of their hearts at
the command of their priest, and persons of all ages and sexes to submit
not only to general questions as to a state of sin or repentance, but to
the most minute and searching questions as to their most inmost
thoughts.
The extent to which the confessors have thought it right to carry these
examinations on subjects concerning which the apostle recommends that
they be not once named among Christians, and which may be seen either in
“Dens’ Theology,” or “Burchard’s Decrees,” c. 19, Paris, 1549, affords a
melancholy, painful, and sickening subject for contemplation; especially
when it is considered that they were Christian clergy who did this, and
that it was done in aid, as they supposed, of the Christian religion.
The fearful effects of these examinations upon the priests themselves,
we will do no more than allude to; he who may think it necessary to
satisfy himself upon the point, may consult the cases contemplated and
provided for (among others) by Cardinal Cajetan, in his Opuscula, Lugd.
1562, p. 114. In the Bull of Pius IV., _Contra solicitantes in
confessione_, dated Ap. 16, 1561, (_Bullarium Magn._ Luxemb. 1727, ii.
p. 48,) and in a similar one of Gregory XV., dated Aug. 30, 1622,
(_Gregory XV. Constit. Rom._ 1622, p. 114,) there is laid open another
fearful scene of danger to female confitents from wicked priests,
“mulieres pœnitentes ad actus inhonestos dum earum audiunt confessiones
alliciendo et provocando.” Against which flagrant dangers, and the
preparatory steps of sapping and undermining the mental modesty of a
young person by examinations of particular kinds, it is vain to think
that the feeble bulls of the bishops of Rome can afford any security.
These observations apply to the system of the Roman Church, peculiar to
itself, of _compelling_ the disclosure of the most minute details of the
most secret thoughts and actions. As to _encouraging_ persons whose
minds are _burthened_ with the remembrance of fearful sins, to ease
themselves of the burthen by revealing it to one at whose hands they may
seek guidance, and consolation, and prayer, it is a totally distinct
question, and nothing but wilful art will attempt to confound them. On
this point we see no reason to withdraw a regret which we have before
expressed as to its disuse in the Church of England; for we cannot but
believe that, were it more frequently had recourse to, many a mind would
depart the world at peace with itself and with GOD, which now sinks to
the grave under a bond of doubt and fear, through want of confidence to
make use of ghostly remedies.—_Perceval._
In the sixth canon of the Council of Trent it runs thus:—“If any shall
deny that sacramental confession was instituted and is necessary for
salvation by Divine right, or shall say that the custom of confessing
secretly to the priest alone, which the Catholic Church has always
observed from the beginning, and continues to observe, is foreign to the
institution and command of CHRIST, and is of human invention, let him be
accursed.”
Here sacramental confession is affirmed to be of Divine institution, and
auricular confession likewise, and he is accursed who shall deny it.
This is bravely said; yet the Tridentine Fathers might have recollected
that, in the Latin Church as late as 813, it was matter of dispute
whether there was need to confess to a priest at all, as appears from
the thirty-third canon of the Council of Cabaillon, which is as follows:
“Quidam Deo solummodo confiteri debere dicunt peccata, quidam vero
sacerdotibus confitenda esse percensent: quod utrumque non sine magno
fructu intra sanctam fit Ecclesiam. Ita dumtaxat ut et Deo, qui Remissor
est peccatorum, confiteamur peccata nostra, et cum David dicamus,
_Delictum meum cognitum tibi feci_, &c., et secundum institutionem
apostoli, confiteamur alterutrum peccata nostra, et oremus pro invicem
ut salvemur. _Confessio_ itaque quæ _Deo_ fit, _purgat peccata_, ea vero
quæ sacerdoti fit, docet qualiter ipsa purgentur peccata,” &c. (_Conc._
vii. 1279.) Was Leo the Third asleep, that he could suffer such heresy
to be broached and not denounced? But all the world knows, that, till
1215, no decree of pope or council can be adduced enjoining the
_necessary_ observance of such a custom. Then, at the Council of
Lateran, Innocent III. commanded it. As the Latin Church affords no
sanction to the assertion of the Tridentine Fathers, so is it in vain to
look for it among the Greeks, for there, as Socrates (_Hist. Eccles._ v.
19) and Sozomen (_Hist. Eccles._ vii. 16) inform us, the whole
confessional was abolished by Nectarius, the archbishop of
Constantinople, in the 4th century, by reason of an indecency which was
committed on a female penitent, when pursuing her penance; which, sure,
he would not have ventured to have done had he deemed it a Divine
institution. Sozomen, in his account of the confessional, says, that the
public confession in the presence of all the people, which formerly
obtained, having been found grievous, φορτικὸν ὡς εἰκὸς, a wellbred,
_silent_, and prudent presbyter was set in charge of it; thus plainly
denoting the change from public to auricular confessions. It was this
penitential presbyter whose office was abolished by Nectarius, who acted
by the advice of Eudæmon, συγχωρῆσαι δὲ ἕκαστον, τῷ ἰδίῳ συνειδότι τῶν
μυστηρίων μετέχειν. And the reason he assigned is one which the Church
of Rome would have done well to bear in mind; οὕτω γὰρ μόνως ἔχειν τὴν
ἐκκλησίαν τὸ ἀβλασφήμετον. (See _Perceval on Roman Schism, Hooker, Eccl.
Pol._ book vi. _Bp. Taylor, Ductor Dubit._ part ii. sect. 11.)
AUMBRIE. A little closet or locker. (See _Church_.)
AURORA. The title of a Latin metrical version of several parts of the
Bible, by Petrus de Riga, canon of Rheims, in the 12th century.
AUTOCEPHALI. Αὐτοκεφαλοι, _selfheaded_, or _independent_. A name
originally given to all metropolitans, as having no ecclesiastical
superior, and being amenable only to the judgment of a synod. After the
division of the Church into patriarchates, it was given to such
metropolitans as preserved their independence, and were not subject to
any patriarch—as the bishop of Constantia, or Salamis, in Cyprus.
Bingham, book ii. chap. 18, specifies three kinds of autocephali. 1. All
metropolitans, before patriarchates were established. 2. Certain
metropolitans after the establishment of patriarchates, as those of
Bulgaria, Cyprus, and Iberia: and the Churches of Britain before the
coming of St. Augustin. To which may be added the Church of Ireland,
before its submission to Rome in the 12th century. 3. Bishops
immediately subject to the patriarch of the diocese, who was to them as
a metropolitan. There were twenty-five such subject to the bishop of
Jerusalem. The immediate suffragans of Rome are of the same class.
Bingham considers a fourth class mentioned by Valesius on Euseb. lib. v.
c. 23, as very doubtful; viz. bishops wholly independent of all others.
AUTO DA FE (Spanish); _an Act of Faith_. In the Spanish Church a solemn
day is held by the Inquisition for the punishment of heretics, and the
absolution of the innocent accused. They usually contrive the _Auto_ to
fall on some great festival, that the execution may pass with the more
awe; and it is always on a Sunday. The _Auto da Fe_ may be called the
last act of the inquisitorial tragedy; it is a kind of gaol delivery,
appointed as often as a competent number of prisoners in the Inquisition
are convicted of heresy, either by their own voluntary or extorted
confession, or on the evidence of certain witnesses. The process is
this; in the morning they are brought into a great hall, where they have
certain habits put on, which they are to wear in the procession, and by
which they know their doom. The procession is led up by Dominican
friars, after which come the penitents, being all in black coats without
sleeves, and barefooted, with a wax candle in their hands. These are
followed by the penitents who have narrowly escaped being burnt, who
over their black coats have flames painted, with their points turned
downwards. Next come the negative and relapsed, who are to be burnt,
having flames on their habits pointing upwards. After these come such as
profess doctrines contrary to the faith of Rome, who, besides flames
pointing upwards, have their picture painted on their breasts, with
dogs, serpents, and devils, all open-mouthed, about it. Each prisoner is
attended by a familiar of the Inquisition; and those to be burnt have
also a Jesuit on each hand, who are continually preaching to them to
abjure. After the prisoners comes a troop of familiars on horseback; and
after them the inquisitors, and other officers of the court, on mules;
last of all the inquisitor-general on a white horse led by two men with
black hats and green hatbands. A scaffold is erected large enough for
two or three thousand people; at one end of which are the prisoners, at
the other the inquisitors. After a sermon made up of encomiums of the
Inquisition, and invectives against heretics, a priest ascends a desk
near the scaffold, and, having taken the abjuration of the penitents,
recites the final sentence of those who are to be put to death, and
delivers them to the secular arm, earnestly beseeching at the same time
the secular power _not to touch their blood, or put their lives in
danger_. The prisoners, being thus in the hands of the civil magistrate,
are presently loaded with chains, and carried first to the secular gaol,
and from thence, in an hour or two, brought before the civil judge, who,
after asking in what religion they intend to die, pronounces sentence on
such as declare they die in the communion of the Church of Rome, that
they shall be first strangled, and then burnt to ashes; on such as die
in any other faith, that they be burnt alive. Both are immediately
carried to the Ribera, the place of execution, where there are as many
stakes set up as there are prisoners to be burnt, with a quantity of dry
furze about them. The stakes of the professed, that is, such as persist
in the heresy, are about four yards high, having a small board towards
the top for the prisoner to be seated on. The negative and relapsed
being first strangled and burnt, the professed mount their stakes by a
ladder, and the Jesuits, after several repeated exhortations to be
reconciled to the Church, part with them, telling them that they leave
them to the devil, who is standing at their elbow to receive their
souls, and carry them with him to the flames of hell. On this a great
shout is raised, and the cry is, “_Let the dogs’ beards be made_,” which
is done by thrusting flaming furzes, fastened to long poles, against
their faces, till their faces are burnt to a coal, which is accompanied
with the loudest acclamations of joy. At last fire is set to the furze
at the bottom of the stake, over which the professed are chained so
high, that the top of the flame seldom reaches higher than the seat they
sit on, so that they rather seem roasted than burnt. The same diabolical
ceremony was observed in Portugal.
AVE MARIA. A form of devotion used in the Church of Rome, comprising the
salutation addressed by the angel Gabriel to the Blessed Virgin Mary.
(Luke i. 28.) The words “Ave Maria” are the first two, in Latin, of the
form as it appears in the manuals of the Romish Church, thus: “Hail
Mary, (_Ave Maria_,) full of grace, the LORD is with thee,” &c. To which
is appended the following petition: “Holy Mary, mother of God, pray for
us sinners, now, and in the hour of our death. Amen.” Here we find,
first, a misapplication of the words of Scripture, and then an addition
to them. It was not used before the Hours, until the 16th century, in
the Romish offices. It was then introduced into the Breviary by Cardinal
Quignon. Cardinal Bona admits that it is modern.
“I cannot but observe,” says Bingham, “that among all the short prayers
used by the ancients before their sermons, there is never any mention
made of an Ave Mary, now so common in the practice of the Romish Church.
Their addresses were all to GOD; and the invocation of the Holy Virgin
for grace and assistance before sermons was a thing not thought of. They
who are most concerned prove its use can derive its original no higher
than the beginning of the fifteenth century.” But Mosheim (Eccl. Hist.
Cant. xiv. Part ii. ch. iv.) says that Pope John XXII. [1316–33] ordered
Christians to add to their prayers those words with which the angel
Gabriel saluted the Virgin Mary.
AVOIDANCE. Avoidance is where there is a want of a lawful incumbent on a
benefice, during which vacancy the Church is _quasi riduata_, and the
possessions belonging to it are in abeyance. There are many ways by
which avoidance may happen; by death; by cession, or acceptance of a
benefice incompatible; by resignation; by consecration; for when a clerk
is promoted to a bishopric, all his other preferments are void the
instant he is consecrated, and the right of presentation belongs to the
Crown, unless he has a dispensation from the Crown to hold them in
_commendam_: by deprivation, either first by sentence declaratory in the
ecclesiastical court for fit and sufficient causes allowed by the common
law, such as attainder of treason or felony, or conviction of other
infamous crimes in the king’s courts; for heresy, infidelity, gross
immorality, and the like; or secondly, in pursuance of divers penal
statutes, which declare the benefice void, for some nonfeasance or
neglect, or else some malfeasance or crime; as for simony; for
maintaining any doctrine in derogation of the king’s supremacy, or of
the Thirty-nine Articles, or _of the Book of Common Prayer_: for
neglecting after institution to read the liturgy and articles in the
church, or make the declarations against Popery, or take the abjuration
oath; _for using any other form of prayer than the liturgy of the Church
of England_: or for absenting himself sixty days in one year from a
benefice belonging to a Popish patron, to which the clerk was presented
by either of the universities; in all which, and similar cases, the
benefice is _ipso facto_ void, without any formal sentence of
deprivation. No person can take any dignity or benefice in Ireland until
he has resigned all his preferments in England; and by such resignation
the king is deprived of the presentation.—_Stephens on the Laws relating
to the Clergy_, p. 91.
AZYMITES. A name given to the Latins, by those of the Greek Church,
because they consecrate the holy eucharist in unleavened bread (έν
άζυμοις). The more ancient custom was to consecrate a portion of the
oblations of the faithful, and therefore of course in leavened bread.
The wafer, or unleavened bread, is still retained in the Church of Rome,
although the catechism of the Council of Trent admits that the eucharist
may also be consecrated in common bread. In the Church of England
unleavened bread was prescribed by Queen Elizabeth’s injunctions, and
was generally used throughout her reign. At Westminster, it was retained
until 1642, nor has it since been forbidden; but the use of leavened
bread is now universal, as in the primitive Church.
BACHELOR. In the universities of the Church, bachelors are persons who
have attained to the baccalaureate, or taken the first degree in arts,
divinity, law, or physic. This degree in some universities has no
existence, in some the _Candidatus_ answers to it. It was first
introduced in the thirteenth century, by Pope Gregory IX., though it is
still unknown in Italy. Bachelors of Arts are not admitted to that
degree at Oxford and Dublin till after having studied four years at
those universities. At Cambridge, the regular period of matriculation is
in the October term; and an undergraduate who proceeds regularly will be
admitted to his B. A. in three years from the following January.
Bachelors of Divinity, before they can acquire that degree either at
Oxford or Cambridge, must be of fourteen years’ standing in the
university. Bachelors of Laws, to acquire the degree in Oxford or
Cambridge, must have previously studied the law six years. Bachelors of
Canon Law are admitted after two years’ study, and sustaining an act
according to the forms. Bachelors of Medicine must have studied two
years in medicine, after having been four years M. A. in the university,
and must have passed an examination; after which they are invested with
the fur in order to be licensed. Bachelors of Music in the English and
Irish universities must have studied music for a certain number of
years, and are admitted to the degree after the composition and
performance of a musical exercise. Anciently the grade of Bachelor, at
least in arts, was hardly considered as a degree, but merely a step
towards the Doctorate or Mastership. In fact, Bachelors in any faculty,
as such, have no voice in the university convocations or senates.
Bachelors in Divinity have, because they must necessarily have been
Masters of Art previously. But Bachelors of Law and Medicine have no
votes, unless they happen to be Masters of Arts also. In the French, as
in the Scotch universities, the degree of Bachelor of Arts was taken
while the student was still in _statu pupillari_, and in fact
corresponded very much to the Sophisters in our universities, the A. M.
in these places practically correspond to our degree of A. B.
BAMPTON LECTURES. A course of eight sermons preached annually at the
university of Oxford, set on foot by the Reverend John Bampton, canon of
Salisbury. According to the directions in his will, they are to be
preached upon any of the following subjects:—To confirm and establish
the Christian faith, and to confute all heretics and schismatics; upon
the Divine authority of the Holy Scriptures; upon the authority of the
writings of the primitive fathers, as to the faith and practice of the
primitive Church; upon the Divinity of our LORD and SAVIOUR JESUS
CHRIST; upon the Divinity of the HOLY GHOST; upon the articles of the
Christian faith, as comprehended in the Apostles’ and Nicene Creeds. For
the support of this lecture he bequeathed his lands and estates to the
chancellor, masters, and scholars of the university of Oxford for ever,
upon trust that the vice-chancellor, for the time being, take and
receive all the rents and profits thereof; and, after all taxes,
reparations, and necessary deductions made, to pay all the remainder to
the endowment of these divinity lecture sermons. He also directs in his
will, that no person shall be qualified to preach these lectures, unless
he have taken the degree of Master of Arts, at least, in one of the two
universities of Oxford or Cambridge, and that the same person shall
never preach the same sermon twice. A number of excellent sermons
preached at this lecture are now before the public.
BAND. This part of the clerical dress, which is too well known to need
description, is the only remaining relic of the ancient _amice_. (See
_Amice_.) When the beard was worn, and when ruffs came in, this ancient
part of clerical dress fell into disuse, but it was generally resumed
after the Restoration. The band is not, however, an exclusively clerical
vestment, being part of the full dress of the bar and of the
universities, and of other bodies in which a more ancient habit is
retained, as in some schools of old foundation. Formerly it was worn by
graduates, and even under-graduates, at the universities; nor was the
custom altogether extinct within memory. It is still worn by the
scholars at Winchester, &c., and was anciently worn with the surplice by
lay vicars, singing men, and sometimes by parish clerks.
BANGORIAN CONTROVERSY. This was a celebrated controversy within the
Church of England in the reign of George I., and received its name from
Hoadly, who, although bishop of Bangor, was little else than a Socinian
heretic. Hoadly published “A Preservative against the Principles and
Practice of the Nonjurors,” and soon after, a sermon, which the king had
ordered to be printed, entitled, “The Nature of the Kingdom of Christ.”
This discourse is a very confused production; nor, except in the
bitterness of its spirit, is it easy, amidst the author’s “periods of a
mile,” to discover his precise aim. To the perplexed arguments of Bishop
Hoadly, Dr. Snape and Dr. Sherlock wrote replies; and a committee of
convocation passed a censure upon the discourse. An order from
government arrested the proceedings of the convocation. Snape and
Sherlock were removed from their office of chaplains to the king; and
the convocation has never yet been again permitted to assemble for the
transaction of business. But the exertion of power on the part of the
government was unable to silence those who were determined, at any
sacrifice, to maintain GOD’S truth. This controversy continued to employ
the press for many years, until those who held Low Church views were
entirely silenced by the force of argument. Of the works produced by the
Bangorian Controversy, perhaps the most important is _Law’s Letters to
Hoadly_, which were reprinted in “_The Scholar Armed_,” and have since
been republished. _Law’s Letters_ have never been answered, and may
indeed be regarded as unanswerable.
BANNER. In the chapels of orders of knighthood, as in St. George’s
chapel, Windsor, the chapel of the order of the Garter; in Henry VII.’s
chapel, at Westminster, the chapel of the order of the Bath; and in St.
Patrick’s cathedral, the chapel of the order of St. Patrick; the banner
of each knight, i. e. a little square flag bearing his arms, is
suspended, at his installation, over his appropriate stall. The
installation of a knight is a _religious ceremony_; hence the propriety
of this act. The same decorations formerly existed in the chapel of
Holyrood House, the chapel of the order of the Thistle.
Also it is not uncommon to see banners taken in battle suspended over
the tombs of victorious generals. This is a beautiful way of expressing
thankfulness to GOD for that victory which he alone can give; and it
were much to be wished that a spirit of pride and vain-glory should
never mingle with the religious feeling.
Banners were formerly a part of the accustomed ornaments of the altar,
and were suspended over it, “that in the church the triumph of CHRIST
may evermore be held in mind, by which we also hope to triumph over our
enemy.”—_Durandus._
BANNS OF MARRIAGE. “Bann” comes from a barbarous Latin word which
signifies to put out an edict or proclamation. “_Matrimonial banns_” are
such proclamations as are solemnly made in the church, or in some other
lawful congregation of men, in order to the solemnization of matrimony.
Before any can be canonically married, except by a licence from the
bishop’s court, banns are directed to be published in the church; and
this proclamation should be made on _three_ several solemn days, in all
the churches of that place where the parties, willing to contract
marriage, dwell. This rule is principally to be observed when the said
parties are of different parishes; for the care of the Church to prevent
clandestine marriages is as old as Christianity itself: and the design
of the Church is, to be satisfied whether there be any “just cause or
impediment,” why the persons so asked “should not be joined together in
holy matrimony.”
The following are the regulations under which the Church of England now
acts on this subject:—
No minister shall be obliged to publish the banns of matrimony between
any persons whatsoever, unless they shall, seven days at least before
the time required for the first publication, deliver or cause to be
delivered to him a notice in writing of their true Christian and
surnames, and of the houses of their respective abodes within such
parish, chapelry, or extra-parochial place, where the banns are to be
published, and of the time during which they have inhabited or lodged in
such houses respectively. (26 George II. c. 33, s. 2.) And all banns of
matrimony shall be published in the parish church, or in some public
chapel wherein banns of matrimony have been usually published, (i. e.
before the 25th of March, 1754,) of the parish or chapelry wherein the
persons to be married shall dwell. (26 George II. c. 33, s. 1.) And
where the persons to be married shall dwell in divers parishes or
chapelries, the banns shall be published in the church or chapel
belonging to such parish or chapelry wherein each of the said persons
shall dwell. And where both or either of the persons to be married shall
dwell in any extra-parochial place, (having no church or chapel wherein
banns have been usually published,) then the banns shall be published in
the parish church or chapel belonging to some parish or chapelry
adjoining to such extra-parochial place. And the said banns shall be
published upon three Sundays preceding the solemnization of marriage
during the time of morning service, or of the evening service, if there
be no morning service in such church or chapel on any of those Sundays,
_immediately after the second lesson_. (26 George II. c. 33, s. 1.)
While the marriage is contracting, the minister shall inquire of the
people by three public banns, concerning the freedom of the parties from
all lawful impediments. And if any minister shall do otherwise, he shall
be suspended for three years.
Rubric. And the curate shall say after the accustomed manner:—“I publish
the banns of marriage between M. of ——, and N. of ——. If any of you know
cause or just impediment why these two persons should not be joined
together in holy matrimony, ye are to declare it. This is the first
(second, or third) time of asking.”
And in case the parents or guardians, or one of them, of either of the
parties, who shall be under the age of twenty-one years, shall openly
and publicly declare, or cause to be declared, in the church or chapel
where the banns shall be so published, at the time of such publication,
his dissent to such marriage, such publication of banns shall be void.
(26 George II. c. 3, s. 3.)
Rubric. And where the parties dwell in divers parishes, the curate of
one parish shall not solemnize marriage between them, without a
certificate of the banns being thrice asked, from the curate of the
other parish.
Formerly the rubric enjoined that the banns should be published after
the Nicene Creed; but the lamentable deficiency of publicity of which
this arrangement was the cause, and the delay hence arising in
consequence of some parishes being without any morning service on some
Sundays, induced the legislature to make the provisions above cited. (26
George II. c. 33, s. 1.)
It is to be feared that much laxity prevails among parties to whom the
inquiries as to parochial limits are intrusted; and that recent
enactments have rather augmented than reformed such laxity. The
constitutions and canons of 1603 guard cautiously against clandestine
marriages. Canon 62 is as follows:—
_Ministers not to marry any persons without banns or licence._—No
minister, upon pain of suspension _per triennium ipso facto_, shall
celebrate matrimony between any persons, without a faculty or licence
granted by some of the persons in these our constitutions expressed,
except the banns of matrimony have been first published three several
Sundays, or holidays, in the time of Divine service, in the parish
churches and chapels where the said parties dwell, according to the Book
of Common Prayer. Neither shall any minister, upon the like pain, under
any pretence whatsoever, join any persons so licensed in marriage at any
unseasonable times, but only between the hours of eight and twelve in
the forenoon; nor in any private place, but either in the said churches
or chapels where one of them dwelleth, and likewise in time of Divine
service; nor when banns are thrice asked, and no licence in that respect
necessary, before the parents or governors of the parties to be married,
being under the age of twenty and one years, shall either personally, or
by sufficient testimony, signify to them their consents given to the
said marriage.
Canon 63. _Ministers of exempt churches not to marry without banns or
license._—Every minister, who shall hereafter celebrate marriage between
any persons contrary to our said constitutions, or any part of them,
under colour of any peculiar liberty or privilege claimed to appertain
to certain churches and chapels, shall be suspended _per triennium_ by
the ordinary of the place where the offence shall be committed. And if
any such minister shall afterwards remove from the place where he hath
committed that fault, before he be suspended, as is aforesaid, then
shall the bishop of the diocese, or ordinary of the place where he
remaineth, upon certificate under the hand and seal of the other
ordinary, from whose jurisdiction he removed, execute that censure upon
him.
See also canon 70. By the statute 6 & 7 W. IV. c. 85, sec. 1, it is
enacted, that where, by any law or canon in force before the passing of
this act, it is provided that any “marriage may be solemnized after
publication of banns, such marriage may be solemnized, in like manner,
_on production of the registrar’s certificate as hereinafter provided_:”
so that marriages may now be solemnized in the Church of England,
without banns or licence, on production of the superintendent
registrar’s certificate.
BAPTISM. (Βάπτειν, to wash.) Baptism is one of the two sacraments,
which, according to the Catechism, “are generally necessary to
salvation.” Our blessed SAVIOUR says that “except a man be born again he
cannot see the kingdom of God” (John iii. 3); and in explanation of his
meaning he adds, “Verily, verily, I say unto thee, except a man be born
of water and of the SPIRIT, he cannot enter into the kingdom of GOD”
(ver. 5). Upon this the Church remarks: “Beloved, ye hear in this Gospel
the express words of our SAVIOUR CHRIST, that, except a man be born of
water and of the SPIRIT, he cannot enter into the kingdom of GOD:
whereby ye may perceive the great necessity of this sacrament where it
may be had. Likewise immediately before his ascension into heaven, as we
read in the last chapter of St. Mark’s Gospel, he gave command to his
disciples, saying, ‘Go ye into all the world, and preach the gospel to
every creature. He that believeth and is baptized shall be saved; but he
that believeth not shall be damned.’ Which also showeth unto us the
great benefit we reap thereby. For which cause, St. Peter the apostle,
when, upon his first preaching of this gospel, many were pricked at the
heart, and said unto him and the rest of the apostles, ‘Men and
brethren, what shall we do?’ replied and said unto them, ‘Repent, and be
_baptized_ every one of you for the remission of sins, and ye shall
receive the gift of the HOLY GHOST.’ The same apostle testifieth in
another place, ‘even baptism doth also now save us, not the putting away
of the filth of the flesh, but the answer of a good conscience towards
GOD, by the resurrection of JESUS CHRIST.’”—_Office of Adult Baptism._
The Church also states in the Catechism, that a sacrament, as baptism
is, hath two parts, the outward visible sign, and the inward spiritual
grace: that the outward visible sign or form in baptism is water,
wherein the person is baptized in the name of the FATHER, and of the
SON, and of the HOLY GHOST; and that the inward and spiritual grace,
which through the means of baptism we receive, is a death unto sin, and
a new birth unto righteousness; for being by nature born in sin and the
children of wrath, we are hereby, i. e. by baptism, made children of
grace. Therefore the Church, as soon as ever a child is baptized,
directs the minister to say, “Seeing now, dearly beloved brethren, that
this child is _regenerate_ and grafted into the body of CHRIST’S Church,
let us give thanks unto Almighty GOD for these benefits, and with one
accord make our prayers unto him, that this child may lead the rest of
his life according to this beginning.” The Church here first declares
that grace has been given, even the grace of regeneration, and then
implies that the grace, if not used, may be lost. On this subject more
will be said in the article on _Regeneration_. See also _Infant
Baptism_.
Grotius (_Annot. ad_ Matt. iii. 6) is of opinion, that the rite of
baptism had its original from the time of the deluge; immediately after
which he thinks it was instituted, in memory of the world having been
purged by water. Some learned men think (_W. Schickard, de Jur. Reg._
cap. 5) it was added to circumcision, soon after the Samaritan schism,
as a mark of distinction to the orthodox Jews. Spencer, who is fond of
deriving the rites of the Jewish religion from the ceremonies of the
Pagan, lays it down as a probable supposition, that the Jews received
the baptism of proselytes from the neighbouring nations, who were wont
to prepare candidates for the more sacred functions of their religion by
a solemn ablution; that, by this affinity of sacred rites, they might
draw the Gentiles to embrace their religion, and the proselytes (in
gaining of whom they were extremely diligent, Matt. xxiii. 15) might the
more easily comply with the transition from Gentilism to Judaism. In
confirmation of this opinion, he observes, first, that there is no
Divine precept for the baptism of proselytes, God having enjoined only
the rite of circumcision, (Exod. xii. 48,) for the admission of
strangers into the Jewish religion; secondly, that, among foreign
nations, the Egyptians, Persians, Greeks, Romans, and others, it was
customary that those who were to be initiated into their mysteries or
sacred rites, should be first purified by dipping their whole body in
water. Grotius, on Matt. xxvi. 27, adds, as a further confirmation of
his opinion, that the “cup of blessing” likewise, added to the Paschal
supper, seems plainly to have been derived from a Pagan original: for
the Greeks, at their feasts, had one cup, called ποτήριον ἀγαθοῦ
δαίμονος, the cup of the good demon or god, which they drank at the
conclusion of their entertainment, when the table was removed. Since,
then, a rite of Gentile original was added to one of the Jewish
sacraments, viz. the Passover, there can be no absurdity in supposing,
that baptism, which was added to the other sacrament, namely,
circumcision, might be derived from the same source. In the last place,
he observes, that Christ, in the institution of his sacraments, paid a
peculiar regard to those rites which were borrowed from the Gentiles;
for, rejecting circumcision and the Paschal supper, he adopted into his
religion baptism and the sacred cup; thus preparing the way for the
conversion and reception of the Gentiles into his Church.
It is to be observed, under this head of Jewish baptism, that the
proselyte was not to be baptized till the wound of circumcision was
perfectly healed; that then the ceremony was performed by plunging him
into some large, natural receptacle of water; and that baptism was never
after repeated in the same person, or in any of his posterity, who
derived their legal purity from the baptism of their ancestor.—_Selden,
de Jur. Nat. et Gent._ lib. ii. cap. 1.
In the primitive Christian Church, (_Tertull. de Baptismo_,) the office
of baptizing was vested principally in the bishops and priests, or
pastors of the respective parishes; but, with the consent of the bishop,
it was allowed to the deacons, and in cases of necessity even to laymen,
to baptize; but never, under any necessity whatever, was it permitted to
women to perform this office. Nor was it enough that baptism was
conferred by a person called to the ministry, unless he was also
orthodox in the faith. This became matter of great excitement in the
Church; and hence arose the famous controversy between Cyprian and
Stephen, bishop of Rome, concerning the rebaptizing those who had been
baptized by heretics, Cyprian asserting that they ought to be
rebaptized, and Stephen maintaining the contrary opinion.
The persons baptized were either infants or adults. To prove that
infants were admitted to the sacrament of baptism, we need only use this
argument. None were admitted to the eucharist till they had received
baptism: but in the primitive Church children received the sacrament of
the LORD’S supper, as appears from what Cyprian relates concerning a
sucking child, who so violently refused to taste the sacramental wine,
that the deacon was obliged forcibly to open her lips and pour it down
her throat. Origen writes, that children are baptized, “for the purging
away of the natural filth and original impurity inherent in them.” We
might add the testimonies of Irenæus and Cyprian; but it will be
sufficient to mention the determination of an African synod, held A. D.
254, at which were present sixty-six bishops. The occasion of it was
this. A certain bishop, called Fidus, had some scruples concerning the
time of baptizing infants, whether it ought to be done on the second or
third day after their birth, or not before the eighth day, as was
observed with respect to circumcision under the Jewish dispensation. His
scruples were proposed to this synod, who unanimously decreed, that the
baptism of children was not to be deferred so long, but that the grace
of God, or baptism, should be given to all, and most especially unto
infants.—_Justin Martyr, Second Apology_; _De Lapsis_, § 20; _In Lucam_,
Hom. xiv. _Apud Cyprian_. Epist. lix. § 2–4. _Tertull. de Baptismo_, c.
19.
As for the _time_, or season, at which baptism was usually administered,
we find it to have been restrained to the two solemn festivals of the
year, Easter and Whitsuntide: at Easter, in memory of Christ’s death and
resurrection, correspondent to which are the two parts of the Christian
life, represented and shadowed out in baptism, _dying_ unto sin, and
_rising_ again unto newness of life; and at Whitsuntide, in memory of
the Holy Ghost’s being shed upon the apostles, the same, in some
measure, being represented and conveyed in baptism. It is to be
observed, that these stated returns of the time of baptism related only
to persons in health: in other cases, such as sickness, or any pressing
necessity, the time of baptism was regulated by occasion and
opportunity.
The _place_ of baptism was at first unlimited; being some pond or lake,
some spring or river, but always as near as possible to the place of
public worship. Afterwards they had their _baptisteries_, or (as we call
them) _fonts_, built at first near the church, then in the church-porch,
and at last in the church itself. There were many in those days who were
desirous to be baptized in the river Jordan, out of reverence to the
place where our Saviour himself had been baptized.
The person to be baptized, if an adult, was first examined by the
bishop, or officiating priest, who put some questions to him; as, first,
whether he abjured the devil and all his works; secondly, whether he
gave a firm assent to all the articles of the Christian faith: to both
which he answered in the affirmative. Concerning these baptismal
questions, Dionysius Alexandrinus, in his letter to Xistus, bishop of
Rome, speaks of a certain scrupulous person in his church, who, being
present at baptism, was exceedingly troubled, when he heard the
questions and answers of those who were baptized. If the person to be
baptized was an infant, these interrogatories were answered by his
sponsores, or godfathers. Whether the use of _sponsores_ was as old as
the apostles’ days, is uncertain: perhaps it was not, since Justin
Martyr, speaking of the method and form of baptism, says not a word of
them.—_Tertull. de Coron. Milit. Cyprian, Epist._ vii. § 5. _Justin
Martyr, Apolog._ 2. _Apud Euseb._ lib. vii. c. 9; _Apolog._ 2.
After the questions and answers, followed _exorcism_, the manner and end
of which was this. The minister laid his hands on the person’s head, and
breathed in his face, implying thereby the driving away, or expelling,
of the devil from him, and preparing him for baptism, by which the good
and holy Spirit was to be conferred upon him.
After exorcism, followed _baptism_ itself: and first the minister, by
prayer, consecrated the water for that use. Tertullian says, “any waters
may be applied to that use; but then God must be first invocated, and
then the Holy Ghost presently comes down from heaven, and moves upon
them, and sanctifies them.” The water being consecrated, the person was
baptized “in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy
Ghost;” by which “dedication of him to the blessed Trinity, the person”
(says Clemens Alexandrinus) “is delivered from the corrupt trinity, the
devil, the world, and the flesh.”—_Tertull. de Baptismo. Justin Martyr,
Apolog._ 2.
In performing the ceremony of baptism, the usual custom was to immerse
and dip the whole body. Thus St. Barnabas, describing a baptized person,
says, “We go down into the water full of sin and filth, but we ascend
bearing fruit in our hearts.” And that all occasions of scandal and
immodesty might be prevented in so sacred an action, the men and women
were baptized in distinct apartments; the women having deaconesses to
undress and dress them. Then followed the unction, by which (says St.
Cyril) was signified, that they were now cut off from the wild olive,
and were ingrafted into Christ, the true olive-tree; or else to show,
that they were now to be champions for the gospel, and were anointed
thereto, as the old Athletæ were against their solemn games. With this
anointing was joined the sign of the cross, made upon the forehead of
the person baptized; which being done, he had a white garment given him,
to denote his being washed from the defilements of sin, or in allusion
to the words of the apostle, “as many as are baptized into Christ have
put on Christ.” From this custom the feast of Pentecost, which was one
of the annual seasons of baptism, came to be called Whitsunday, i. e.
Whitesunday. This garment was afterwards laid up in the church, that it
might be an evidence against such persons as violated or denied that
faith which they had owned in baptism. Of this we have a remarkable
instance under the Arian persecution in Africa. Elpidophorus, a citizen
of Carthage, had lived a long time in the communion of the Church, but,
apostatizing afterwards to the Arians, became a most bitter and
implacable persecutor of the orthodox. Among several whom he sentenced
to the rack, was one Miritas, a venerable old deacon, who, being ready
to be put upon the rack, pulled out the white garment with which
Elpidophorus had been clothed at his baptism, and, with tears in his
eyes, thus addressed him before all the people. “These, Elpidophorus,
thou minister of error, these are the garments that shall accuse thee,
when thou shalt appear before the majesty of the Great Judge; these are
they which girt thee, when thou camest pure out of the holy font; and
these are they which shall bitterly pursue thee, when thou shalt be cast
into the place of flames; because thou hast clothed thyself with cursing
as with a garment, and hast cast off the sacred obligation of thy
baptism.”—_Epist. Cathol._ § 9. _Cave’s Primitive Christianity_, p. i.
c. 10. _Epiph. Hæres._ 79. _Ambrose de Sacr._ lib. i. c. 21. Gal. iii.
27. _Victor. Utic. de Persecut. Vandal._ lib. iii.
But though immersion was the usual practice, yet sprinkling was in some
cases allowed, as in clinic baptism, or the baptism of such persons as
lay sick in bed. It is true, this kind of baptism was not esteemed so
perfect and effectual as that by immersion or dipping; for which reason,
in some Churches, none were advanced to the order of the priesthood, who
had been so baptized; an instance of which we have in Novatian, whose
ordination was opposed by all the clergy upon that account; though
afterward, at the entreaties of the bishop, they consented to it.
Notwithstanding which general opinion, Cyprian, in a set discourse on
this subject, declares that he thought this baptism to be as perfect and
valid as that performed more solemnly by immersion.—_Epist. Cornel. ad
Fabium Antioch. apud Euseb._ lib. vi. cap. 43. Epist. lxxvi. § 9.
_Apolog._ 2.
When baptism was performed, the person baptized, according to Justin
Martyr, “was received into the number of the faithful, who then sent up
their public prayers to God, for all men, for themselves, and for those
who had been baptized.”
As the Church granted baptism to all persons duly qualified to receive
it, so there were some whom she debarred from the benefits of this holy
rite. The author of the _Apostolical Constitutions_ mentions several.
_Bingham, Orig. Eccles._ b. xi. cap. 5, § 6, &c. _Const. Apost._ lib.
viii. cap. 32. Such were panders, or procurers; whores; makers of images
or idols; actors and stage-players; gladiators, charioteers, and
gamesters; magicians, enchanters, astrologers, diviners, and wandering
beggars. Concerning stage-players, the Church seems to have considered
them in the very same light as the ancient heathens themselves did: for
Tertullian (_Tertull. de Spectac._ cap. 22) observes that they who
professed those arts were branded with infamy, degraded, and denied many
privileges, driven from the court, from pleading, from the order of
knighthood, and all other honours in the Roman city and commonwealth. It
has been a question, whether the _military life_ disqualified a man for
baptism: but the contrary appears from the _Constitutions_, lib. viii.
cap. 32, which admit _soldiers_ to the baptism of the Church, on the
same terms that St. John Baptist admitted them to his; namely, that they
should do violence to no man, accuse no one falsely, and be content with
their wages, Luke iii. 14. The state of _concubinage_ is another case
which has been matter of doubt. The rule in the _Constitutions_, lib.
viii. c. 32, concerning the matter is this: a concubine, that is, a
slave to an infidel, if she keep herself only to him, may be received to
baptism; but, if she commit fornication with others, she shall be
rejected. The Council of Toledo (_Conc. Tolet._ 1, can. 17)
distinguishes between a man’s having a wife and a concubine at the same
time, and keeping a concubine only: the latter case it considers as no
disqualification for the sacraments, and only insists that a man be
content to be joined to one woman only, whether wife or concubine, as he
pleases.
Though baptism was esteemed by the Church as a Divine and heavenly
institution, yet there wanted not sects, in the earliest ages, who
either rejected it in whole or in part, or greatly corrupted it. The
Ascodrutæ wholly rejected it, because they would admit of no external or
corporeal symbols whatever. The Archontics, who imagined that the world
was not created by the supreme God, but by certain ἄρχοντες, or powers,
the chief of whom they called Sabaoth, rejected this whole rite, as a
foreign institution, given by Sabaoth, the God of the Jews, whom they
distinguished from the supreme God. The Seleucians and Hermians rejected
baptism by water, on pretence that it was not the baptism instituted by
Christ; because St. John Baptist, comparing his own baptism with that of
Christ, says, “I baptize you with water, but he that cometh after me
shall baptize you with the Holy Ghost and with fire,” Matt. iii. 11.
They thought that the souls of men consisted of fire and spirit, and
therefore that a baptism by fire was more suitable to their nature.
Another sect which rejected water-baptism, were the Manichees, who
looked upon it as of no efficacy towards salvation: but whether they
admitted any other kind of baptism, we are not told. The Paulicians, a
branch of this heresy, maintained that the word of the gospel is
baptism, because our Lord said, “I am the living water.”—_Bingham Orig.
Eccles._ b. x. cap. 2, § 1. _Epiph. Hæres._ 40. _Theod. Hær. Fab._ l. i.
cap. 11. _August. de Hæres._ cap. 59. _Philastr. de Hæres. Prædestinat.
Hæres._ 40. _Euthym. Panoplia_, Par. ii. tit. 21.
Though the ancient Church considered baptism as indispensably necessary
to salvation, it was always with this restriction, provided it could be
had: in extraordinary cases, wherein baptism could not be had, though
men were desirous of it, they made several exceptions in behalf of other
things, which in such circumstances were thought sufficient to supply
the want of it. (_Bingham_, § 19, 20.) The chief of these excepted cases
was martyrdom, which usually goes by the name of second baptism, or
baptism in men’s own blood, in the writings of the ancients. (_Cyprian_.
Ep. lxiii. _ad Julian_.) This baptism, they suppose, our Lord spoke of,
when he said, “I have another baptism to be baptized with,” alluding to
his own future martyrdom on the cross. In the _Acts of the Martyrdom of
Perpetua_, there is mention of one Saturus, a catechumen, who, being
thrown to a leopard, was, by the first bite of the wild beast, so bathed
in blood, that the people, in derision of the Christian doctrine of
martyrdom, cried out _salvum lotum, salvum lotum_, baptized and saved,
baptized and saved. (_Bingham_, § 24.) But these exceptions and
allowances were with respect to adult persons only, who could make some
compensation, by acts of faith and repentance, for the want of the
external ceremony of baptism. But, as to infants who died without
baptism, the case was thought more difficult, because they were
destitute both of “the outward visible sign and the inward spiritual
grace of baptism.” Upon which account they who spoke the most favourably
of their case, would only venture to assign them a middle state, neither
in heaven nor hell.—_Greg. Naz._ Orat. 40. _Sever. Catena in Johan._
iii.
For the rest, the rite of baptism was esteemed as the most universal
absolution and grand indulgence of the ministry of the Church; as
conveying a general pardon of sin to every true member of Christ; and as
the key of the sacraments, that opens the gate of the kingdom of heaven.
_Bingham_, b. xix, c. i. § 9.
Baptism is defined by the Church of Rome (_Alet’s Ritual_) to be “a
sacrament, instituted by our SAVIOUR, to wash away original sin, and all
those we may have committed; to communicate to mankind the spiritual
regeneration, and the grace of CHRIST JESUS; and to unite them to him,
as the living members to the head.”
When a child is to be baptized in that Church, the persons who bring it
wait for the priest at the door of the Church, who comes thither in his
surplice and purple stole, attended by his clerks. He begins with
questioning the godfathers, whether they promise, in the child’s name,
to live and die in the true Catholic and Apostolic faith, and what name
they would give the child. Then follows an exhortation to the sponsors;
after which the priest, calling the child by its name, asks it as
follows: “What dost thou demand of the Church?” The godfather answers,
“Eternal life.” The priest goes on; “If you are desirous of obtaining
eternal life, keep God’s commandments, Thou shalt love the Lord thy
God,” &c. After which he breathes three times in the child’s face,
saying, “Come out of this child, thou evil spirit, and make room for the
Holy Ghost.” This said, he makes the sign of the cross on the child’s
forehead and breast, saying, “Receive the sign of the cross on thy
forehead, and in thy heart.” Then, taking off his cap, he repeats a
short prayer, and, laying his hand gently on the child’s head, repeats a
second prayer: which ended, he blesses some salt, and, putting a little
of it into the child’s mouth, pronounces these words: “Receive the salt
of wisdom.” All this is performed at the church door.
The priest, with the godfathers and godmothers, coming into the church,
and advancing towards the font, repeat the Apostles’ Creed and the
_Lord’s_ Prayer. Being come to the font, the priest exorcises the evil
spirit again, and, taking a little of his own spittle, with the thumb of
his right hand, rubs it on the child’s ears and nostrils, repeating, as
he touches the right ear, the same word (Ephatha, “be thou opened”)
which our Saviour made use of to the man born deaf and dumb. Lastly,
they pull off its swaddling-clothes, or strip it below the shoulders,
during which the priest prepares the oils, &c.
The sponsors then hold the child directly over the font, observing to
turn it due east and west; whereupon the priest asks the child, “whether
he renounces the devil and all his works,” and, the godfather having
answered in the affirmative, the priest anoints the child between the
shoulders in the form of a cross. Then, taking some of the consecrated
water, he pours part of it thrice on the child’s head, at each perfusion
calling on one of the persons of the holy Trinity. The priest concludes
the ceremony of baptism with an exhortation.
It is to be observed, that, in the naming the child, all profane names,
such as those of the heathens and their gods, are never admitted; and
that a priest is authorized to change the name of a child (though it be
a Scripture name) who has been baptized by a Protestant minister.
Benserade, we are told, had like to have had his Christian name, which
was Isaac, changed, when the bishop confirmed him, had he not prevented
it by a jest: for, when they would have changed his name, and given him
another, he asked them, “What they gave him into the bargain;” which so
pleased the bishop, that he permitted him to retain his former name.
The Romish Church allows midwives, in cases of danger, to baptize a
child before it is come entirely out of its mother’s womb: where it is
to be observed, that some part of the body of the child must appear
before it can be baptized, and that it is baptized on the part which
first appears: if it be the head it is not necessary to rebaptize the
child; but if only a foot or hand appears, it is necessary to repeat
baptism. A still-born child, thus baptized, may be buried in consecrated
ground. A monster, or creature that has not the human form, must not be
baptized: if it be doubtful whether it be a human creature or not, it is
baptized conditionally thus, “If thou art a man, I baptize thee,” &c.
The Greek Church differs from the Romish, as to the rite of baptism,
chiefly, in performing it by immersion, or plunging the infant all
over in the water, which the relations of the child take care to have
warmed, and throw into it a collection of the most odoriferous
flowers.—_Rycaut’s State of the Greek Church._
The Church of England (Article xxvii.) defines baptism to be, “not only
a sign of profession, and mark of difference, whereby Christian men are
discerned from others that be not christened; but it is also a sign of
regeneration, or new birth, whereby, as by an instrument, they that
receive baptism rightly are grafted into the Church: the promises of the
forgiveness of sin, of our adoption to be the sons of God, by the Holy
Ghost, are visibly signed and sealed, faith is confirmed, and grace
increased, by virtue of prayer to God.” It is added, “that the baptism
of young children is in any wise to be retained in the Church, as most
agreeable with the institution of Christ.”
In the rubrics of her liturgy, (see Office for Ministration of Public
Baptism,) the Church prescribes, that baptism be administered only on
Sundays and holy days, except in cases of necessity. She requires
sponsors for infants; for every male child two godfathers and one
godmother; and for every female two godmothers and one godfather. We
find this provision made by a constitution of Edmond, archbishop of
Canterbury, A. D. 1236; and in a synod held at Worcester, A. D. 1240. By
the 29th canon of our Church, no parent is to be admitted to answer as
godfather to his own child.—_Bp. Gibson’s Codex_, vol. i. p. 439.
The form of administering baptism is too well known to require a
particular account to be given of it. We shall only observe some of the
more material differences between the form, as it stood in the first
liturgy of King Edward, and that in our Common Prayer Book at present.
First, in that of King Edward, we meet with a form of exorcism, founded
upon the like practice of the primitive Church, which our reformers left
out, when they took a review of the liturgy in the 5th and 6th of that
king. It is as follows.
“_Then let the priest, looking upon the children, say;_
“I command thee, unclean spirit, in the name of the Father, and of the
Son, and of the Holy Ghost, that thou come out, and depart from these
infants, whom our Lord Jesus Christ hath vouchsafed to call to his holy
baptism, to be made members of his body, and of his holy congregation.
Therefore, thou cursed spirit, remember thy sentence, remember thy
judgment, remember the day to be at hand, wherein thou shalt burn in
fire everlasting, prepared for thee and thy angels. And presume not
hereafter to exercise any tyranny towards these infants, whom Christ
hath bought with his precious blood, and by this his holy baptism
calleth to be of his flock.”
The form of consecrating the water did not make a part of the office in
King Edward’s liturgy, as it does in the present, because the water in
the font was changed and consecrated but once a month. The form likewise
itself was something different from that we now use, and was introduced
with a short prayer, that “Jesus Christ, upon whom (when he was
baptized) the Holy Ghost came down in the likeness of a dove, would send
down the same Holy Spirit, to sanctify the fountain of baptism; which
prayer was afterwards left out, at the second review.
By King Edward’s First Book, the minister is to “dip the child in the
water thrice; first dipping the right side; secondly the left; the third
time dipping the face toward the font.” This trine immersion was a very
ancient practice in the Christian Church, and used in honour of the Holy
Trinity: though some later writers say, it was done to represent the
death, burial, and resurrection of Christ, together with his three days’
continuance in the grave. Afterwards, the Arians making an ill use of
it, by persuading the people that it was used to denote that the three
persons in the Trinity were three distinct substances, the orthodox left
it off, and used only one single immersion.—_Tertull. adv. Prax._ c. 26.
_Greg. Nyss. de Bapt. Christi. Cyril, Catech. Mystag._
By the first Common Prayer of King Edward, after the child was baptized,
the godfathers and godmothers were to lay their hands upon it, and the
minister was to put on him the white vestment commonly called the
Chrysome, and to say: “Take this white vesture, as a token of the
innocency which, by God’s grace, in this holy sacrament of baptism, is
given unto thee; and for a sign, whereby thou art admonished, so long as
thou livest, to give thyself to innocence of living, that, after this
transitory life, thou mayest be partaker of the life everlasting. Amen.”
As soon as he had pronounced these words, he was to anoint the infant on
the head, saying, “Almighty God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ,
who hath regenerated thee by water and the Holy Ghost, and hath given
unto thee remission of all thy sins; vouchsafe to anoint thee with the
unction of his Holy Spirit, and bring thee to the inheritance of
everlasting life. Amen.” This was manifestly done in imitation of the
practice of the primitive Church.
The custom of sprinkling children, instead of dipping them in the font,
which at first was allowed in case of the weakness or sickness of the
infant, has so far prevailed, that immersion is at length almost
excluded. What principally tended to confirm the practice of affusion or
sprinkling, was, that several of our English divines, flying into
Germany and Switzerland, during the bloody reign of Queen Mary, and
returning home when Queen Elizabeth came to the crown, brought back with
them a great zeal for the Protestant Churches beyond sea where they had
been sheltered and received; and, having observed that at Geneva
(_Calvin, Instit._ lib. iv. c. 15) and some other places baptism was
administered by sprinkling, they thought they could not do the Church of
England a greater piece of service than by introducing a practice
dictated by so great an oracle as Calvin. This, together with the
coldness of our northern climate, was what contributed to banish
entirely the practice of dipping infants in the font.
Lay-baptism we find to have been permitted by both the Common Prayer
Books of King Edward, and that of Queen Elizabeth, when an infant is in
immediate danger of death, and a lawful minister cannot be had. This was
founded upon the mistaken notion of the impossibility of salvation
without the sacrament of baptism; but afterwards, when they came to have
clearer notions of the sacraments, it was unanimously resolved in a
convocation, held in the year 1575, that even private baptism, in a case
of necessity, was only to be administered by a lawful minister.—_Bp.
Gibson’s Codex_, tit. xviii. vol. i. ch. 9, p. 446.
It remains to be observed, that, by a provincial constitution, made in
the year 1236, (26th of Hen. III.,) neither the water, nor the vessel
containing it, which have been made use of in private baptism, are
afterwards to be applied to common uses: but, out of reverence to the
sacrament, the water is to be poured into the fire, or else carried into
the church and put into the font; and the vessel to be burnt, or else
appropriated to some use in the church. But no provision is made for the
disposition of the water used in the font at church. In the Greek
Church, particular care is taken that it be not thrown into the street
like common water, but poured into a hollow place under the altar,
(called θαλασσίδιον or χωνεῖον,) where it is soaked into the earth, or
finds a passage.—_Broughton. Bp. Gibson’s Codex_, tit. xviii. c. 2, vol.
i. p. 435. _Dr. Smith’s Account of the Gr. Church._
BAPTISM, ADULT. “It was thought convenient, that some prayers and
thanksgivings, fitted to special occasions, should be added;
particularly an office for the baptism of such as are of riper years;
which, although not so necessary when the former book was compiled, yet
by the growth of anabaptism, through the licentiousness of the late
times crept in amongst us, is now become necessary, and may be always
useful for the baptizing of natives in our plantations, and others
converted to the faith.”—_Preface to the Book of Common Prayer._
_Rubric._ “When any such persons of riper years are to be baptized,
timely notice shall be given to the bishop, or whom he shall appoint for
that purpose, a week before at the least, by the parents or some other
discreet persons; that so due care may be taken for their examination,
whether they be sufficiently instructed in the principles of the
Christian religion; and that they may be exhorted to prepare themselves
with prayers and fasting for the receiving of this holy sacrament. And
if they shall be found fit, then the godfathers and godmothers (the
people being assembled upon the Sunday or holy day appointed) shall be
ready to present them at the font, immediately after the second lesson,
either at morning or evening prayer, as the curate in his discretion
shall think fit. And it is expedient that every person thus baptized
should be confirmed by the bishop, so soon after his baptism as
conveniently may be; that so he may be admitted to the holy communion.”
BAPTISM, INFANT. _Article 27._ “The baptism of young children is in
anywise to be retained in the Church, as most agreeable with the
institution of CHRIST.”
_Rubric._ “The curates of every parish shall often admonish the people,
that they defer not the baptism of their children longer than the first
or second Sunday next after their birth, or other holy day falling
between; unless upon a great and reasonable cause, to be approved by the
curate.”
The practice of infant baptism seems to be a necessary consequence of
the doctrine of original sin and of the grace of baptism. If it be only
by union with CHRIST that the children of Adam can be saved; and if, as
the apostle teaches, in baptism “we put on CHRIST,” then it was natural
for parents to ask for permission to bring their little ones to CHRIST,
that they might be partakers of the free grace that is offered to all;
but though offered to all, to be applied individually. It may be because
it is so necessary a consequence of the doctrine of original sin, that
the rite of infant baptism is not enjoined in Scripture. But though
there is no command in Scripture to baptize infants, and although for
the practice we must plead the tradition of the Church Universal, still
we may find a warrant in Scripture in favour of the traditional
practice. We find it generally stated that the apostles baptized whole
households, and CHRIST our SAVIOUR commanded them to baptize all
nations, of which infants form a considerable part. And in giving this
injunction, we may presume that he intended to _in_clude infants, from
the very fact of his not _ex_cluding them. For he was addressing Jews;
and when the Jews converted a heathen to faith in the GOD of Israel,
they were accustomed to baptize the convert, _together with all the
infants of his family_. And, consequently, when our LORD commanded
_Jews_, i.e. _men accustomed to this practice_, to baptize nations, the
fact that he did not positively _repel_ infants, _implied_ an injunction
to _baptize_ them; and when the HOLY SPIRIT records that the apostles,
in obedience to that injunction, baptized whole households, the argument
gains increased force. This is probably what St. Paul means, when, in
the seventh chapter of the First Corinthians, verse 14, he speaks of the
children of believers as being holy: they are so far holy, that they may
be brought to the sacrament of baptism. From the apostles has come down
the practice of baptizing _infants_, the Church requiring security,
through certain _sponsors_, that the children shall be brought up to
lead a godly and a Christian life. And by the early Christians the
practice was considered sufficiently sanctioned by the passage from St.
Mark, which is read in our baptismal office, in which we are told, that
the LORD JESUS CHRIST, having rebuked those that would have kept the
children from him, took them up in his arms and blessed them. He blessed
them, and his blessing must have conveyed grace to their souls;
therefore, of grace, children may be partakers. They may receive
spiritual life, though it may be long before that life develope itself;
and that life they may lose by sinning.
BAPTISM, LAY. We shall briefly state the history of lay baptism in our
Church both before and after the Reformation. In the “Laws
Ecclesiastical” of Edmund, king of England, A. D. 945, it is
stated:—“Women, when their time of child-bearing is near at hand, shall
have water ready, for baptizing the child in case of necessity.”
In the national synod under Otho, 1237, it is directed: “For cases of
necessity, the priests on Sundays shall frequently instruct their
parishioners in the form of baptism.” To which it is added, in the
Constitutions of Archbishop Peckham, in 1279, “Which form shall be thus:
I crysten thee in the name of the FADER, and of the SONE, and of the
HOLY GOSTE.”
In the Constitutions of the same archbishop, in 1281, it is ruled that
infants baptized by laymen or women (in imminent danger of death) shall
not be baptized again; and the priest shall afterwards supply the rest.
By the rubrics of the second and of the fifth of Edward VI. it was
ordered thus: “The pastors and curates shall often admonish the people,
that without great cause and necessity they baptize not children at home
in their houses; and when great need shall compel them so to do, that
then they minister it in this fashion:—First, let them that be present
call upon GOD for his grace, and say the LORD’S Prayer, if the time will
suffer; and then one of them shall name the child and dip him in the
water, or pour water upon him, saying these words, I baptize thee in the
name of the FATHER, and of the SON, and of the HOLY GHOST.”
In the manuscript copy of the Articles made in convocation in the year
1575, the twelfth is, “Item, where some ambiguity and doubt hath arisen
among divers, by what persons private baptism is to be administered;
forasmuch as by the Book of Common Prayer allowed by the statute, the
bishop of the diocese is authorized to expound and resolve all such
doubts as shall arise, concerning the manner how to understand and to
execute the things contained in the said book; it is now, by the said
archbishop and bishops, expounded and resolved, and every of them doth
expound and resolve, that the said private baptism, in case of
necessity, is only to be ministered by a lawful minister or deacon
called to be present for that purpose, and by none other; and that every
bishop in his diocese shall take order that this exposition of the said
doubt shall be published in writing, before the first day of May next
coming, in every parish church of his diocese in this province; and
thereby all other persons shall be inhibited to intermeddle with the
ministering of baptism privately, being no part of their vocation.” This
article was not published in the printed copy; but whether on the same
account that the fifteenth article was left out, (namely, because
disapproved by the Crown,) does not certainly appear. However, the
ambiguity remained till the conference at Hampton Court, in which the
king said, that if baptism was termed private, because any but a lawful
minister might baptize, he utterly disliked it, and the point was then
debated; which debate ended in an order to the bishops to explain it, so
as to restrain it to a lawful minister. Accordingly, in the Book of
Common Prayer, which was set forth the same year, the alterations were
printed in the rubric thus:—“And also they shall warn them, that without
great cause they procure not their children to be baptized at home in
their houses. And when great need shall compel them so to do, then
baptism shall be administered on this fashion: First, let the lawful
minister and them that be present call upon GOD for his grace, and say
the LORD’S Prayer, if the time will suffer; and then the child being
named by some one that is present, the said minister shall dip it in the
water, or pour water upon it.” And other expressions, in other parts of
the service, which seemed before to admit of lay baptism, were so
turned, as expressly to exclude it.
BAPTISM, PRIVATE. _Rubric._ “The curates of every parish shall often
warn the people, that without great cause and necessity, they procure
not their children to be baptized at home in their houses.”
Canon 69. “If any minister being duly, without any manner of collusion,
informed of the weakness and danger of death of any infant unbaptized in
his parish, and thereupon desired to go or come to the place where the
said infant remaineth, to baptize the same, shall either wilfully refuse
so to do, or of purpose or of gross negligence shall so defer the time,
as when he might conveniently have resorted to the place, and have
baptized the said infant, it dieth through such his default unbaptized,
the said minister shall be suspended for three months, and before his
restitution shall acknowledge his fault, and promise before his ordinary
that he will not wittingly incur the like again. Provided, that where
there is a curate, or a substitute, this constitution shall not extend
to the parson or vicar himself, but to the curate or substitute
present.”
_Rubric._ “The child being named by some one that is present, the
minister shall pour water upon it.
“And let them not doubt, but that the child so baptized is lawfully and
sufficiently baptized, and ought not to be baptized again. Yet,
nevertheless, if the child which is after this sort baptized do
afterward live, it is expedient that it be brought into the church, to
the intent that the congregation may be certified of the true form of
baptism privately before administered to such child.”
BAPTISM, PUBLIC. At first baptism was administered publicly, as occasion
served, by rivers; afterwards the baptistery was built, at the entrance
of the church or very near it, which had a large basin in it, that held
the persons to be baptized, and they went down by steps into it.
Afterwards, when immersion came to be disused, fonts were set up at the
entrance of churches.
By the “Laws Ecclesiastical” of King Edmund, it is directed that there
shall be a font of stone, or other competent material, in every church;
which shall be decently covered and kept, and not converted to other
uses.
And by canon 81, There shall be a font of stone in every church and
chapel where baptism is to be administered; the same to be set in the
ancient usual places: in which only font the minister shall baptize
publicly.
The rubric directs that the people are to be admonished, that it is most
convenient that baptism shall not be administered but upon Sundays and
other holy days, when the most number of people come together; as well
for that the congregation there present may testify the receiving of
them that be newly baptized into the number of Christ’s Church, as also
because in the baptism of infants, every man present may be put in
remembrance of his own profession made to GOD in his baptism.
Nevertheless, if necessity so require, children may be baptized upon any
other day.
And by canon 68, No minister shall refuse or delay to christen any child
according to the form of the Book of Common Prayer, that is brought to
the church to him upon Sundays and holy days to be christened
(convenient warning being given him thereof before). And if he shall
refuse so to do, he shall be suspended by the bishop of the diocese from
his ministry by the space of three months.
The rubric also directs, that when there are children to be baptized,
the parents shall give knowledge thereof over-night, or in the morning
before the beginning of morning prayer, to the curate.
The rubric further directs, that there shall be for every male child to
be baptized two godfathers and one godmother; and for every female, one
godfather and two godmothers.
By the 29th canon it is related, that no parent shall be urged to be
present, nor admitted to answer as godfather for his own child: nor any
godfather or godmother shall be suffered to make any other answer or
speech, than by the Book of Common Prayer is prescribed in that behalf.
Neither shall any persons be admitted godfather or godmother to any
child at christening or confirmation, before the said person so
undertaking hath received the holy communion.
According to the rubric, the godfathers and godmothers, and the people
with the children, must be ready at the font, either immediately after
the last lesson at morning prayer, or else immediately after the last
lesson at evening prayer, as the curate by his discretion shall appoint.
The rubric appoints that the priest coming to the font, which is then to
be filled with pure water, shall perform the office of public baptism.
It may be here observed, that the questions in the office of the 2
Edward VI., “Dost thou renounce?” and so on, were put to the child, and
not to the godfathers and godmothers, which (with all due submission)
seems more applicable to the end of the institution; besides that it is
not consistent (as it seems) with the propriety of language, to say to
three persons collectively, “Dost _thou_ in the name of this child do
this or that?”
By a constitution of Archbishop Peckham, the ministers are to take care
not to permit wanton names, which being pronounced do sound to
lasciviousness, to be given to children baptized, especially of the
female sex; and if otherwise it be done, the same shall be changed by
the bishop at confirmation; which being so changed at confirmation (Lord
Coke says) shall be deemed the lawful name, though this appears to be no
longer the case. In the ancient offices of Confirmation, the bishop
pronounced the name of the child; and if the bishop did not approve of
the name, or the person to be confirmed, or his friends, desired it to
be altered, it might be done by the bishop’s then pronouncing a new
name; but by the form of the present liturgy, the bishop doth not
pronounce the name of the person to be confirmed, and therefore cannot
alter it.
The rubric goes on to direct, The priest, taking the child into his
hands, shall say to the godfathers and godmothers, “Name this child:”
and then naming it after them, (if they shall certify him that the child
may well endure it,) he shall dip it in the water discreetly and warily,
saying, “_N._ I baptize thee in the name of the FATHER, and of the SON,
and of the HOLY GHOST.” But if they certify that the child is weak, it
shall suffice to pour water upon it.
Here we may observe that the dipping by the office of the 2 Edward VI.
was not all over; but they first dipped the right side, then the left,
then the face towards the font.
The rubric directs that the minister shall sign the child with the sign
of the cross. And to take away all scruple concerning the same, the true
explication thereof, and the just reasons for retaining of this
ceremony, are set forth in the thirtieth canon. The substance of which
canon is this, that the first Christians gloried in the cross of CHRIST;
that the Scripture sets forth our whole redemption under the name of the
cross; that the sign of the cross was used by the first Christians in
all their actions, and especially in the baptizing of their children;
that the abuse of it by the Church of Rome does not take away the lawful
use of it; that the same has been approved by the reformed divines, with
sufficient cautions nevertheless against superstition in the use of it;
that it is no part of the substance of this sacrament, and that the
infant baptized is by virtue of baptism, before it be signed with the
sign of the cross, received into the congregation of CHRIST’S flock as a
perfect member thereof, and not by any power ascribed to the sign of the
cross; and therefore, that the same, being purged from all Popish
superstition and error, and reduced to its primary institution, upon
those rules of doctrine concerning things indifferent which are
consonant to the word of GOD and to the judgments of all the ancient
fathers, ought to be retained in the Church, considering that things of
themselves indifferent do, in some sort, alter their natures when they
become enjoined or prohibited by lawful authority.
The following is Dr. Comber’s analysis of our baptismal office:—The
first part of the office, or the preparation before baptism, concerns
either the child or the sureties. As to the child, we first inquire if
it want baptism; secondly, show the necessity of it in an exhortation;
thirdly, we pray it may be fitted for it in the two collects. First, the
priest asks if this child have been already baptized, because St. Paul
saith, “there is but one baptism” (Ephes. iv. 5); and as we are born, so
we are born again, but once. Secondly, the minister begins the
exhortation, showing, 1. what reason there is to baptize this child,
namely, because of its being born in original sin, (Psalm li. 5,) and by
consequence liable to condemnation (Rom. v. 12); the only way to free it
from which is baptizing it with water and the HOLY GHOST. (John iii. 5.)
And, 2. beseeching all present, upon this account, to pray to GOD, that,
while he baptizes this child with water, GOD will give it his Holy
Spirit, so as to make it a lively member of CHRIST’S Church, whereby it
may have a title to “remission of sins.” Thirdly, the two collects
follow, made by the priest and all the people for the child: the first
collect commemorates how GOD did typify this salvation, which he now
gives by baptism, in saving Noah and all his by water (1 Pet. iii. 21);
and by carrying the Israelites safe through the Red Sea. (1 Cor. x. 2.)
And it declares also how CHRIST himself, by being baptized, sanctified
water for remission of sin: and upon these grounds we pray that GOD will
by his Spirit cleanse and sanctify this child, that he may be delivered
from his wrath, saved in the ark of his Church, and so filled with grace
as to live holily here, and happily hereafter. The second collect, after
owning GOD’S power to help this child, and to raise him from the death
of sin to the life of righteousness, doth petition him to grant it may
receive remission and regeneration, pleading with GOD to grant this
request, by his promise to give to them that ask, that so this infant
may be spiritually cleansed by GOD’S grace in its baptism, and come at
last to his eternal kingdom, through CHRIST our LORD. Amen.
The next part of the preparation concerns the godfathers or sureties,
who are, 1. encouraged in the gospel and its application, with the
thanksgiving; 2. instructed in the preface before the covenant; 3.
engaged in the questions and answers. The Jews had sureties at
circumcision, who promised for the child till it came to age (Isaiah
viii. 2); and the primitive Christians had sponsors to engage for such
as were baptized, and since children cannot make a covenant themselves,
it is charity to appoint (as the laws of men do) others to do it for
them till they be of age; and this gives security to the Church, the
child shall not be an apostate; provides a monitor both for the child
and its parents, to mind them of this vow, and keep the memory of this
new birth, by giving the child new and spiritual relations of godfathers
and godmothers. Now to these the priest next addresseth, 1. in _the
Gospel_ (Mark x. 13–16); which shows how the Jews, believing that
CHRIST’S blessing would be very beneficial to young children, brought
them to him in their arms, and when the disciples checked them, CHRIST
first declares that infants, and such as were like them, had the only
right to the kingdom of heaven, and therefore they had good right to his
love and his blessing, and to all means which might bring them to it,
and accordingly he took them in his arms and blessed them. After this
follows the _explication_, and applying this gospel to the sureties; for
if they doubt, here they may see CHRIST’S love to infants, and their
right to heaven and to this means, so that they may firmly believe he
will pardon and sanctify this child, and grant it a title to his
kingdom; and that he is well pleased with them, for bringing this child
to his holy baptism; for he desires this infant, as well as we all, may
come to know and believe in him. Wherefore, thirdly, here is _a
thanksgiving_ to be offered up by all, beginning with praising GOD for
calling us into his Church, where we may know him and obtain the grace
to believe, it being very proper for us to bless GOD for our being
Christians, when a new Christian is to be made; and then follows a
prayer, that we who are Christians may grow in grace, and that this
infant may receive the Spirit in order to its regeneration and
salvation. After which form of devotion, fourthly, there is a _preface
to the covenant_, wherein the godfathers and godmothers are put in mind,
first, what hath been done already, namely, they have brought the child
to CHRIST, and begged of him in the collects to accept it, and CHRIST
hath showed them in the Gospel that the child is capable to receive, and
he willing to give it, salvation and the means thereof, upon the
conditions required of all Christians, that is, repentance, faith, and
new obedience. Secondly, therefore, they are required to engage in the
name of this child, till it come of age, that it shall perform these
conditions required on its part, that it may have a title to that which
CHRIST doth promise, and will certainly perform on his part. Fifthly,
the engagement itself follows, which is very necessary, since baptism is
a mutual covenant between GOD and man, and therefore, in the beginning
of Christianity, (when the Church consisted chiefly of such as were
converted from the Jews and Heathens, after they came to age,) the
parties baptized answered these very same questions, and entered into
these very engagements, for themselves; which infants (who need the
benefits of baptism as much as any) not being able to do, the Church
lends them the feet of others to bring them, and the tongues of others
to promise for them; and the priest stands in GOD’S stead to take this
security in his name; he “demands,” therefore, of the sureties, first,
if they in the name and stead of this child will renounce all sinful
compliances with the devil, the world, and the flesh, which tempt us to
all kinds of sin, and so are GOD’S enemies, and ours also, in so high a
measure, that unless we vow never to follow and be led by them, we
cannot be received into league and friendship with GOD: to this they
reply in the singular number, as if the child spake by them, “I renounce
them all.” Secondly, as Philip asked the eunuch if he did believe before
he baptized him, (Acts viii. 37,) so the priest asks if they believe all
the articles of the Christian faith, into which religion they are now to
be entered; and therefore they must engage to hold all the fundamental
principles thereof, revealed in Scripture and comprised in the Apostles’
Creed; and they are to answer, “All this I stedfastly believe.” Thirdly,
that it may appear to be their own free act to admit themselves into
this holy religion, they are asked if they will be baptized into this
faith, and they answer, “That is my desire;” for who would not desire to
be a child of GOD, a member of CHRIST, and an heir of heaven? But since
these benefits of baptism are promised only to them who live holily,
fourthly, it is demanded if they will keep GOD’S holy will and
commandments as long as they live, since they now take CHRIST for their
Lord and Master, and list themselves under his banner, and receive his
grace in this sacrament, to renew and strengthen them to keep this vow?
Upon these accounts they promise “they will” keep GOD’S commandments.
And now the covenant is made between GOD and this infant, he hath
promised it pardon, grace, and glory, and is willing to adopt it for his
own child: and this child, by its sureties, hath engaged to forsake all
evil ways, to believe all truth, and to practise all kind of
virtue.—_Dean Comber._
BAPTISM, REGISTRATION OF. When the minister has baptized the child he
has a further duty to perform, in making an entry thereof in the parish
register, which is a book in which formerly all christenings, marriages,
and burials were recorded, and the use of which is enforced both by the
canon law and by the statute.
The keeping of parochial registries of baptism, and also of burial, are,
so far as regards the duties of clergymen in that respect, regulated by
the statute 52 Geo. III. c. 146, whereby it is enacted that registers of
public and private baptisms, marriages, and burials, solemnized
according to the rites of our Church, shall be made and kept by the
rector or other the officiating minister of every parish or chapelry, on
books of parchment, or durable paper, to be provided by the king’s
printer, at the expense of the parishes; and the particular form of the
book, and of the manner of making the entries, are directed according to
a form in the schedule to the act.
The register book is to be deemed the property of the parish; the
custody of it is to be in the rector or other officiating minister, by
whom it is to be kept in an iron chest provided by the parish, either in
his own house, if he resides in the parish, or in the church, and the
book is to be taken from the chest only for the purpose of making
entries, being produced when necessary in evidence, or for some of the
purposes mentioned in the act.
The act 6 & 7 W. IV., called the General Registration Act, provides that
nothing therein contained shall affect the registration of baptisms or
burials, as now by law established; so that whatever any parishioner,
incumbent, or curate had respectively a right to insist upon, with
regard to the regulation of baptisms, may be equally insisted upon by
either party now. There are, however, enactments of 6 & 7 W. IV. c. 86,
which are to be observed in addition to those of 52 Geo. III. c. 146.
If any child born in England, whose birth shall have been registered
according to the provisions of 6 & 7 W. IV. c. 86, shall, within six
calendar months after it has been so registered, have any name given to
it in baptism, the parents or persons so procuring such name to be given
may, within seven days afterwards, procure and deliver to the registrar
a certificate according to a prescribed form, signed by the minister who
shall have performed the rite of baptism, which certificate the minister
is required to deliver immediately after the baptism, whenever it shall
then be demanded, on payment of the fee of 1_s._, which he shall be
entitled to receive for the same; and the registrar, or superintendant
registrar, upon the receipt of that certificate, and upon payment of a
fee of 1_s._, shall, without any erasure of the original entry,
forthwith register that the child was baptized by such a name; and such
registrar, or superintendant registrar, shall thereupon certify upon the
certificate the additional entry so made, and forthwith send the
certificate through the post to the registrar-general. Every rector,
&c., and every registrar, &c., who shall have the keeping for the time
being of any register book, shall, at all reasonable times, allow
searches to be made, and shall give a copy certified under his hand of
any entry or entries in the same, upon payment of a fee of 1_s._, for
every search extending over a period of not more than one year, and
6_d._ additional for every half year, and 2_s._ 6_d._ for every single
certificate.
BAPTISTERY. Properly a separate, or special, building for the
administration of holy baptism. In this sense, a baptistery, originally
intended and used for the purpose, does not occur in England; for that
which is called the baptistery at Canterbury, and contains the font, was
never so called, or so furnished, till the last century. The remains of
an ancient baptistery chapel have lately been discovered in Ely
cathedral; and the chapel is now in the course of restoration.
One of the most ancient baptisteries now existing is that of St. John
Lateran at Rome, erected by Constantine. It is a detached building, and
octagonal. In the centre is a large font of green basalt, into which the
persons to be baptized descended by the four steps which still remain.
It has two side chapels or exedræ. (See _Eustace, Classical Tour in
Italy_.)
Detached baptisteries still exist in many cities in Italy: the most
famous are those at Florence and Pisa. These served for the whole city;
anciently no town churches but the cathedral church having fonts. (See
_Bingham_, book viii. ch. 7, § 6.)
Sometimes the canopy to the font grows to so great amplitude as to be
supported by its own pillars, and to receive persons within it at the
baptismal service, and then it may be called a baptistery. This is the
case at Trunch and at Aylsham, both in Norfolk. (See _Font_.)
BAPTISTS. A name improperly assumed by those who deny the validity of
infant baptism, defer the baptism of their own children, and admit
proselytes into their community by a second washing. They are more
properly called Anabaptists, (see _Anabaptists_,) from their baptizing
again; or Antipædobaptists, from their denying the validity of infant
baptism. Their assumed name of Baptists would intimate that they alone
truly baptize, and it ought not therefore to be allowed them. We ought
no more to call them _Baptists_, than to call Socinians _Unitarians_, or
Papists _Catholics_, as if we did not hold the Unity of the GODHEAD, and
Socinians were distinguished from us by that article; or as if the
Papists, and not we, were _catholic_ or _true_ Christians.
The following is the account of the denomination given by Burder. The
members of this denomination are distinguished from all other professing
Christians by their opinions respecting the ordinance of Christian
baptism. Conceiving that positive institutions cannot be established by
analogical reasoning, but depend on the will of the SAVIOUR revealed in
express precepts, and that apostolical example illustrative of this is
the rule of duty, they differ from their Christian brethren with regard
both to the subjects and the mode of baptism.
With respect to the subjects, from the command which CHRIST gave after
his resurrection, and in which baptism is mentioned as consequent to
faith in the gospel, they conceive them to be those, and those only, who
believe what the apostles were then enjoined to preach.
With respect to the mode, they affirm that, instead of sprinkling or
pouring, the person ought to be immersed in the water, referring to the
primitive practice, and observing that the baptizer as well as the
baptized having gone down into the water, the latter is baptized in it,
and both come up out of it. They say, that John baptized in the Jordan,
and that JESUS, after being baptized, came up out of it. Believers are
said also to be “buried with CHRIST by baptism into death, wherein also
they are risen with him;” and the Baptists insist that this is a
doctrinal allusion incompatible with any other mode.
But they say that their views of this institution are much more
confirmed, and may be better understood, by studying its nature and
import. They consider it as an impressive emblem of that by which their
sins are remitted or washed away, and of that on account of which the
HOLY SPIRIT is given to those who obey the Messiah. In other words, they
view Christian baptism as a figurative representation of that which the
gospel of JESUS is in testimony. To this the mind of the baptized is
therefore naturally led, while spectators are to consider him as
professing his faith in the gospel, and his subjection to the REDEEMER.
The Baptists, therefore, would say, that none ought to be baptized
except those who seem to believe this gospel; and that immersion is not
properly a mode of baptism, but baptism itself.
Thus the English and most foreign Baptists consider a personal
profession of faith, and an immersion in water, as essential to baptism.
The profession of faith is generally made before the congregation, at a
church-meeting. On these occasions some have a creed, to which they
expect the candidate to assent, and to give a circumstantial account of
his conversion; but others require only a profession of his faith as a
Christian. The former generally consider baptism as an ordinance, which
initiates persons into a particular church; and they say that, without
breach of Christian liberty, they have a right to expect an agreement in
articles of faith in their own societies. The latter think that baptism
initiates merely into a profession of the Christian religion, and
therefore say that they have no right to require an assent to their
creed from such as do not intend to join their communion; and, in
support of their opinion, they quote the baptism of the eunuch, in the
eighth chapter of the Acts of the Apostles.
The Baptists are divided into the _General_, who are Arminians, and the
_Particular_, who are Calvinists. Some of both classes allow mixed
communion, by which is understood, that those who have not been baptized
by immersion on the profession of their faith, (but in their infancy,
which they themselves deem valid,) may sit down at the LORD’S table
along with those who have been thus baptized. This has given rise to
much controversy on the subject.
Some of both classes of Baptists are, at the same time, _Sabbatarians_,
and, with the Jews, observe the seventh day of the week as the sabbath.
This has been adopted by them from a persuasion that, all the ten
commandments are in their nature strictly moral, and that the observance
of the seventh day was never abrogated or repealed by our SAVIOUR or his
apostles.
In discipline, the Baptists differ little from the Independents. In
Scotland they have some peculiarities, not necessary to notice.
BARDESANISTS. Christian heretics in the East, and the followers of
Bardesanes, who lived in Mesopotamia in the second century, and was
first the disciple of Valentinus, but quitted that heresy, and wrote not
only against it, but against the Marcionite and other heresies of his
time; he afterwards unhappily fell into the errors he had before
refuted. The Bardesanists differed from the Catholic Church on three
points:—1. They held the devil to be a self-existent, independent being.
2. They taught that our LORD was not born of a woman, but brought his
body with him from heaven. 3. They denied the resurrection of the
body.—_Euseb. Præp. Evang._ lib. vi. c. 9. _Epiph. Hæres._ 5, 6.
_Origen, contr. Marcion_, § 3.
BARNABAS, EPISTLE OF. The Epistle of St. Barnabas is published by
Archbishop Wake, among his translations of the works of the Apostolical
Fathers; and in the preliminary dissertation the reader will find the
arguments which are adduced to prove this to be the work of St.
Barnabas. By others it is referred to the second century, and is
supposed to be the work of a converted Alexandrian Jew. Du Pin speaks of
it as a work full of edification for the Church, though not canonical.
By Clemens Alexandrinus and Origen, by Eusebius and St. Jerome, the work
is attributed to St. Barnabas, though they declare that it ought not to
be esteemed of the same authority as the canonical books, “because,
although it really belongs to St. Barnabas, yet it is not generally
received by the whole Catholic Church.”—_Wake. Du Pin._
BARNABAS’ DAY (ST.). 11th of June. This apostle was born in the island
of Cyprus, and was descended from parents of the house of Levi. He
became a student of the Jewish law, under Gamaliel, who was also the
instructor of St. Paul. St. Barnabas was one of those who freely gave up
his worldly goods into the common stock, which was voluntarily formed by
the earliest converts to Christianity. After the conversion of St. Paul,
St. Barnabas had the distinguished honour of introducing him into the
society of the apostles; and was afterwards his fellow-labourer in many
places, especially at Antioch, where the name of Christian was first
assumed by the followers of JESUS. It has been said that St. Barnabas
founded the Church of Milan, and that he was stoned to death at Salamis,
in Cyprus; but these accounts are very uncertain. For the Epistle
ascribed to him, see the preceding article.
BARNABITES. Called canons regular of St. Paul: an order of Romish monks
approved by Pope Clement VII. and Pope Paul III. There have been several
learned men of the order, and they have several monasteries in France,
Italy, and Savoy: they call them by the name of canons of St. Paul,
because their first founders had their denomination from their reading
St. Paul’s Epistles; and they are named Barnabites for their particular
devotion for St. Barnabas.—_Du Pin._
BARSANIANS, or SEMIDULITES. Heretics that began to appear in the sixth
age; they maintained the errors of the Gradanaites, and made their
sacrifices consist in taking wheat flour on the top of their finger, and
carrying it to their mouths.
BARTHOLOMEW’S DAY (ST.). 24th of August. The day appointed for the
commemoration of this apostle. In the catalogue of the apostles, which
is given by the first three of the evangelists, Bartholomew makes one of
the number. St. John, however, not mentioning him, and recording several
things of another disciple, whom he calls Nathanael, and who is not
named by the other evangelists, this has occasioned many to be of the
opinion that Bartholomew and Nathanael were the same person. St.
Bartholomew is said to have preached the gospel in the Greater Armenia,
and to have converted the Lycaonians to Christianity. It is also
believed that he carried the gospel into India: and as there is no
record of his return, it is not improbable that he suffered martyrdom in
that country.
St. Bartholomew’s day is distinguished in history on account of that
horrid and atrocious carnage, called the _Parisian Massacre_. This
shocking scene of religious phrensy was marked with such barbarity as
would exceed all belief, if it were not attested by authentic evidence.
In 1572, in the reign of Charles IX., numbers of the principal
Protestants were invited to Paris, under a solemn oath of safety, to
celebrate the marriage of the king of Navarre with the sister of the
French king. The queen dowager of Navarre, a zealous Protestant, was
poisoned by a pair of gloves before the marriage was solemnized. On the
24th of August, being St. Bartholomew’s day, about morning twilight, the
massacre commenced on the tolling of a bell of the church of St. Germain
l’Auxerrois. The Admiral Coligni was basely murdered in his own house,
and then thrown out of a window, to gratify the malice of the Duke of
Guise. His head was afterwards cut off, and sent to the king and the
queen mother; and his body, after a thousand indignities offered to it,
was hung up by the feet upon a gibbet. The murderers then ravaged the
whole city of Paris, and put to death more than ten thousand persons of
all ranks. “This,” says Thuanus, “was a horrible scene. The very streets
and passages resounded with the groans of the dying, and of those who
were about to be murdered. The bodies of the slain were thrown out of
the windows, and with them the courts and chambers of the houses were
filled. The dead bodies of others were dragged through the streets, and
the blood flowed down the channels in such torrents, that it seemed to
empty itself into the neighbouring river. In short, an innumerable
multitude of men, women with child, maidens, and children, were involved
in one common destruction; and all the gates and entrances to the king’s
palace were besmeared with blood. From Paris, the massacre spread
throughout the kingdom. In the city of Meaux, the Papists threw into
gaol more than two hundred persons; and after they had ravished and
killed a great number of women, and plundered the houses of the
Protestants, they executed their fury on those whom they had imprisoned,
whom they killed in cold blood, and whose bodies were thrown into
ditches, and into the river Maine. At Orleans they murdered more than
five hundred men, women, and children, and enriched themselves with the
plunder of their property. Similar cruelties were exercised at Angers,
Troyes, Bourges, La Charité, and especially at Lyons, where they
inhumanly destroyed more than eight hundred Protestants, whose bodies
were dragged through the streets and thrown half dead into the river. It
would be endless to mention the butcheries committed at Valence, Roanne,
Rouen, &c. It is asserted that, on this dreadful occasion, more than
thirty thousand persons were put to death. This atrocious massacre met
with the deliberate approbation of the pope and the authorities of the
Romish Church, and must convince every thinking man that resistance to
Popish aggression is a work of Christian charity.
BARUCH (THE PROPHECY OF). One of the apocryphal books, subjoined to the
canon of the Old Testament. Baruch was the son of Neriah, who was the
disciple and amanuensis of the prophet Jeremiah. It has been reckoned
part of Jeremiah’s prophecy, and is often cited by the ancient fathers
as such. Josephus tells us, Baruch was descended of a noble family; and
it is said, in the book itself, that he wrote this prophecy at Babylon;
but at what time is uncertain.—_Clem. Alexand. Pædag._ ch. 10. _Cyprian.
de Testimon. ad Quirinum_, lib. ii.
The subject of it is an epistle sent, or feigned to be sent, by king
Jehoiakim, and the Jews in captivity with him at Babylon, to their
brethren the Jews, who were left behind in the land of Judea, and in
Jerusalem: there is prefixed an historical Preface, (_Pref. to the Book
of Baruch_,) which relates, that Baruch, being then at Babylon, did, by
the appointment of the king and the Jews, and in their name, draw up
this epistle, and afterwards read it to them for their approbation;
after which it was sent to Jerusalem, with a collection of money, to
Joachim the high priest, the son of Hilkiah, the son of Shallum, and to
the priests, and to all the people, to buy therewith burnt-offerings,
and sin-offerings, and incense, &c.
It is difficult to determine in what language this prophecy was
originally written. There are extant three copies of it; one in Greek,
the other two in Syriac; but which of these, or whether any one of them,
be the original, is uncertain.—_Hieron. in Præfat. ad Jerem._
The Jews rejected this book, because it did not appear to have been
written in Hebrew; nor is it in the catalogue of sacred books, given us
by Origen, Hilary, Ruffinus, and others. But in the Council of Laodicea,
in St. Cyril, Epiphanius, and Athanasius, it is joined with the prophecy
of Jeremiah.
BASILIAN MONKS. Monks of the order of St. Basil, who lived in the fourth
century. St. Basil, having retired into a desert in the province of
Pontus, founded a monastery for the convenience of himself and his
numerous followers; and for the better regulation of this new society,
it is said that he drew up in writing certain rules which he wished them
to observe, though some think that he did not compose these rules. This
new order soon spread over all the East, and after some time passed into
the West. Some authors pretend that St. Basil saw himself the spiritual
father of more than 90,000 monks in the East only; but this order, which
flourished during more than three centuries, was considerably diminished
by heresy, schism, and a change of empire. They also say, that it has
produced 14 popes, 1805 bishops, 3010 abbots, and 11,085 martyrs. This
order also boasts of several emperors, kings, and princes, who have
embraced its rule.—_Tillemont, Hist. Eccles._, tom. ix. The order of St.
Basil prevails almost exclusively in the orthodox Greek Churches.
BASILICA. The halls of justice and of other public business among the
Romans were thus called; and many of them, when converted into Christian
churches, retained the same name. The general ground-plan of the
basilica was also frequently retained in the erection of a church. The
basilicas terminated with a conchoidal recess, or apsis, (see _Apse_,)
where the prætor and magistrates sat: beneath this was a transverse hall
or gallery, the origin of the transept, and below was the great hall
with its side passages, afterwards called the nave and aisles.
The bishop of Rome had seven cathedrals called Basilicæ. Six of these
were erected or converted into churches by Constantine, viz. St. John
Lateran, (the regular cathedral of Rome,) the ancient church of St.
Peter, on the Vatican Hill, St. Sebastian, St. Laurence, the Holy Cross,
St. Mary the Greater; and one by Theodosius, viz. St. Paul. There are
other very ancient churches in Rome, basilicas in form and name, but not
cathedrals; for example, St. Clement’s church, supposed to have been
originally the house of the apostolical bishop of that name, and the
most ancient existing church in the world. Several Italian churches are
called Basilicas; at Milan especially; often more than one in a city.
(See _Cathedrals_.)—_Jebb._
It is sometimes said, but without any certain foundation, that some of
the churches in England with circular apsidal terminations of the
chancel, (such as Kilpeck and Steetly,) were originally Roman basilicas.
They rather derive their form from the Oriental country churches, which
are uniformly apsidal. The most that can be said of them is, that they
do, in some respects, resemble the basilicas in arrangement. But as to
the cathedrals of England, the case is different: and since old Saxon or
Norman churches were unquestionably debasements of the Roman style in
their architectural features, it is possible that they derived from Rome
the characteristics uniformly observed in the old basilicas. The
conversion of the apses into sepulchral chapels for shrines, as at
Westminster and Canterbury, as superstition increased, destroyed the
ancient arrangements.—_Jebb._
BASILIDIANS. A sect of the Gnostic heretics, the followers of Basilides,
who taught that from the Unborn FATHER was born his Mind, and from him
the WORD, from him Understanding (φρόνησις), from him Wisdom and Power,
and from them Excellencies, and Princes, and Angels, who made a heaven.
He then introduced a successive series of angelic beings, each set
derived from the preceding one, to the number of 365, and each the
author of their own peculiar heaven. To all these angels and heavens he
gave names, and assigned the local situations of the heavens. The first
of them is called Abraxas, a mystical name, containing in it the number
365: the last and lowest is the one which we see; the creators of which
made this world, and divided its parts and nations amongst them. In this
division the Jewish nation came to the share of the prince of the
angels; and as he wished to bring all other nations into subjection to
his favourite nation, the other angelic princes and their nations
resisted him and his nation. The Supreme FATHER, seeing this state of
things, sent his first-begotten MIND, who is also called CHRIST, to
deliver those who should believe in him from the power of the creators.
He accordingly appeared to mankind as a man, and wrought mighty deeds.
He did not, however, really suffer, but changed forms with Simon of
Cyrene, and stood by laughing, while Simon suffered; and afterwards,
being himself incorporeal, ascended into heaven. Building upon this
transformation, Basilides taught his disciples that they might at all
times deny him that was crucified, and that they alone who did so
understood the providential dealings of the MOST HIGH, and by that
knowledge were freed from the power of the angels, whilst those who
confessed him remained under their power. Like Saturninus, however, but
in other words, he asserted that the soul alone was capable of
salvation, but the body necessarily perishable. He taught, moreover,
that they who knew his whole system, and could recount the names of the
angels, &c., were invisible to them all, and could pass through and see
them, without being seen in return; that they ought likewise to keep
themselves individually and personally unknown to common men, and even
to deny that they are what they are; that they should assert themselves
to be neither Jews nor Christians, and by no means reveal their
mysteries.—_Epiph. Hæres._ xxiv. c. 1. _Cave, Hist. Liter. Sæc.
Gnosticum_.
BASON (or BASIN) [so spelt in the sealed books] FOR THE OFFERTORY.
“Whilst the sentences for the Offertory are in reading, the deacons,
churchwardens, and other fit persons appointed for that purpose, shall
receive the alms for the poor, and _other devotions_ of the people, in a
decent bason, to be provided by the parish for that purpose.”—_Rubric._
It is clear from this expression, “other devotions,” that our reformers
did not intend to interfere with the ancient destination of alms in the
holy communion; but that they intended that all our gifts, whether for
the relief of the poor—to which indeed the Church assigns the first
place—or for any other good purpose, should be made as an offering to
GOD; the word _devotions_ signifying an act of giving up and dedicating
to Almighty GOD, and accompanied with prayer. In Exeter cathedral, and
others as we believe, the alms are still apportioned to these three
purposes,—relief of the poor, support of the fabric of the church, and
of the clergy. To this latter use in the early Church they were almost
exclusively devoted, the clergy being the chief almoners for the poor,
as the Church by her rightful office now is. It is often objected to
giving largely in the Offertory that there are now poor laws; but surely
the laws of the state should not cramp the free-will offerings of
CHRIST’S people. Is it too much to make the Church the steward of our
offerings for the cause of CHRIST? It were much to be wished that all
gifts were again made through this quiet and authorized channel. It is
quite within the province of the donor to specify the object on which he
wishes the gift to be expended, and the clergy will gladly aid the
people in obedience to their holy mother the Church.
BATH-KOL, or BATH-COL, signifies _Daughter of the Voice_. It is a name
by which the Jewish writers distinguish what they call a revelation from
GOD, after verbal prophecy had ceased in Israel, that is, after the
prophets Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi. The generality of their
traditions and customs are founded on this Bath-Kol. They pretend, that
GOD revealed them to their elders, not by prophecy, but by secret
inspiration, or tradition: and this they call the Daughter of the Voice.
The Bath-Kol, as Dr. Prideaux shows, was a fantastical way of
divination, invented by the Jews, like the _Sortes Virgilianæ_ among the
heathens. With the heathen, the words dipt at, in opening the works of
Virgil, were the oracle by which they prognosticated those future events
of which they desired to be informed. In like manner by the Jews, when
they appealed to Bath-Kol, the next words which they heard were
considered as the desired oracle. Some Christians, when Christianity
began to be corrupted, used the Scriptures in the same manner as the
heathens employed the works of Virgil.
BATTLE, or more properly BATTEL, _Wager of_. One of the forms of ordeal,
or appeal to the judgment of GOD in the old Norman courts of this
kingdom. (See _Ordeal_.) In cases of murder, and some others, when the
evidence against the accused did not amount to positive proof, he was
allowed to assert his innocence by this appeal. If a prosecutor
appeared, before he could put in his charge, it was necessary, in cases
of murder, that he should prove himself to be of the blood of the
deceased. In cases of homicide, that he was allied to the slain as a
relation, or vassal, or lord, and could speak of the death on the
testimony of his own senses. The accused might then plead not guilty,
and, at his option, throw down his glove, and declare his readiness to
defend his innocence with his body. If the appellant took up the glove,
and professed himself willing to prove the charge in the same manner,
the judges, unless the guilt or innocence of the accused were evident,
proceeded to award a trial by battle. The appellee, with the book of the
Gospels in his right hand, and the right hand of his adversary in his
left, took the following oath: “Hear me, thou whom I hold by the right
hand, I am not guilty of the felony with which thou hast charged me. So
help me GOD and HIS saints. And this will I defend with my body against
thee, as this court shall award.” Then exchanging hands, and taking the
book, the appellant swore, “Hear me, thou whom I hold by the hand. Thou
art perjured, because thou art guilty. So help me GOD and HIS saints.
And this will I prove against thee with my body, as this court shall
award.” On the day appointed by the court, the two combatants were led
to battle. Each had his head, arms, and legs bare, was protected by a
square target of leather, and employed as a weapon a wooden stave one
ell in length, and turned at the end. If the appellee was unwilling to
fight, or in the course of the day was unable to continue the combat, he
was immediately hanged, or condemned to forfeit his property, and lose
his members. If he slew the appellant, or forced him to call out
“Craven,” or protracted the fight till the stars appeared in the
evening, he was acquitted. Nor did his recreant adversary escape
punishment. If he survived the combat, he was fined sixty shillings, was
declared infamous, and stript of all the privileges of a freeman.
In the court of chivalry the proceedings were different. When the cause
could not be decided on the evidence of witnesses, or the authority of
documents, the constable and mareschal required pledges from the two
parties, and appointed the time of battle, the place, and the weapons,—a
long sword, a short sword, and a dagger; but allowed the combatants to
provide themselves with defensive armour according to their own choice.
A spot of dry and even ground, sixty paces in length and forty in
breadth, was enclosed with stakes seven feet high, around which were
placed the serjeants-at-arms, with other officers, to keep silence and
order among the spectators. The combatants entered at opposite gates;
the appellant at the east, the defendant at the west end of the lists:
and each severally swore that his former allegations and answers were
true; that he had no weapons but those allotted by the court; that he
wore no charms about him; and that he placed his whole confidence on
GOD, on the goodness of his cause, and on his own prowess. Then taking
each other by the hand, the appellant swore that he would do his best to
slay his adversary, or compel him to acknowledge his guilt: the
defendant, that he would exert all his powers to prove his own
innocence. When they had been separately conducted to the gates at which
they entered, the constable, sitting at the foot of the throne,
exclaimed thrice, “Let them go,” adding to the third exclamation, “and
do their duty.” The battle immediately began: if the king interposed,
and took the quarrel into his own hands, the combatants were separated
by the officers with their wands, and then led by the constable and
mareschal to one of the gates, through which they were careful to pass
at the same moment, as it was deemed a disgrace to be the first to leave
the place of combat. If either party was killed, or cried “Craven,” he
was stripped of his armour on the spot where he lay, was dragged by
horses out of the lists, through a passage opened in one of the angles,
and was immediately hanged or beheaded in presence of the mareschal.
Trial by battle was used not only in military and criminal cases, but
also in one kind of civil action, namely, in writs of right, which were
not to determine the _jus possessionis_, but the less obvious and more
profound question of the _jus proprietatis_. In the simplicity of
ancient times, it was thought not unreasonable that a matter of such
difficulty should be left to the decision of Providence by the wager of
battle. In this case the battle was waged by champions, because, in
civil actions, if any party to the suit dies, the suit must abate, or
end, and therefore no judgment could be given.
The last trial by battle that was waged in the court of Common Pleas at
Westminster was in the thirteenth year of Queen Elizabeth, A. D. 1571,
as reported by Sir James Dyer; and was held in Tothill Fields “non sine
magnâ juris consultorum perturbatione.” There was afterwards one in the
court of Chivalry in 1631, and another in the county palatine of Durham
in 1628.
The Wager of Battle was accounted obsolete, until it was unexpectedly
demanded and admitted in 1817, in a case of supposed murder; and it has
since been abolished by act of parliament, 59 George III. c. 46.
BAY. (More anciently _Severy_.) One whole compartment of a building. As
the whole structure consists of a repetition of bays, the description of
one bay comprises most of the terms used in architectural nomenclature.
The accompanying block figures are purposely composed of discordant
parts, to comprise the greater number of terms.
[Illustration]
EXTERIOR.
A. Aisle.
I. Basement.
II. Parapet.
_a._ Corbel table.
_b._ Cornice.
_c._ Gurgoyle.
III. Buttress.
_d._ Pedimental set-off.
_e._ Plain set-off.
_f._ Finial.
_g._ Flying buttress, or arch-buttress.
IV. Aisle roof.
C. Clerestory.
INTERIOR.
A. Aisle.
V. Pier.
_h._ Capital.
_i._ Shaft.
_k._ Base.
_l._ Band.
VI. Pier arch.
_m._ Spandril.
VII. Vaulting shaft.
_n._ Corbel.
_o._ Capital.
B. Triforium.
VIII. Triforium arcade.
_p._ Blank arches.
_q._ Pierced arches.
C. Clerestory.
D. Vault.
_r._ Groining ribs.
_s._ Bosses.
COMMON TO EXTERIOR & INTERIOR.
E. Aisle windows.
_t._ Jamb shafts.
_u._ Tracery (Perpendicular).
_v._ Mullions.
_w._ Transom.
_x._ Batement lights.
F. Clerestory windows.
_y._ Tracery (Geometrical).
_z._ Cusping or foliation.
_aa._ Tracery (Flowing).
_bb._ Hood, in the exterior more correctly dripstone.
_cc._ Corbel, or label.
DECORATIONS COMMON TO BOTH.
1. Arcading (Norman to Decorated.)
2. Panelling (Perpendicular).
3. Niche.
4. Panel.
5. String.
BEADS, or BEDES. A word of Saxon origin, which properly signifies
_prayers_; hence _Bidding the Bedes_ meant _desiring the prayers_ of the
congregation, and from the forms used for this purpose before the
Reformation is derived the _Bidding of prayer_, prescribed by the
English canons of 1603. (See _Bidding Prayer_.) From denoting the
prayers themselves, the word came to mean the little balls used by the
Romanists in rehearsing and numbering their Ave-marias and Paternosters.
(See _Rosary_.) A similar practice prevails among the dervises and other
religious persons throughout the East, as well Mahometans as Buddhists
and other heathens. The ancient form of the Bedes, or Bidding Prayer, is
given in the Appendix to Collier’s Eccl. Hist. vol. ii. No. 54, which
shows that our present Bidding Prayer was founded on that model.
BEATIFICATION. (See _Canonization_.) In the Romish Church, the act by
which the pope declares a person happy after death. Beatification
differs from canonization. In the former the pope does not act as a
judge in determining the state of the beatified, but only grants a
privilege to certain persons to honour him by a particular religious
worship, without incurring the penalty of superstitious worshippers. In
canonization, the pope blasphemously speaks as a judge, and determines,
_ex cathedrâ_, on the state of the canonized. It is remarkable, that
particular orders of monks assume to themselves the power of
beatification.
BEDDERN, BEDERNA. The name still retained of the vicar’s college at
York, and of the old collegiate building at Beverley. Query, whether it
may be somewhat the same as _Bedehouse_, i. e. an hospital?—_Jebb._
BEGUINES. A congregation of nuns, founded either by St. Begghe, duchess
of Brabant, in the seventh century, or by Lambert le Begue, a priest and
native of Liege, who lived in the twelfth century. They were established
first at Liege, and afterwards at Nivelle, in 1207, or, as some say, in
1226. From this last settlement sprang the great number of Beguinages,
which are spread over all Flanders, and which have passed from Flanders
into Germany. In the latter country, some of them fell into extravagant
errors, and persuaded themselves that it was possible in the present
life to attain to the highest perfection, even to impeccability, and a
clear view of GOD, and in short, to so eminent a degree of
contemplation, that, after this, there was no necessity of submitting to
the laws of mortal men, civil or ecclesiastical. The Council of Vienne,
in 1311, condemned these errors, but permitted those who continued in
the true faith to live in chastity and penitence, either with or without
vows. There still subsist many communities of Beguines in
Flanders.—_Hist. des Ord. Relig._ viii. c. i.
BEL AND THE DRAGON (THE HISTORY OF). An apocryphal and uncanonical book
of Scripture. It was always rejected by the Jewish Church, and is extant
neither in the Hebrew nor the Chaldee language, nor is there any proof
that it ever was so. St. Jerome gives it no better title than “the fable
of Bel and the Dragon.” It is, however, permitted to be read, as well as
the other apocryphal writings, for the instruction and improvement of
manners.
Selden (_De Diis Syris, Syntagma_ ii. cap. 17) thinks, this little
history ought rather to be considered as a sacred poem or fiction, than
a true account. As to the Dragon, he observes, that serpents
(_dracones_) made a part of the hidden mysteries of the Pagan religion;
as appears from Clemens Alexandrinus, Julius Firmicus, Justin Martyr,
and others. And Aristotle relates, that, in Mesopotamia, there were
serpents which would not hurt the natives of the country, and infested
only strangers. Whence it is not improbable that both the Mesopotamians
themselves and the neighbouring people might worship a serpent, the
former to avert the evil arising from those reptiles, the latter out of
a principle of gratitude. But of this there is no clear proof, nor is it
certain that the Babylonians worshipped a dragon or serpent.—_Aristot._
περὶ θαυμασιων ἀκουσματων.
BELFRY. The place where the bells are hung; sometimes being a small arch
placed on the gable of the church, sometimes a tower or turret. The
belfries were originally detached from the church, as may be still seen
in many places in Italy. Instances of this have been known in England,
as at Chichester, and at Salisbury (the belfry in the latter place was
destroyed some years ago). The great central towers of our cathedrals
and abbeys were not originally constructed for bells, but for
_lanterns_, to give light to the central portion of the church. The
bells were contained in the towers, or turrets, at the west end, or at
the angles of the church. Many churches had more than one bell tower. In
Canterbury cathedral the ring of bells is contained in the south-western
tower; the small bell, or Bell-Hurry, which is rung just before the
service, is placed in the great central tower.
BELIEVERS (πιστοὶ, or _Faithful_). A name given to the baptized in the
early Church, as distinguished from the _Catechumens_. The believer was
admitted to all the rites of Divine worship, and instructed in all the
mysteries of the Christian religion.—_Bingham._
BELLS. Bells of a small size are very ancient, but larger ones are of a
much later date. The lower part of the blue robe worn by the Jewish high
priest was adorned with pomegranates and gold bells. The kings of Persia
are said to have had the hem of their robes adorned in like manner. The
high priest probably gave notice to the people, and also desired
permission to enter the sanctuary, by the sound of these bells, and by
so doing escaped the punishment of death annexed to an indecent
intrusion.
On the origin of church bells, Mr. Whitaker, in his “History of
Manchester,” observes, that bells being used, among other purposes, by
the Romans, to signify the times of bathing, were naturally applied by
the Christians of Italy to denote the hours of devotion, and summon the
people to church.
“Bells,” says Nicholls, “were not in use in the first ages of
Christianity. For, before the Christians received countenance from the
civil power, they were called together by a messenger, who went about
from house to house, some time before the hour the congregation met.
After this they made use of a sounding plank hanging by a chain, and
struck with a hammer. The precise time when bells first came in use is
not known. Paulinus, bishop of Nola, in Campania, in order to give
notice to the most remote inhabitants when prayers began, hung up a
large brass vessel, which, when struck upon by a hammer, gave such a
sound as he desired for his purpose. This was about the year 420. Hence
the two Latin names for a great bell—_Nola_, from the town; and
_Campana_, from the country where they were first used.”
But, whatever may be the connexion of bells with the city of Nola, there
is no ground for referring the first use of them to Paulinus; Bingham
pronounces the opinion to be “certainly a vulgar error.” Others say they
took the latter of these names, not from their being invented in
Campania, but because it was there the manner of hanging and balancing
them, now in use, was first practised; at least that they were hung on
the model of a sort of balance invented or used in Campania.
The Greek Christians are usually said to have been unacquainted with
bells till the ninth century, when their construction was first taught
them by a Venetian. But it is not true that the use of bells was
entirely unknown in the ancient Eastern churches, and that they called
the people to church, as at present, with wooden mallets, like the
_clappers_ or _cresselles_, used instead of bells in many churches of
the Romish communion, during the holy week. (See _Cresselle_.) Leo
Allatius, in his Dissertation on the Greek Temples, proves the contrary
from several ancient writers. He says bells first began to be disused
among them after the taking of Constantinople by the Turks; who, it
seems, prohibited them, lest their sound should disturb the repose of
the souls which, according to them, wander in the air.
In Britain, bells were used in churches before the conclusion of the
seventh century, in the monastic societies of Northumbria, and as early
as the sixth, even in those of Caledonia. And they were therefore used
from the first erection of parish churches among us. Those of France and
England appear to have been furnished with several bells. In the time of
Clothaire II., king of France, A. D. 610, the army of that king was
frightened from the siege of Sens, by ringing the bells of St. Stephen’s
Church. The second excerption of Egbert, about A. D. 750, which is
adopted in a French capitulary of 801, commands every priest, at the
proper hours, to sound the bells of his church, and then to go through
the sacred offices to GOD. And the Council of Eanham, in 1009, requires
all the mulcts for sins to be expended in the reparation of the church,
clothing and feeding the ministers of GOD, and the purchase of church
vestments, church books, and church _bells_. These were sometimes
composed of iron in France; and in England, as formerly at Rome, were
frequently made of brass; and, as early as the ninth century, there were
many cast of a large size and deep note. Ingulphus mentions, that
Turketulus, abbot of Croyland, who died about A. D. 870, gave a great
bell to the church of that abbey, which he named _Guthlac_; and
afterwards six others, viz. two which he called _Bartholomew_ and
_Betelin_, two called _Turkettul_ and _Tatwin_, and two named _Pega_ and
_Bega_, all which rang together; the same author says, “Non erat tunc
tanta consonantia campanarum in totâ Angliâ.” Not long after, Kinsius,
archbishop of York, (1051–1061,) gave two great bells to the church of
St. John, at Beverley, and at the same time provided that other churches
in his diocese should be furnished with bells. Mention is made by St.
Aldhelm, and William of Malmesbury, of bells given by St. Dunstan to
churches in the West. The number of bells in every church gave occasion
to a curious and singular piece of architecture in the campanile or bell
tower: an addition which is more susceptible of the grander beauties of
architecture than any other part of the edifice. It was the constant
appendage to every parish church of the Saxons, and is actually
mentioned as such in the laws of Athelstan.
The uses of church bells are summed up in the following monkish
distichs:—
“Laudo Deum verum, plebem voco, congrego clerum,
Defunctos ploro, pestem fugo, festa decoro.”
“Funero plango, fulgura frango, sabbata pango,
Excito lentos, dissipo ventos, paco cruentos.”
Before bells were hung, they were formerly, and in the Romish communion
they still are, washed, crossed, blessed, anointed with chrism, and
named by the bishop. This ceremony was commonly styled _baptizing_ them.
(See _Martène de Antiq. Eccl. Ritibus_, ii. 296.) Some say that it was
introduced by Pope John XIII., who occupied the pontifical chair from
965 to 972, and who first consecrated a bell in the Lateran church, and
gave it the name of John the Baptist. But it is evidently of an older
standing, there being an express prohibition of the practice in a
capitular of Charlemagne in 789—_ut clocæ non baptizentur_.
The following are the regulations of the Church of England on the
subject of bells.
By a constitution of Archbishop Winchelsea, the parishioners shall find,
at their own expense, bells with ropes.
Canon 81. The churchwardens or questmen, and their assistants, shall not
suffer the bells to be rung superstitiously, upon holy days or eves
abrogated by the Book of Common Prayer, nor at any other times, without
good cause to be allowed by the minister of the place, and by
themselves.
Canon 111. The churchwardens shall present all persons, who by untimely
ringing of bells do hinder the minister or preacher.
Canon 15. Upon Wednesdays and Fridays weekly, the minister at the
accustomed hour of service shall resort to the church or chapel, and
warning being given to the people by tolling of a bell, shall say the
litany.
Canon 67. When any is passing out of this life, a bell shall be tolled,
and the minister shall not then slack to do his last duty. And after the
party’s death, (if it so fall out,) there shall be rung no more but one
short peal, and one other before the burial, and one other after the
burial.
Rubric concerning the service of the church. “And the curate that
ministereth in every parish church or chapel, being at home, and not
being otherwise reasonably hindered, shall say the same in the parish
church or chapel when he ministereth, and shall cause a bell to be
tolled thereunto a convenient time before he begin, that the people may
come to hear GOD’S word, and to pray with him.”
Although the churchwardens may concur in directing the ringing or
tolling of the bells on certain public and private occasions, the
incumbent may prevent the churchwardens from ringing or tolling them at
undue hours, or without just cause. Proceedings may be instituted in the
ecclesiastical court against churchwardens who have violently and
illegally persisted in ringing the bells without consent of the
incumbents.
Bells were used in Ireland at a very early period. Harris, in his
edition of Ware, (vol. ii. p. 129,) quotes Bede as an authority for the
use of bells in the sixth century, and observes on Molyneux’s opinion
that the popular name of the round tower in Ireland was derived from a
Germanico-Saxon word, signifying a bell. Mr. Petrie, in his recent
laborious essay on the Irish Round Towers, has shown that these towers,
as their name denotes, their form and locality suggest, and tradition
teaches, were intended for ecclesiastical belfries. And in the same
work, as well as in the documents collected by Irish antiquarians, it is
shown that bells were known in Ireland as far back as the age of St.
Patrick. Some of these ancient bells are still in existence.
Nankin, in China, was anciently famous for the largeness of its bells;
but their enormous weight having brought down the tower in which they
were hung, the whole building fell to ruin, and the bells have ever
since been disregarded. One of these bells is near 12 English feet high,
the diameter 7½ feet, its circumference 23 feet, and the thickness of
the metal about the edges 7 inches; its figure almost cylindrical,
except for a swelling in the middle. From these dimensions its weight is
computed at 50,000 lbs.
In the churches of Russia the bells are numerous, and distinguished by
their immense size; they are hung, particularly at Moscow, in belfries
or steeples detached from the churches, with gilt or silvered cupolas,
or crosses; and they do not swing, but are fixed immoveably to the
beams, and rung by a rope tied to the clapper, and pulled sideways. One
of these bells, in the belfry of St. Ivan’s church at Moscow, weighed
127,836 English lbs. It has always been esteemed a meritorious act of
religion to present a church with bells, and the piety of the donor has
been estimated by their magnitude. The emperor Bodis Godunof gave a bell
of 288,000 lbs. to the cathedral of Moscow, but he was surpassed by the
empress Anne, (or, as Dr. Clarke and others say, Alexis, in 1653,) at
whose expense a bell was cast, weighing no less than 443,772 lbs., which
exceeds in size every bell in the known world. Its height is 21 feet,
the circumference at the bottom 67 feet 4 inches, and its greatest
thickness 23 inches. The beam to which this vast machine was fastened
being accidentally burnt by a fire in 1737, the bell fell down, and a
fragment was broken off towards the bottom, which left an aperture large
enough to admit two persons abreast without stooping.
In the Russian Divine service the number of strokes on the bell
announces what part of it is beginning. Several blows are struck before
the mass; three before the commencement of the liturgy; and, in the
middle of it, a few strokes apprize the people without, that the hymn to
the holy Virgin is about to be sung, when all work is immediately
suspended, they bow and cross themselves, repeating silently the verse
then singing in the church.—_Overall._ For some curious directions as to
the chiming of the bells in ancient times in Lichfield cathedral, see
_Dugd. Monast._ ed. 1830, vi. 1256.—_Jebb._
BELL, BOOK, AND CANDLE. Between the seventh and the tenth century, the
sentence of excommunication was attended with great solemnities. The
most important was the extinction of lamps or candles by throwing them
on the ground, with an imprecation, that those against whom the curse
was pronounced might be extinguished or destroyed by the vengeance of
GOD. The people were summoned to attend this ceremony by the sound of a
bell, and the curses accompanying the ceremony were pronounced out of a
book by the minister, standing in a balcony. Hence originated the phrase
of cursing by bell, book, and candle.
BEMA. The name of the bishop’s throne in the primitive church, or, as
some understand it, the whole of the upper end of the church, containing
the altar and the apsis. This seat or throne, together with those of the
presbyters, was always fixed at the upper end of the chancel, in a
semicircle beyond the altar. For anciently, the seats of the bishops and
presbyters were joined together, and both were called thrones. The
manner of their sitting is related by Gregory Nazianzen in his
description of the church of Anastasia, where he speaks of himself as
bishop, sitting upon the high throne, and the presbyters on lower
benches on each side of him.—_Bingham._ (See _Apsis_ and _Cathedral_.)
BENEDICITE. A canticle used at Morning Prayer, after the first lesson.
This canticle is so called because, in the Latin version, it so begins.
It is called “The Song of the Three Children,” because Hananiah,
Mishael, and Azariah (whom the prince of the eunuchs named Shadrach,
Meshach, and Abednego, Dan. i. 7) are reported to have sung it in the
burning fiery furnace, into which they were cast by order of
Nebuchadnezzar for adhering stedfastly to their GOD, (Dan. iii. 19,)
&c., and in which GOD preserved them in a miraculous manner (ver.
27).—_Dr. Bennet._
This and the Te Deum are the only hymns used in our service that are of
man’s composing. Our Church being careful, even beyond all the ancient
Churches, in singing to GOD, to sing in the words of GOD.—_Dr. Bisse._
This statement of Dr. Bisse is not altogether correct. The hymns “Holy,
holy, holy Lord God of hosts,” and the “Gloria in Excelsis,” though
suggested by Holy Scripture, are human compilations. And the metrical
_Veni Creator_ is also of man’s composing. The Benedicite was prescribed
to be used in Lent, by King Edward VI.’s First Book.—_Jebb._
BENEDICTINES. An order of monks who profess to follow the rules of St.
Benedict. The Benedictines, being those only that are properly called
monks, wear a loose black gown, with large white sleeves, and a capuche,
or cowl, on their heads, ending in a point behind. In the canon law they
are styled black friars, from the colour of their habit. The rules of
St. Benedict, as observed by the English monks before the dissolution of
the monasteries, were as follows: they were obliged to perform their
devotions seven times in twenty-four hours, the whole circle of which
devotions had respect to the passion and death of CHRIST: they were
obliged always to go two and two together: every day in Lent they were
obliged to fast till six in the evening; and abated of their usual time
of sleeping and eating; but they were not allowed to practise any
voluntary austerity without leave of their superior: they never
conversed in their refectory at meals, but were obliged to attend to the
reading of the Scriptures: they all slept in the same dormitory, but not
two in a bed: they lay in their clothes: for small faults they were shut
out from meals: for greater they were debarred religious commerce, and
excluded from the chapel: incorrigible offenders were excluded from the
monasteries. Every monk had two coats, two cowls, a table book, a knife,
a needle, and a handkerchief; and the furniture of his bed was a mat, a
blanket, a rug, and a pillow.
The time when this order came into England is well known, for in 596
Gregory the Great sent hither Augustine, prior of the monastery of St.
Andrew at Rome, with several other Benedictine monks. Augustine became
archbishop of Canterbury; and the Benedictines founded several
monasteries in England, as also the metropolitan church of Canterbury.
Pope John XXII., who died in 1354, after an exact inquiry, found, that,
since the first rise of the order, there had been of it twenty-four
popes, near 200 cardinals, 7000 archbishops, 15,000 bishops, 15,000
abbots of renown, above 4000 saints, and upwards of 37,000 monasteries.
There have been likewise of this order twenty emperors and ten
empresses, forty-seven kings, and above fifty queens, twenty sons of
emperors, and forty-eight sons of kings, about one hundred princesses,
daughters of kings and emperors, besides dukes, marquises, earls,
countesses, &c., innumerable. This order has produced a vast number of
eminent authors and other learned men. Rabanus set up the school of
Germany. Alcuinus founded the university of Paris. Dionysius Exiguus
perfected the ecclesiastical computation. Guido invented the scale of
music, and Sylvester the organ. They boast to have produced Anselm,
Ildephonsus, Venerable Bede, &c. There are nuns likewise who follow the
order of St. Benedict: among whom those who call themselves mitigated,
eat flesh three times a week, on Sundays, Tuesdays, and Thursdays; the
others observe the rule of St. Benedict in its rigour, and eat no flesh
unless they are sick. The Benedictines were the most extensive and
powerful order in England. All the cathedral convents, with the
exception of the Augustinian monastery of Carlisle, were of this order,
as were four out of the five that were converted into cathedrals by
Henry VIII., viz. Gloucester, Oxford, Peterborough, and Chester: and all
the mitred abbeys, with the exception of Waltham and Cirencester, which
were Augustinian. In Ireland they yielded in importance and numbers to
the Augustinians. They were the great patrons of church architecture and
of learning in England. The chief branches of the Benedictine order in
England were the Cluniacs, founded by Bernon, abbot of Gigniac, in 913;
and the Cistercian, founded by Robert, abbot of Molême, at Citeaux in
Burgundy, in 1098. (See _Cluniacs_ and _Cistercians_.)
BENEDICTION. A solemn act of blessing performed by the bishops and
priests of the Church. In the Jewish Church, the priests, by the command
of God, were to bless the people, by saying, “The LORD bless thee, and
keep thee. The LORD make his face to shine upon thee, and be gracious
unto thee. The LORD lift up his countenance upon thee, and give thee
peace.” In the Church of England, several forms of blessing are used
agreeing with the particular office of which they form a part. The
ordinary benediction at the close of Divine service, from the end of the
Communion office, is in these words: “The peace of GOD, which passeth
all understanding, keep your hearts and minds in the knowledge and love
of GOD, and of his SON JESUS CHRIST our LORD: and the blessing of GOD
Almighty, the FATHER, the SON, and the HOLY GHOST, be amongst you, and
remain with you always.” The former part of this is taken from
Philippians iv. 7, and the latter may be considered as a Christian
paraphrase of Numbers vi. 24, &c. Other forms of blessing, or
modifications of the above, may be found in the offices for
Confirmation, Matrimony, and Visitation of the Sick. The benediction at
the end of the Communion Service must be said by the bishop, if he be
present.
In the Romish Church, on Holy Thursday, the officiating priest blesses,
consecrates, and exorcises, three sorts of oils. The first is that used
in extreme unction; the second that of the Chrysma; the third that of
the Catechumens; ending with this salutation, Ave sanctum oleum, “Hail
holy oil!” after which the new-made holy oils are carried in procession
into the sacristy.—_Piscara, Praxis Cerem._
In Spain, and some parts of France bordering upon Spain, the custom of
blessing meats at Easter is still preserved. This is supposed to be done
in opposition to the heresy of the Priscillianists, which infected Spain
and Guienne: for Priscillian held, that the devil, and not GOD, was the
creator of flesh, and that the faithful ought to reject it as impure and
wicked. This blessing is scarce ever used, except in those churches, and
near those places, where that heresy formerly prevailed.—_Alcet’s
Ritual._
On Easter eve they perform the ceremony of blessing the new fire. At the
ninth hour, the old fire is put out, and at the same time an Acolyth
lights the new fire without the church. The officiating priest, with his
attendants, walks in procession to the place where the ceremony is to be
performed. After repeating a form of prayer, he makes the sign of the
cross over the fire. In the mean time the Thuriferary puts some coals
into the thurible, into which the priest throws some frankincense,
having first blessed it: then he sprinkles the fire with holy water,
saying, _Asperges me, Domine_, “Thou wilt sprinkle me, O Lord.” This
ceremony of the holy fire seems to be borrowed from pagan superstition;
for the ancient Romans used to renew the fire of Vesta in the month of
March, as Ovid informs us;
Adde quod arcanâ fieri novus ignis in æde
Dicitur, et vires flamma refecta capit.
Add that the hallowed fire new vigour takes,
And round the sacred walls with added lustre breaks.
The principal use of this holy fire, among the Roman Catholics, is to
light therewith the Paschal taper; which likewise receives its
benediction, or blessing, by the priest’s putting five grains of
incense, in the form of a cross, into the taper. This blessed taper must
remain on the gospel-side of the altar from Easter eve to Ascension
day.—_Baudry, Manual. Cerem._ _Fast._ lib. iii. 144. _Piscara, Praxis
Cerem._
The blessing of baptismal fonts (another piece of Popish superstition)
is performed, among other ceremonies, by the priest’s blowing thrice on
the water, and in three different places; and afterwards plunging a
taper thrice into it, observing to sink it deeper the second time than
the first, and the third than the second, saying at each immersion,
_Descendat in hanc plenitudinem fontis virtus Spiritus Sancti_, i. e.
“May the influence of the Holy Spirit descend on this water.”—_Piscara_,
ibid.
On the eve before Christmas, the holy father blesses a sword, enriched
with precious stones, wrought in the form of a dove; with a ducal hat
fixed on the point of it, richly adorned with jewels. (_Sacra Cerem.
Eccl. Rom._) This he sends as a present to some prince, for whom he has
a particular affection, or some great general, who has deserved it by
fighting against the enemies of the Church. Pope Pius II. sent the hat
and sword to Lewis XI., with four Latin verses engraved on the blade, by
which his Holiness exhorted him to destroy the Ottoman empire. The
popes, according to Aymon, ground this custom on what is said in the
Second Book of the Maccabees, c. v., that “Judas the Maccabee, going to
fight Nicanor, general of the army of Antiochus, saw in a dream the high
priest Onias praying to God for the Jewish people, and the prophet
Jeremiah presenting him with a sword, and saying these words; ‘Receive,
Judas, this holy sword, which is given thee by the Lord, to destroy the
enemies of Israel.’”
But one of the most extraordinary benedictions of this kind is that of
_bells_; in the performance of which there is a great deal of pomp and
superstition. (See _Bells_.)
BENEDICTUS. The Latin for “blessed,” which is the first word in one of
the hymns to be said or sung after the second lesson in the Morning
Service of the Church. The Benedictus is taken from Luke i., from the
68th to the 72nd verse, being part of the song of Zacharias the priest,
concerning his son John the Baptist, who was to be the forerunner of
CHRIST, but was then only in his infancy.
When the gospel was first published to the world, the angels sang
praise; and all holy men, to whom it was revealed, entertained these
“good tidings” with great joy. And since it is our duty also, whenever
we hear the gospel read, to give glory to GOD, therefore the Church
appoints this hymn, which was composed by holy Zacharias upon the first
notice that GOD had sent a SAVIOUR to mankind, and is one of the first
evangelical hymns indited by GOD’S SPIRIT upon this occasion. Its
original therefore is Divine, its matter unexceptionable, and its
fitness for this place unquestionable.—_Dean Comber._
This prophecy of Zacharias, called “Benedictus,” for the reason already
mentioned, was uttered on the birth of John the Baptist; and is a
thanksgiving for the redemption of mankind, of which he was to publish
the speedy approach. It copies very nearly the style of the Jewish
prophets, who described spiritual blessings by temporal imagery. Thus
meaning to praise the “Father of mercies” (2 Cor. i. 3) for delivering
all nations from the dominion of the wicked one, it “blesses the LORD
GOD of Israel for saving his people from their enemies, and from the
hand of those that hate them.” Now this kind of language was laid aside
after our SAVIOUR’S ascension; and therefore the prophecy before us is
not of later date, but genuine. Yet it sufficiently explains to what
sort of “salvation” it refers, by mentioning “the remission of sins, the
giving of light to them that sat in darkness, and the guiding of their
feet into the way of peace.” And so it may teach us both the fitness and
the method of assigning to the Old Testament predictions an evangelical
interpretation. The people, in repeating it, should remember, that the
words, “And thou, child, shalt be called the prophet of the Highest,”
belong, not to our SAVIOUR, but to the Baptist. And it is easily to be
apprehended, that if, in the dawning which preceded “the Sun of
righteousness,” (Mal. iv. 2,) good Zacharias offered up his thanks with
such transport, we, to whom he shines out in full splendour, ought to
recite it with double gratitude.—_Abp. Secker._
Though the hundredth psalm is almost constantly used after the second
lesson, there seems no good reason why this hymn should be laid aside.
They are both equally indited by the HOLY SPIRIT, and both admirably
calculated to assist the devotion and elevate the affections of a
Christian congregation: and the hymn, being placed first, seems to have
been intended for more general use than the psalm.—_Waldo._
The Church hath appointed two songs of praise and thanksgiving to be
used, either of them after each lesson, but not so indifferently but
that the former practice of exemplary Churches and reason may guide us
in the choice. For the “Te Deum,” “Benedictus,” “Magnificat,” and “Nunc
Dimittis,” being the most expressive jubilations and rejoicings for the
redemption of the world, may be said more often than the rest,
especially on Sundays and other festivals of our LORD.—_Bishop Sparrow._
The Benedictus was used exclusively after the second lesson in the First
Book of King Edward VI.
BENEFICE. In the ecclesiastical sense of the word, means a church
endowed with a revenue for the performance of Divine service, or the
revenue itself assigned to an ecclesiastical person, by way of stipend
for the service he is to do that church.
As to the origin of the word, we find it as follows, in _Alcet’s
Ritual_: “This word was anciently appropriated to the lands, which kings
used to bestow on those who had fought valiantly in the wars; and was
not used in this particular signification, but during the time that the
Goths and Lombards reigned in Italy, under whom those fiefs were
introduced, which were peculiarly termed Benefices, and those who
enjoyed them, Beneficiarii, or vassals. For notwithstanding that the
Romans also bestowed lands on their captains and soldiers, yet those
lands had not the name of Benefices appropriated to them, but the word
benefice was a general term, which included all kinds of gifts or
grants, according to the ancient signification of the Latin word. In
imitation of the new sense, in which that word was taken with regard to
fiefs, it began to be employed in the Church, when the temporalities
thereof began to be divided, and to be given up to particular persons,
by taking them out of those of the bishops. This the bishops themselves
first introduced, purposely to reward merit, and assist such
ecclesiastics as might be in necessity. However, this was soon carried
to greater lengths, and at last became unlimited, as has since been
manifest in the clericate and the monasteries. A benefice therefore is
not merely a right of receiving part of the temporalities of the Church,
for the service a person does it; a right, which is founded upon the
gospel, and has always subsisted since the apostolic age; but it is that
of enjoying a part of the temporalities of the Church, assigned and
determined in a special form, so as that no other clergyman can lay any
claim or pretension to it.—And in this age it is not barely the right of
enjoying part of the temporalities of the Church; but is likewise a
fixed and permanent right, in such a manner that it devolves on another,
after the death of the incumbent; which anciently was otherwise; for, at
the rise of benefices, they were indulged to clergymen only for a stated
time, or for life; after which they reverted to the Church.”
It is not easy to determine when the effects of the Church were first
divided. It is certain that, till the 4th century, all the revenues were
in the hands of the bishops, who distributed them by their _Œconomi_ or
stewards; and they consisted chiefly in alms and voluntary
contributions. When the Church came to have inheritances, part of them
were assigned for the maintenance of the clergy, of which we find some
footsteps in the 5th and 6th centuries; but the allotment seems not to
have been a fixed thing, but to have been absolutely discretional, till
the 12th century.
Benefices are divided by the canonists into _simple_ and _sacerdotal_.
The first sort lays no obligation, but to read prayers, sing, &c. Such
kind of Beneficiaries are canons, chaplains, chantors, &c. The second is
charged with the cure of souls, the guidance and direction of
consciences, &c. Such are rectories, vicarages, &c. The canonists
likewise specify three ways of vacating a benefice; viz. _de jure_, _de
facto_, and _by the sentence of a judge_. A benefice is void _de jure_,
when a person is guilty of crimes, for which he is disqualified by law
to hold a benefice; such are heresy, simony, &c. A benefice is void both
_de facto_ and _de jure_, by the natural death, or resignation, of the
incumbent. Lastly, a benefice is vacated _by sentence of the judge_,
when the incumbent is dispossessed of it by way of punishment for
immorality, or any crime against the state.
The Romanists, again, distinguish benefices into _regular_ and
_secular_. Regular benefices are those held by a religious or monk of
any order, abbey, priory, or convent. Secular benefices are those
conferred on the secular priests; of which sort are most of their cures.
The Church distinguishes between _dignities_ and _benefices_. The former
title is only applicable to bishoprics, deaneries, archdeaconries, and
prebends: the latter comprehends all ecclesiastical preferments under
those degrees; as rectories and vicarages. It is essential to these
latter, that they be bestowed freely, reserving nothing to the patron;
that they be given as a provision for the clerk, who is only an
_usu-fructuary_, and hath no inheritance in them; and that all contracts
concerning them between patron and incumbent be, in their own nature,
void.
BENEFICIARIES, or BENEFICIATI. The inferior, non-capitular members of
cathedrals, &c., were so called in many Churches abroad; as possessing a
benefice or endowment in the Church. They very much corresponded to our
minor canons and vicars choral, &c.—_Jebb._
BENEFIT OF CLERGY. The _privilegium clericale_, or, in common speech,
the benefit of the clergy, had its origin from the pious regard paid by
Christian princes to the Church of CHRIST. The exemptions which they
granted to the Church were principally of two kinds: 1. Exemption of
_places_ consecrated to religious offices from criminal arrests, which
was the foundation of sanctuaries. (See _Sanctuary_, _Asylum_.) 2.
Exemptions of the persons of the clergy from criminal process before the
secular magistrate in a few particular cases, which was the true origin
and meaning of the _privilegium clericale_. Originally the law was held
that no man should be admitted to the privilege of the clergy but such
as had the _habitum et tonsuram clericalem_. But, in process of time, a
much wider and more comprehensive criterion was established, every one
that could read being accounted a clerk or clericus, and allowed the
benefit of clerkship, whether in holy orders or not.
BEREANS. An obscure sect of seceders from the Scottish establishment,
which originated in the exclusion of one Barclay from the parish of
Fettercairn, in Kincardineshire, in 1773. They adopted the name of
Bereans in allusion to the text—“These (the Bereans) were more noble
than those in Thessalonica, in that they received the word with all
readiness of mind, and searched the Scriptures daily, whether those
things were so.” (Acts xvii. 11.) The Bereans reject all natural
religion,—they take faith to be a simple credence of GOD’S word,—they
consider personal assurance of the essence of faith, and unbelief as the
unpardonable sin. They deny any spiritual interpretation to the
historical books of the Old Testament, and reckon the Psalms so
exclusively typical or prophetical of CHRIST, as to be without
application to the experience of individual Christians.
BEREFELLARII. In the collegiate church of Beverley the seven inferior
clergymen, ranking next after the prebendaries, were so called. The
origin of the name is unknown; though it appears from ancient records,
that it was a popular and vulgar one; their proper designation being
_Rectores Chori_; that is, a sort of minor canons. They were also called
_Personæ_. (See _Rector Chori_, and _Persona_.)—See _Dugdale’s
Monasticon_, ed. 1830, vi. 1307.—_Jebb._
BERENGARIANS. A denomination, in the eleventh century, which adhered to
the opinions of Berenger, archdeacon of Angers, the learned and able
opponent of Lanfranc, whose work has been in part recovered, and was
printed a few years since at Berlin. “It was never my assertion,” says
he, “that the bread and wine on the altar are only sacramental signs.
Let no one suppose that I affirm that the bread was not become the body
of CHRIST from being simple bread by consecration on the altar. It
plainly becomes the body of CHRIST, but not the bread which in its
matter and essence is corruptible, but in as far as it is capable of
becoming what it was not, it becomes the body of CHRIST, but not
according to the manner of the production of his very body, for that
body, once generated on earth so many years ago, can never be produced
again. The bread, however, becomes what it never was before
consecration, and from being the common substance of bread, is to us the
blessed body of CHRIST.” His followers, however, did not hold to his
doctrines, which, in themselves, were a Catholic protest against Romish
errors.—_Cave, Hist. Literar. Sæc. Hildebrand_.
BIBLE. (See _Scripture_ and _Canon of Scripture_.) The name applied by
Christians by way of eminence to the sacred volume, in which are
contained the revelations of God. The names and numbers of the canonical
books will be found under the word _Scripture_.
The division of the Scriptures into chapters, as they are at present,
took place in the middle ages. Some attribute it to Stephen Langton,
archbishop of Canterbury, in the reigns of John and Henry III. But the
real author of this invention was Hugo de Sancto Caro, commonly called
Hugo Cardinalis, from his being the first Dominican raised to the degree
of cardinal. This Hugo flourished about the year 1240. He wrote a
Comment on the Scriptures, and projected the first Concordance, which is
that of the Latin Vulgate Bible. As the intention of this work was to
render the finding of any word or passage in the Scriptures more easy,
it became necessary to divide the book into sections, and the sections
into subdivisions. These sections are the chapters into which the Bible
has been divided since that time. But the subdivision of the chapters
was not then in verses as at present. Hugo subdivided them by the
letters A, B, C, D, E, F, G, which were placed in the margin at an equal
distance from each other, according to the length of the chapters. About
the year 1445, Mordecai Nathan, a famous Jewish Rabbi, improved Hugo’s
invention, and subdivided the chapters into verses, in the manner they
are at present.
The first English Bible we read of was that translated by Wickliff,
about the year 1360. A translation of the New Testament by Wickliff was
printed by Lewis, about 1731, and the whole of Wickliff’s translation
has lately been published at Oxford. J. de Trevisa, who died about 1398,
is also said to have translated the whole Bible; but whether any copies
of his translation are remaining, does not appear. The first printed
Bible in our language was that translated by W. Tindal, assisted by
Miles Coverdale, printed abroad in 1526; but most of the copies were
bought up and burnt by Bishop Tunstal and Sir Thomas More. Of this
edition but two copies are known to exist, one of which was discovered
by Archdeacon Cotton, in St. Paul’s Library. It only contained the New
Testament, and was revised and republished by the same person in 1530.
The prologues and prefaces added to it reflect on the bishops and
clergy; but this edition was also suppressed, and the copies burnt. In
1532, Tindal and his associates finished the whole Bible, except the
Apocrypha, and printed it abroad; but while he was afterwards preparing
a second edition, he was taken up and burnt for heresy in Flanders. On
Tindal’s death, his work was carried on by Coverdale, and John Rogers,
superintendent of an English Church in Germany, and the first martyr in
the reign of Queen Mary, who translated the Apocrypha, and revised
Tindal’s translation, comparing it with the Hebrew, Greek, Latin, and
German, and adding prefaces and notes from Luther’s Bible. The earliest
edition was printed in 1535, it is supposed at Zurich; though the book
has no place nor name. He dedicated the whole to Henry VIII. in 1537,
under the borrowed name of Thomas Matthews; whence this has been usually
called Matthews’ Bible. It is supposed to have been printed at Hamburgh,
and licence obtained for publishing it in England, by the favour of
Archbishop Cranmer, and the Bishops Latimer and Shaxton. The first Bible
printed by authority in England, and publicly set up in churches, was
this same Tindal’s version, revised and compared with the Hebrew, and in
many places amended, by Miles Coverdale, afterwards bishop of Exeter;
and examined after him by Archbishop Cranmer, who added a preface to it;
whence this was called Cranmer’s, or the great Bible. It was printed in
1539 by Grafton and Whitchurch, and in 1540 by Whitchurch, (some copies
have “Richard Grafton,”) and published in 1540; and, by a royal
proclamation, every parish was obliged to set one of the copies in their
church, under the penalty of forty shillings a month: yet, two years
after, the Popish bishops obtained its suppression by the king. It was
restored under Edward VI., suppressed again under Queen Mary’s reign,
and restored again in the first year of Queen Elizabeth, and a new
edition of it given, 1562, printed by Harrison. Some English exiles at
Geneva, in Queen Mary’s reign, viz. Goodman, Gilbie, Sampson, Cole,
Whittingham, and Knox, made a new translation, printed there in 1560,
the New Testament having been printed in 1557; hence called the Geneva
Bible, containing the variations of readings, marginal annotations, &c.,
on account of which it was much valued by the Puritan party in that and
the following reigns. Coverdale has also been supposed to have had a
part in this version; but from what is known of his movements, it
appears impossible that he should have been concerned in it. Archdeacon
Cotton says, “The first edition of this version was for many years the
most popular one in England, as its numerous editions may testify. After
the appearance of King James’s translation, the use of it seems to have
declined; yet a fondness for its notes still lingered; and we have
several instances of their being attached to editions of the royal
translation, one of which kind was printed so lately as 1715.”
Archbishop Parker resolved on a new translation for the public use of
the Church; and engaged the bishops and other learned men to take each a
share or portion; these, being afterwards joined together and printed,
with short annotations, in 1568, in large folio, by Richard Jugge, made,
what was afterwards called, the Great English Bible, and commonly the
Bishops’ Bible. In 1569 it was also published in octavo, in a small but
fine black letter; and here the chapters were divided into verses, but
without any breaks for them, in which the method of the Geneva Bible was
followed, which was the first English Bible where any distinction of
verses was made. It was afterwards printed in large folio, with
corrections, and several prolegomena, in 1572; this is called Matthew
Parker’s Bible. The initial letters of each translator’s name were put
at the end of his part; _ex. gr._ at the end of the Pentateuch, W. E.
for William Exon; that is, William [Alley], bishop of Exeter, whose
allotment ended there; at the end of Samuel, R. M. for Richard
Menevensis, or Richard [Davies], bishop of St. David’s, to whom the
second allotment fell, and so with the rest. The archbishop overlooked,
directed, examined, and finished the whole. This translation was used in
the churches for forty years, though the Geneva Bible was more read in
private houses, being printed above twenty times in as many years. King
James bore to the Geneva version an inveterate hatred, on account of the
notes, which, at the Hampton Court conference, he charged as partial,
untrue, seditious, &c. The Bishops’ Bible, too, had its faults. The king
frankly owned that he had seen no good translation of the Bible in
English; but he thought that of Geneva the worst of all. After the
translation of the Bible by the bishops, two other private versions had
been made of the New Testament; the first by Laurence Thompson, from
Beza’s Latin edition, with the notes of Beza, published in 1582, in
quarto, and afterwards in 1589, varying very little from the Geneva
Bible; the second by the Romanists at Rheims, in 1584, called the
Rhemish Bible, or Rhemish translation. These translators finding it
impossible to keep the people from having the Scriptures in their vulgar
tongue, resolved to give a version of their own, as favourable to their
cause as might be. It was printed on large paper, with a fair letter and
margin. One complaint against it was, its retaining a multitude of
Hebrew and Greek words untranslated, for want, as the editors express
it, of proper and adequate terms in the English to render them by; as
the words _azymes_, _tunike_, _holocaust_, _prepuce_, _pasche_, &c.:
however, many of the copies were seized by Queen Elizabeth’s searchers,
and confiscated; and Thomas Cartwright was solicited by Secretary
Walsingham to refute it; but after some progress had been made in it,
Archbishop Whitgift prohibited his proceeding further, judging it
improper that the doctrine of the Church of England should be committed
to the defence of a Puritan. He appointed Dr. Fulke in his place, who
refuted the Rhemists with great spirit and learning. Cartwright’s
Refutation was also afterwards published in 1618, under Archbishop
Abbot. About thirty years after their New Testament, the Roman Catholics
published a translation of the Old, at Douay, 1609 and 1610, from the
Vulgate, with annotations, so that the English Roman Catholics have now
the whole Bible in their mother tongue; though it is to be observed,
they are forbidden to read it without a licence from their superiors:
and it is a curious fact, that there is not an edition of the Bible
which does not lie under the ban of one or of all the popes, most of
them being in the Index Expurgatorius. The last English Bible was that
which proceeded from the Hampton Court conference in 1603: where, many
exceptions being made to the Bishops’ Bible, King James gave order for a
new one: not, (as the preface expresses it,) for a translation
altogether new, nor yet to make a good one better, or, of many good
ones, one best. Fifty-four learned men were appointed to this office by
the king, as appears by his letter to the archbishop, dated 1604; which
being three years before the translation was entered upon, it is
probable seven of them were either dead, or had declined the task; since
Fuller’s list of the translators makes but forty-seven, who, being
ranged under six divisions, entered on their province in 1607. It was
published in 1611 in fol. by Barker, with a dedication to James, and a
learned preface; and is commonly called King James’s Bible. After this,
all the other versions dropped, and fell into disuse, except the
Epistles and Gospels in the Common Prayer Book, which were still
continued according to the Bishops’ translation till the alteration of
the liturgy in 1661, and the Psalms and Hymns, which are to this day
continued as in the old version. See for a full list of the editions of
the English Bible, _Archd. Cotton’s List of the Editions of the English
Bible_, &c.
The New Testament was translated into Irish in the 16th century.
Nicholas Walsh, chancellor of St. Patrick’s, and John Kearney, treasurer
of the same cathedral, began this work in 1573. In 1577 Walsh was
appointed bishop of Ossory, but still proceeded in his undertaking, till
he was murdered in 1585. Some years before this, Nehemiah Donnellan (who
was archbishop of Tuam in 1595) had joined Walsh and Kearney in their
undertaking. This translation was completed by William O’Donnell, or
Daniel, successor of Donnellan in the archiepiscopal see, and published
in 1603. Bishop Bedell procured the Old Testament to be translated by
Mr. King, who being ignorant of the original languages, executed it from
the English version. Bedell revised it, comparing it with the Hebrew,
the LXX., and the Italian version of Diodati. He supported Mr. King,
during the undertaking, with his utmost ability, and, when the
translation was finished, would have printed it at his own house, if he
had not been prevented by the troubles in Ireland. This translation
(together with Archbishop Daniel’s version of the New Testament) was
printed in London in 1685, at the expense of the celebrated Robert
Boyle.—_King’s Primer of the Church History of Ireland._ _Horne’s
Introduction to the Holy Scriptures._
The Welsh version (the New Testament only) was published in the 16th
century. The act of 5 Eliz. c. 28, directed that the Bible and Prayer
Book should be translated into Welsh; committing the direction of this
version to the four Welsh bishops. The translators were, Thomas Huet,
precentor of St. David’s, Richard Davies, bishop of St. David’s, and
William Salesbury. It was printed in London in 1567. The former edition
was revised, and the Old Testament translated, chiefly by William
Morgan, bishop of Llandaff, afterwards of St. Asaph. This was printed in
1588, and was revised by Richard Parry, bishop of St. Asaph, and
reprinted in 1620: the basis of all subsequent editions.—_Horne’s
Introd._
The Manx version of the Bible was begun by the exertions of Bishop
Wilson, by whom the Gospel of St. Matthew only was printed. His
successor, Bishop Hilderley, had the New Testament completed and printed
between the years 1756 and 1760. The Old Testament was completed two
days before his death in 1772.—_Horne’s Introd._ _Butler’s Life of
Bishop Hilderley._
By the 80th canon, “a Bible of the largest volume” is one of those
things which the churchwardens are bound to provide for every parish
church.
BIDDING PRAYER. The formulary which the Church of England, in the 55th
of the canons of 1603, directs to be used before all sermons, lectures,
and homilies, is called the Bidding Prayer, because in it the preacher
is directed to _bid_ or exhort the people to pray for certain specified
objects. The custom of bidding prayers is very ancient, as may be seen
in St. Chrysostom’s and other liturgies, where the biddings occur
frequently, and are called Allocutions.
The 55th canon of the Convocation of 1603, is as follows: “Before all
sermons, lectures, and homilies, the preachers and ministers shall move
the people to join with them in prayer, in _this form, or to this
effect_, as briefly as conveniently they may: ‘Ye shall pray for
CHRIST’S Holy Catholic Church, that is, for the whole congregation of
Christian people dispersed throughout the whole world, and especially
for the Churches of England, Scotland, and Ireland. And herein I require
you most especially to pray for the king’s most excellent Majesty, our
sovereign Lord James, King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland,
defender of the faith, and supreme governor in these his realms, and all
other his dominions and countries, over all persons, in all causes, as
well ecclesiastical as temporal. Ye shall also pray for our gracious
Queen Anne, the noble Prince Henry, and the rest of the king and queen’s
royal issue. Ye shall also pray for the ministers of GOD’S holy word and
sacraments, as well archbishops and bishops, as other pastors and
curates. Ye shall also pray for the king’s most honourable council, and
for all the nobility and magistrates of this realm, that all and every
of these in their several callings may serve truly and faithfully, to
the glory of GOD, and the edifying and well-governing of His people,
remembering the account that they must make. Also ye shall pray for the
whole commons of this realm, that they may live in the true faith and
fear of God, in humble obedience to the king, and brotherly charity one
to another. Finally, let us praise GOD for all those which are departed
out of this life in the faith of CHRIST, and pray unto GOD that we may
have grace to direct our lives after their good example, that, this life
ended, we may be made partakers with them of the glorious resurrection
in the life everlasting,’ always concluding with the LORD’S Prayer.”
The special pleading of some Presbyterians and their advocates, renders
it necessary to observe, that the Church of Scotland alluded to, is not
the present Presbyterian establishment.
The assertion made by the adversaries of the Church of England is this,
that the 55th canon bids us pray for the Church of Scotland, and must
have recognised “that Church under a Presbyterian form as it now is,
because none other, at that time, existed.”
Now we may commence our observations by remarking upon the extreme
improbability of the alleged fact, that those who passed the 55th canon
should contemplate in the Bidding Prayer, the Presbyterian community of
Scotland, and regard it as a sister to the Churches of England and
Ireland.
The leading members of the Convocation were, Andrewes, Overall, and
King, eminent men, and of most decided views on Church government. Can
the student of ecclesiastical history refrain from smiling when he is
told that a Convocation of the English clergy, headed by these divines,
who had already given a character to the age in which they lived,
intended to place the “Holy Kirk,” as the Presbyterians styled their
denomination, on the same footing as the Churches of England and
Ireland?
The president of the Convocation was Bancroft. Dr. Sumner has taught us
how immense are the powers which the president of a Convocation
possesses, and how unscrupulously those powers can be used to silence
the Convocation, if it be suspected that the majority of the members
differ in opinion from the president. Bishop Bancroft was certainly not
more likely to be tolerant of opposition than our present primate, and
what Bancroft’s opinion of Presbyterianism was, is stated in a sermon
which he published. Of “the Holy Kirk,” as the Presbyterians called
themselves, Bancroft said that “they perverted the meaning of the
Scriptures for the maintenance of false doctrine, heresy, and schism,”
and he likens that “Holy Kirk” to “the devil’s chapel in the churchyard
in which Christ hath erected his Church.” We consider Bancroft’s
language as unjustifiably violent; but such _being_ his language, it is
monstrous to suppose that he intended to place that Kirk, in his
estimation so unholy, on the same footing as the Churches of England and
Ireland, or that he would not have discontinued the Convocation, if he
had suspected that it would recognise that Kirk as a sister Church.
The king who gave his consent to the canons, and who, in giving his
consent, acted, not as a sovereign in these days, on the advice of his
ministers, but on his own authority, was James I. And King James’s
opinion on Presbyterianism was sufficiently decided, and by this time
well known:
“That bishops ought to be in the Church, I have ever maintained as an
apostolic institution, and so the ordinance of God; contrary to the
Puritans, and likewise to Bellarmine, who denies that bishops have their
jurisdiction immediately from GOD. (But it is no wonder he takes the
Puritans’ side, since Jesuits are nothing but Puritanpapists.) And as I
ever maintained the state of bishops and the ecclesiastical hierarchy
for order’ sake, so was I ever an enemy to the confused anarchy or
parity of the Puritans, as well appeareth in my _Basilicon Doron_.
Heaven is governed by order, and all the good angels there; nay, hell
itself could not subsist without some order; and the very devils are
divided into legions, and have their chieftains: how can any society
then upon earth exist without order and degrees? And therefore I cannot
enough wonder with what brazen face this Answerer could say, _that I was
a Puritan in Scotland and an enemy to Protestants_: I that was
persecuted by Puritans there, not from my birth only, but ever since
four months before my birth? I that, in the year of God 1584, erected
bishops, and depressed all their popular parity, I then being not
eighteen years of age? I that in my said book to my son do speak ten
times more bitterly of them nor of the Papists; having in my second
edition thereof affixed a long apologetic preface, only _in odium
Puritanorum_? I that, for the space of six years before my coming into
England, laboured nothing so much as to depress their parity and reerect
bishops again? Nay, if the daily commentaries of my life and actions in
Scotland were written, (as Julius Cæsar’s were,) there would scarcely a
month pass in all my life, since my entering into the 13th year of my
age, wherein some accident or other would not convince the cardinal of a
lie in this point. And surely I give a fair commendation to the Puritans
in that place of my book, where I affirm that I have found greater
honesty with the Highland and Border thieves than with that sort of
people.”—_Premonition to the Apology for the Oath of Allegiance_, p. 44.
Now is it credible that a monarch, despotic in his disposition, and
peculiarly despotic in what related to the Church; in an age when the
supremacy was asserted and exercised with as much of inconsiderate
tyranny as the most determined liberal of the present age could wish or
recommend,—is it credible that a despotic sovereign, holding these
opinions, would give his sanction to a canon which would raise the
system he dreaded and abhorred to a parity with the Church of England
and Ireland?
Certainly the advocates of Presbyterianism must be prepared to believe
things very incredible to men of reasoning minds, if they can believe
this to be probable.
But if we refer to history, what we find to be thus improbable, is
proved to be impossible. “The Church, under a Presbyterian form, as it
now is,” did _not_ at that time exist as a recognised body, or an
establishment. We will refer for proof, in the first place, to the
Compendium of the Laws of Scotland, published by authority, where we
read that “From the time that the Assembly of Perth was held, (1597,)
the _Presbyterian Constitution_ of the Church, as established in 1592,
and the legitimate authority of its General Assemblies and other
judicatories, _may be regarded as subverted by the interferences of King
James the Sixth_. On the 19th December, 1597, soon after the Assemblies
of Perth and Dundee, he brought his projects under the consideration of
parliament; when an act was passed ordaining that such pastors and
ministers as his Majesty should at any time please to invest with the
office, place, and dignity of bishop, abbot, or other prelate, should,
in all time hereafter, have vote in parliament, in the same way as any
prelate was accustomed to have; declaring that all bishoprics presently
vacant, or which might afterwards become vacant, should be given by his
Majesty to actual preachers and ministers. Henceforward, therefore, and
indeed from the Assembly at Perth, (1597,) the Church of Scotland must
be regarded as Episcopalian;”—in principle, we may add, though not fully
developed.”—_Compendium of the Laws of the Church of Scotland_, part ii.
p. 36.
In the year 1600, “the Presbyterian form of government was, after eight
years of intolerable agitation, abolished by the king, with the full
consent of an overwhelming majority of the ministers and the applause of
the people, whose opinions seem to have been changed by experience of
its tyranny.”—_Stephens’s History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p.
417.
The Scottish parliament had also passed an act, in 1597, “That such
pastors and ministers as his Majesty should promote to the place,
dignity, and title of a bishop, or other prelate, at any time, should
have a voice in parliament, as freely as any ecclesiastical prelate had
in times past.” In the year 1600, the king informed the Assembly, that
“there was a necessity of restoring the ancient government of the
Church;” and, consequently, under the sanction of parliament, “persons
were nominated to the bishoprics that were void,” before the end of the
year.—_Skinner’s Church History_, vol. ii. pp. 234–236.
And so we find that what, reasoning _a priori_, we should consider so
improbable as to be almost incredible, was in point of fact impossible,
“The Church of Scotland under a Presbyterian form, as it now is,” could
not be intended by the canon, for such a Church did not exist as a
recognised body in the state. On the contrary, as early as 1598, an act
of the Scottish parliament had secured to the bishops and other
ecclesiastical prelates to be appointed by the king their seats in
parliament. And before the year 1600, bishops were nominated to the sees
of Aberdeen, Argyle, Dunkeld, Brechin, and Dunblane. David Lindsay and
George Gladstone were in that year designated to the sees of Ross and
Caithness.
But it is said, these were not persons whom we regard as bishops; they
were not consecrated, they were only titular bishops. Every child who
has looked into ecclesiastical history knows this. But what do the
advocates of Presbyterianism take by the fact? The fact is this,
Presbyterianism was legally abolished: Episcopacy was legally
established: the bishops were nominated: but the bishops designate were
not yet consecrated. Can it be doubted to what the canon referred? It is
absolutely certain that it could _not_ refer to Presbyterianism; to
what, then, _did_ it refer? Ecclesiastical affairs in Scotland were in a
transitional state. It was known that the king intended to introduce the
_substance_ of Episcopacy as well as the form. His principles were
known. His power undoubted. The act of parliament enabled him to
designate bishops. He _had_ designated them; but he himself said, “I
cannot make you bishops,” that was to be done by consecration. The
Church of Scotland was in the very act of being formed and organized.
The Convocation, acting prospectively, spoke of it as it was about to
be, and as it soon after became. The bishops designate were consecrated
in 1610.
But we must not stop here. So far from true is it, that “the Church of
Scotland under a Presbyterian form, as it now is,” was the Church
contemplated by the 55th canon, that by other canons passed in this very
Convocation of 1603, the Presbyterians were actually excommunicated.
The Presbyterians had anathematized the Church of England. We have only
to refer to the “Book of the universal Kirk,” to see that at the fourth
session of the General Assemblie, held at Dundee, in 1580, the following
was enacted: “Forasmeickle as the office of a bischop, as it is now
usit, and commonly taken within this realme, hes no sure warrand,
auctoritie, nor good ground out of the Book and Scriptures of God, but
is brocht in by the folie and corruptions of [men’s] invention, to the
great overthrow of the Kirk of God; the haill assembly of the Kirk, in
ane voice, after liberty given to all men to reason in the matter, none
opposing themselves in defending the said pretendit office, finds and
declares the samein pretendit office, useit and termeit, as above said,
unlawfull in the selfe, as have had neither foundation ground, nor
warrant within the Word of God.”—Pt. ii. 453.
This was subsequently ratified in the second session of the General
Assembly, holden at Edinburgh, in 1592. Again, in the Conference
connected with the General Assembly, holden at Montrose, in 1600, it was
maintained by the Kirk, that “The Anglican Episcopal dignities, offices,
places, titles, and all Ecclesiastical Prelacies, are _flat repugnant to
the Word of God;_” and that “all corruptions of these bishopricks are
damned and rejected.”
So spake the sect which the advocates of Presbyterianism maintain that
we place in our Bidding Prayer on the same footing as the Churches of
England and Ireland. How the members of this “Holy Kirk” spoke of the
Prayer Book, we learn from the president of the Convocation himself.
Their language was, “That it (the Prayer Book) is full of corruption,
confusion, and profanation; that it _contains at least five hundred
errors;_ that the orders therein described are _carnal, beggarly, dung,
dross, lousy, and anti-Christian_. They say we eat not the Lord’s
supper, but play a pageant of our own, to make the poor silly souls
believe they have an English _Mass_; and so put no difference betwixt
truth and falsehood, betwixt Christ and anti-Christ, betwixt God and the
devil!”—See _Bancroft’s Sermon_, p. 284.
Such were the feelings and principles and charity and forbearance of the
Presbyterians of that age; and how does the Church of England deal with
such persons? Let the Church of England speak for herself through the
canons of 1603:—
Canon 4. “Whosoever shall affirm, That the form of God’s worship in the
Church of England, established by law, and contained in the Book of
Common Prayer and Administration of Sacraments, is a corrupt,
superstitious, or unlawful worship of God, or containeth anything in it
that is repugnant to the Scriptures; let him be excommunicated _ipso
facto_, and not restored, but by the bishop of the place, or archbishop,
after his repentance, and public revocation of such his wicked errors.”
Canon 6. “Whosoever shall hereafter affirm, That the rites and
ceremonies of the Church of England by law established are wicked,
anti-Christian, or superstitious, or such as, being commanded by lawful
authority, men, who are zealously and godly affected, may not with any
good conscience approve them, use them, or, as occasion requireth,
subscribe unto them; let him be excommunicated _ipso facto_, and not
restored until he repent, and publicly revoke such his wicked errors.”
Canon 7. “Whosoever shall hereafter affirm, That the government of the
Church of England, under his Majesty, by archbishops, bishops, deans,
archdeacons, and the rest that bear office in the same, is
anti-Christian, or _repugnant to the word of_ GOD; let him be
excommunicated _ipso facto_, and so continue until he repent, and
publicly revoke such his wicked errors.”
Canon 8. “Whosoever shall hereafter affirm, or teach, That the form and
manner of making and consecrating bishops, priests, or deacons,
containeth anything that is repugnant to the word of GOD; or that they
who are made bishops, priests, or deacons in that form, are not lawfully
made, nor ought to be accounted, either by themselves or by others, to
be truly either bishops, priests, or deacons, until they have some other
calling to those divine offices; let him be excommunicated _ipso facto_,
not to be restored until he publicly revoke such his wicked errors.”
Canon 9. “Whosoever shall hereafter separate themselves from the
communion of saints, as it is approved by the apostles’ rules in the
Church of England, and combine themselves together in a new brotherhood,
accounting the Christians who are conformable to the doctrine,
government, rites, and ceremonies of the Church of England, to be
profane, and unmeet for them to join with in Christian profession; let
them be excommunicated _ipso facto_, and not restored, but by the
archbishop, after their repentance, and public revocation of such their
wicked errors.”
We can conceive nothing in the records of absurdity, more absurd than
the idea that the very parties by whom Presbyterians were
excommunicated, should be the parties to speak of their denomination as
a sister Church. At the time when the 55th canon was enacted, the two
kingdoms had been united, and the king of the two kingdoms had expressed
his determination to unite the two Churches; he had already taken
measures to effect his purpose, and in a few years he succeeded in his
object. The Convocation, acting under his commands, excommunicated the
Presbyterians, whom he hated, and held out the hand of fellowship to the
Church, which he was rearing amidst the ecclesiastical anarchy of
Scotland. “True,” says a learned writer: “the bishops were not
consecrated till a few years later, but when the law of the land had
recognised their estate, and the men were known and appointed, it
appears to me a verbal shuffle, and something more, (unintentional, of
course,) to say, ‘the Church of Scotland was then, as now,
Presbyterian.’”
The reader who desires to see the subject more fully treated, is
referred to Chancellor Harington’s most able Letter on the 55th Canon.
To Chancellor Harington the writer of this article is indebted for the
extract from the Premonition. It is quoted, but imperfectly, in Macrie’s
Life of Andrew Melville.
BIER. A carriage on which the dead are carried to the grave. It is to be
provided by the parish.
BIRTH-DAYS. In the ancient Church, this term, in its application to
martyrs, and the festivals in honour of them, expressed the day on which
they suffered death, or were born into the glory and happiness of the
kingdom above. In this sense it stood distinct from the time of their
natural birth into the world, which was considered as an event so
inferior, that its ordinary designation was merged in that of a
translation to the joys of a better world. “When ye hear of a birthday
of saints, brethren,” says Peter Chrysologus, bishop of Ravenna in the
5th century, “do not think that that is spoken of in which they are born
on earth, of the flesh, but that in which they are born from earth into
heaven, from labour to rest, from temptations to repose, from torments
to delights, not fluctuating, but strong, and stable, and eternal: from
the derision of the world to a crown and glory. Such are the birthdays
of the martyrs that we celebrate.”
BISHOP. (See _Orders_, _Apostolical Succession_, _Succession_,
_Archbishop_.) This is the title now given to those who are of the
highest order in the Christian ministry. The English word comes from the
Saxon _bischop_, which is a derivative from the Greek Ἐπισκοπος, an
overseer or inspector.
The doctrine of Scripture, as it relates to the office of bishop, may be
briefly stated thus:—As the LORD JESUS CHRIST was sent by the FATHER, so
were the apostles sent by him. “As my FATHER hath sent me,” he says soon
after his resurrection, “even so send I you.” Now, _how_ had the FATHER
sent him? He had sent him to act as his supreme minister on earth; as
such to appoint under him subordinate ministers, and, to do what he then
did when his work on earth was done, to hand on his commission to
others. The apostles, in like manner, were sent by CHRIST to act as his
chief ministers in the Church, to appoint subordinate ministers under
them, and then, as he had done, to hand on their commission to others.
And on this commission, after our LORD had ascended up on high, the
apostles proceeded to act. They formed their converts into Churches:
these Churches consisted of baptized believers, to officiate among whom
subordinate ministers, priests, and deacons were ordained; while the
apostle who formed any particular Church exercised over it episcopal
superintendence, either holding an occasional visitation, by sending for
the clergy to meet him, (as St. Paul summoned to Miletus the clergy of
Ephesus,) or else transmitting to them those pastoral addresses, which,
under the name of Epistles, form so important a portion of Holy
Scripture. At length, however, it became necessary for the apostles to
proceed yet further, and to do as their Lord had empowered them to do,
to hand on their commission to others, that at their own death the
governors of the Church might not be extinct. Of this we have an
instance in Titus, who was placed in Crete by St. Paul, to act as chief
pastor or bishop; and another in Timothy, who was in like manner set
over the Church of Ephesus. And when Timothy was thus appointed to the
office of chief pastor, he was associated with St. Paul, who, in writing
to the Philippians, commences his salutation thus: “Paul and Timotheus
to the servants of JESUS CHRIST who are at Philippi, with the bishops
and deacons.” Now we have here the three orders of the ministry clearly
alluded to. The title of bishop is, doubtless, given to the second
order: but it is not for words, but for things, that we are to contend.
Titles may be changed, while offices remain; so senators exist, though
they are not now of necessity old men; and most absurd would it be to
contend that, when we speak of the emperor Constantine, we can mean that
Constantine held no other office than that held under the Roman
republic, because we find Cicero also saluted as emperor. So stood the
matter in the first age of the gospel, when the chief pastors of the
Church were generally designated apostles or angels, i. e. messengers
sent by GOD himself. In the next century, the office remaining, the
designation of those who held it was changed, the title of Apostle was
confined to the Twelve, including St. Paul; and the chief pastors who
succeeded them were thenceforth called bishops, the subordinate
ministers being styled priests and deacons. For when the name of bishop
was given to those who had that oversight of presbyters, which
presbyters had of their flocks, it would have been manifestly
inconvenient, and calculated to engender confusion, to continue the
episcopal name to the second order. And thus we see, as CHRIST was sent
by the FATHER, so he sent the apostles; as the apostles were sent by
CHRIST, so did they send the first race of bishops; as the first race of
bishops was sent by the apostles, so they sent the second race of
bishops, the second the third, and so down to our present bishops, who
thus trace their spiritual descent from St. Peter and St. Paul, and
prove their Divine authority to govern the Churches over which they are
canonically appointed to preside.
The three orders of the ministry in the New Testament stand thus: 1st
order, Apostle. 2nd order, Bishop, Presbyter, or Elder. 3rd order,
Deacon. Afterwards, the office remaining the same, there was a change in
the title, and the ministers of CHRIST were designated thus: 1st order,
Bishop, formerly Apostle. 2nd order, Presbyter or Elder. 3rd order,
Deacon.
The offices of an apostle and a bishop are thus distinguished by the
learned Barrow: “The apostleship is an extraordinary office, charged
with instruction and government of the whole world; but episcopacy is an
ordinary standing charge affixed to one place, and requiring a special
attendance there.”—See _Consecration of Bishops_.
The judgment of the Church of England with respect to the primitive
existence of the episcopal order is this: “It is evident unto all men
diligently reading Holy Scripture and ancient authors, that _from the
apostles’ time_ there have been these orders of ministers in Christ’s
Church,—Bishops, Priests, and Deacons.”—_Preface to the Ordination
Service._
BISHOPS’ BIBLE. (See _Bible_.)
BISHOPS, ELECTION OF. When cities were at first converted to
Christianity, the bishops were elected by the clergy and people: for it
was then thought convenient that the laity, as well as the clergy,
should concur in the election, that he who was to have the inspection of
them all might come in by general consent.
But as the number of Christians increased, this was found to be
inconvenient; for tumults were raised, and sometimes murders committed,
at such popular elections. To prevent such disorders, the emperors,
being then Christians, reserved the election of bishops to themselves;
but the bishop of Rome, when he had obtained supremacy in the Western
Church, was unwilling that the bishops should have any dependence upon
princes; and therefore brought it about that the canons in cathedral
churches should have the election of their bishops, which elections were
usually confirmed at Rome.
But princes had still some power in those elections; and in England we
read, that, in the Saxon times, all ecclesiastical dignities were
conferred by the king in parliament.
From these circumstances arose the long controversy about the right of
investiture, a point conceded, so far as our Church is concerned, by
Henry I., who only reserved the ceremony of homage to himself from the
bishops in respect of temporalities. King John afterwards granted his
charter, by common consent of the barons, that the bishops should be
eligible by the chapter, though the right of the Crown in former times
was acknowledged. This was afterwards confirmed by several acts of
parliament. This election by the chapter was to be a free election, but
founded upon the king’s _congé d’ élire_: it was afterwards to have the
royal assent; and the newly-elected bishop was not to have his
temporalities assigned until he had sworn allegiance to the king; but it
was agreed, that confirmation and consecration should be in the power of
the pope, so that foreign potentate gained in effect the disposal of all
the bishoprics in England.
But the pope was not content with this power of confirmation and
consecration; he would oftentimes collate to the bishoprics himself:
hence, by the statute of the 26 Edward III. sec. 6, it was enacted as
follows, viz. The free elections of archbishops, bishops, and all other
dignities and benefices elective in England, shall hold from henceforth
in the manner as they were granted by the king’s progenitors, and the
ancestors of other lords, founders of the said dignities and other
benefices. And in case that reservation, collation, or provision be made
by the court of Rome, of any archbishopric, bishopric, dignity, or other
benefice, in disturbance of the free elections aforesaid, the king shall
have for that time the collations to the archbishoprics and other
dignities elective which be of his advowry, such as his progenitors had
before that free election was granted; since that the election was first
granted by the king’s progenitors upon a certain form and condition, as
to demand licence of the king to choose, and after the election to have
his royal assent, and not in other manner; which conditions not kept,
the thing ought by reason to resort to its first nature.
Afterwards, by the 25 Henry VIII. c. 20, all Papal jurisdiction
whatsoever in this matter was entirely taken away: by which it is
enacted—That no person shall be presented and nominated to the bishop of
Rome, otherwise called the pope, or to the see of Rome, for the office
of an archbishop or bishop; but the same shall utterly cease, and be no
longer used within this realm.
And the manner and order as well of the election of archbishops and
bishops, as of the confirmation of the election and consecration, is
clearly enacted and expressed by that statute. By the statute of the 1
Edward VI. c. 2, all bishoprics were made donative, and it has been
supposed by some, that the principal intent of this act was to make
deans and chapters less necessary, and thereby to prepare the way for a
dissolution of them.
But this statute was afterwards repealed, and the matter was brought
back again, and still rests upon the statute of the 25th Henry VIII. c.
20.
When a bishop dies, or is translated, the dean and chapter certify the
queen thereof in Chancery, and pray leave of the queen to make election.
Thereupon the sovereign grants a licence to them under the great seal,
to elect the person, whom by her letters missive she has appointed; and
they are to choose no other. Within twenty-six days after the receipt of
this licence they are to proceed to election, which is done after this
manner: the dean and chapter having made their election, must certify it
under their common seal to the queen, and to the archbishop of the
province, and to the bishop elected; then the queen gives her royal
assent under the great seal, directed to the archbishop, commanding him
to confirm and consecrate the bishop thus elected. The archbishop
subscribes it thus, viz. _Fiat confirmatio_, and grants a commission to
his vicar-general to perform all acts requisite to that purpose. Upon
this the vicar-general issues a citation to summon all persons who
oppose this election, to appear, &c., which citation (in the province of
Canterbury) is affixed by an officer of the Arches, on the door of Bow
church, and he makes three proclamations there for the opposers, &c. to
appear. After this, the same officer certifies what he has done to the
vicar-general; and no person appearing, &c., at the time and place
appointed, &c., the proctor for the dean and chapter exhibits the royal
assent, and the commission of the archbishop directed to his
vicar-general, which are both read, and then accepted by him. Afterwards
the proctor exhibits his proxy from the dean and chapter, and presents
the newly-elected bishop to the vicar-general, returns the citation, and
desires that three proclamations may be made for the opposers to appear;
which being done, and none appearing, he desires that they may proceed
to confirmation, _in pœnam contumaciæ_; and this is subscribed by the
vicar-general in a schedule, and decreed by him accordingly. Then the
proctor exhibits a summary petition, setting forth the whole process of
election; in which it is desired that a certain time may be assigned to
him to prove it, and this is likewise desired by the vicar-general. Then
he exhibits the assent of the queen and archbishop once more, and that
certificate which he returned to the vicar-general, and of the affixing
the citation on the door of Bow church, and desires a time may be
appointed for the final sentence, which is also decreed. Then three
proclamations are again made for the opposers to appear, but none coming
they are pronounced _contumaces_; and it is then decreed to proceed to
sentence, and this is in another schedule read and subscribed by the
vicar-general. On one memorable occasion, see Reg. _v._ Abp. of
Canterbury, Q. B., Jan. 25, 1848, the court of Q. B. pronounced this to
be a mere useless form and ceremony. It was a time when political and
party feeling ran higher, perhaps, than at any time since the reign of
James II., and it is hoped that, should a similar case occur, justice
would be done to the Church. Then the bishop elect takes the oath of
supremacy, canonical obedience, and that against simony, and then the
dean of the Arches reads and subscribes the sentence. The dean and
chapter are to certify this election in twenty days after the delivery
of the letters missive, or they incur a premunire. And if they refuse to
elect, then the queen may nominate a person by her letters patent. So
that, to the making a bishop, these things are requisite, viz. election,
confirmation, consecration, and investiture. Upon election, the person
is only a bishop _Nomine_, and not _In re_, for he has no power of
jurisdiction before consecration.
In the time of the Saxons, as indeed was generally the case throughout
Europe, all bishops and abbots sat in state councils, by reason of their
office, as they were spiritual persons, and not upon account of any
tenures; but after the Conquest the abbots sat there by virtue of their
tenures, and the bishops in a double capacity, as bishops and likewise
as barons by tenure. When, in the 11th year of Henry II., Archbishop
Becket was condemned in parliament, there was a dispute who should
pronounce the sentence, whether a bishop, or a temporal lord: those who
desired that a bishop should do it, alleged that they were
ecclesiastical persons, and that it was one of their own order who was
condemned; but the bishops replied, that this was not a spiritual but a
secular judgment; and that they did not sit there merely as bishops, but
as barons; and told the House of Peers, _Nos barones, vos barones pares
hic sumus_. In the very year before, in the tenth of Henry II., it was
declared by the Constitutions of Clarendon, that bishops, and all other
persons who hold of the king _in capite_, have their possessions of him
_sicut baroniam, et sicut cæteri barones, debent interesse judiciis
curiæ regis, &c._; and that they ought to sit there likewise as bishops;
that is, not as mere spiritual persons, vested with a power only to
ordain and confirm, &c., but as they are the governors of the Church. It
is for this reason that, on the vacancy of a bishopric, the guardian of
the spiritualities is summoned to the parliament in the room of the
bishop; and the new bishops of Bristol, Chester, Gloucester, Oxford, and
Peterborough, which were made by Henry VIII., and the bishops of Ripon
and Manchester, have no baronies, and yet they sit in parliament as
bishops of those sees by the king’s writ. This view of the case is
confirmed by the analogy of Scotland, where the bishops sat in
parliament as representing the spirituality, one of the estates of the
realm. The bishops of Ireland were, from the time of the submission of
that country to Henry II., elected exactly as in England, under the
king’s licence, and by virtue of a congé d’élire directed to the
chapters. The statute of provisors was in force in Ireland as well as
England; and although, from the unsettled state of the country,
irregular elections occasionally took place in distant provinces, it can
be clearly shown that this was in consequence of the weakness of the
Crown, and in contradiction to the law. (See _Ware’s Irish Bishops,
passim_, and _Cotton’s Facti Ecclesiæ Hibern_.) The right of election
was taken away from the chapters, as in England, in the reign of Henry
VIII., and never restored. The Irish bishops are, in consequence, still
nominated, as their English brethren were till Queen Elizabeth’s reign,
by letters patent.
BLASPHEMY. (From the Greek word, βλασφημέω, _quasi_ βλάπτω τὴν φήμην.)
An injury to the reputation of any, but now used almost exclusively to
designate that which derogates from the honour of GOD, whether by
detracting from his person or attributes, or by attributing to the
creature what is due to GOD alone.
Blasphemy is a crime both in the civil and canon law, and is punishable
both by the statute and common law of England.
The sin of blasphemy incurred the public censure of the primitive
Christian Church. They distinguished blasphemy into three sorts. 1. The
blasphemy of apostates, whom the heathen persecutors obliged, not only
to deny, but to curse CHRIST. 2. The blasphemy of heretics, and other
profane Christians. 3. The blasphemy against the HOLY GHOST. The first
sort we find mentioned in Pliny, who, giving Trajan an account of some
Christians, whom the persecutions of his times had made to apostatize,
tells him, they all worshipped his images, and the images of the gods,
and cursed JESUS CHRIST. And that this was the common way of renouncing
their religion, appears from the demand of the proconsul to Polycarp,
and Polycarp’s answer. He bid him revile CHRIST: to which Polycarp
replied; “These eighty-six years I have served him, and he never did me
any harm; how then can I blaspheme my King and my SAVIOUR?”—These
blasphemers, as having added blasphemy to apostasy, were reckoned among
the apostates, and punished as such, to the highest degree of
ecclesiastical censure.—_Bingham, Origin. Eccles._ b. xvi. ch. 7, § 1.
_Plin._ Ep. 97, lib. x. _Euseb. Hist. Eccles._ lib. iv. cap. 15.
The second sort of blasphemers were such as made profession of the
Christian religion, but yet, either by impious doctrines or profane
discourses, derogated from the majesty and honour of GOD and his holy
religion. This sense of blasphemy included every kind of heresy; whence
the same punishment the Church had appointed for heretics, was the lot
of this kind of blasphemers. And that in this notion of blasphemy they
included all impious and profane language, appears from Synesius’s
treatment of Andronicus, governor of Ptolemais. He was contented to
admonish him for his other crimes; but, when he added blasphemy to them,
saying, no one should escape his hands, though he laid hold of the very
foot of CHRIST, Synesius thought it high time to proceed to anathemas
and excommunication.—_Bingham_, ibid. § 2.
The third sort of blasphemy was that against the HOLY GHOST: concerning
which the opinions of the ancients varied. Some applied it to the sin of
lapsing into idolatry and apostasy, and denying CHRIST in time of
persecution. Others made it to consist in denying CHRIST to be GOD; in
which sense Hilary charges the Arians with sinning against the HOLY
GHOST. Origen thought that whoever, after having received the gifts of
the HOLY GHOSt by baptism, afterwards ran into sin, was guilty of the
unpardonable sin against the HOLY GHOST. Athanasius refutes this notion,
and delivers his own opinion in the following manner. “The Pharisees, in
our SAVIOUR’S time, and the Arians, in our own, running into the same
madness, denied the real WORD to be incarnate, and ascribed the works of
the Godhead to the devil and his angels.—They put the devil in the place
of GOD—which was the same thing as if they had said, that the world was
made by Beelzebub, that the sun rose at his command, and the stars moved
by his direction.—For this reason CHRIST declared their sin
unpardonable, and their punishment inevitable and eternal.” St. Ambrose
likewise defines this sin to be a denying the Divinity of CHRIST. There
are others, who make it to consist in denying the Divinity of the HOLY
GHOST. Epiphanius calls these blasphemers πνευματόμαχοι, “fighters
against the HOLY GHOST.” Others, again, place this sin in a perverse and
malicious ascribing the operations of the HOLY SPIRIT to the power of
the devil; and that against express knowledge and conviction of
conscience.
That the ancients did not look upon the sin against the HOLY GHOST, in
the several kinds of it here mentioned, as absolutely irremissible, or
incapable of pardon, appears from hence, that they did not shut the door
of repentance against such offenders, but invited them to repent, and
prayed for their conversion, and restored them to communion, upon their
confession, and evidences of a true repentance. Wherever they speak of
it as unpardonable both in this world and the next, they always suppose
the sinner to die in obduracy, and in resistance to all the gracious
motions and operations of the HOLY SPIRIT. Whence it must be concluded,
that they did not think the sin against the HOLY GHOST, whatever it was,
in its own nature unpardonable, but only that it becomes so through
final impenitence. Thus the author of the book, “Of True and False
Repentance,” under the name of St. Austin, says, they only sin against
the HOLY GHOST, who continue impenitent to their death. And Bacchiarius,
an African writer about the time of St. Austin, says this sin consists
in such a despair of GOD’S mercy, as makes men give over all hopes of
recovering that state, from which they are fallen.—_Synes._ Ep. 58.
_Bingham_, ibid. § 3. _Cypr._ Ep. 10. _Hilar. in Mat._ Can. 12, p. 164.
_Athan. in illud, Quicunque dixerit verbum, &c._, p. 975. _Ambros.
Comment. in Luc._ lib. vii. c. 12. _Epiphan. Hæres._ lxxiv. _Aug. Quæst.
in Vet. et Nov. Test._ 102. _Bingham_, ibid. _Aug. de vera et falsa
Pœnit._ cap. iv. _Bacchiar. Epist. de recipiend. lapsis._
St. Austin speaks often of this crime, and places it in a continued
resistance of the motions and graces of the Holy Spirit, and persisting
in impenitency to our death. “Impenitency is the blasphemy, which has
neither remission in this world, nor in the world to come; but of this
no one can judge so long as a man continues in this life. A man is a
Pagan to-day; but how knowest thou but he may become a Christian
to-morrow? To-day he is an unbelieving Jew; to-morrow he may believe in
Christ. To-day he is an heretic; to-morrow he may embrace the Catholic
truth.” Out of this notion of St. Austin, the schoolmen, according to
their usual chymistry, have extracted five several species of blasphemy
against the HOLY GHOST; viz. despair, presumption, final impenitency,
obstinacy in sin, and opposition to the known truth.
If we consider the Scripture account of this sin, nothing can be plainer
than that it is to be understood of the Pharisees imputing the miracles,
wrought by the power of the HOLY GHOST, to the power of the devil. Our
LORD had just healed one possessed of a devil, upon which the Pharisees
gave this malicious turn to the miracle; “This fellow doth not cast out
devils, but by Beelzebub, the prince of the devils.” (Matt. xii. 24.)
This led our SAVIOUR to discourse of the sin of blasphemy, and to tell
his disciples; “Wherefore I say unto you, all manner of sin and
blasphemy shall be forgiven unto men, but the sin against the HOLY GHOST
shall not be forgiven unto men,” (Ver. 31.) The Pharisees therefore were
the persons charged with this sin, and the sin itself consisted in
ascribing what was done by the finger of GOD to the agency of the devil.
And the reason why our LORD pronounced it unpardonable is plain, because
the Jews, by withstanding the evidence of miracles, resisted the
strongest means of their conviction. From all which it will follow, that
no person now can be guilty of the sin against the HOLY GHOST, in the
sense in which our SAVIOUR originally intended it; though there may be
sins which bear a very near resemblance to it.—_August., Serm._ xi. _de
Verbis Domini. Brouqhton._
BLOOD. From the earliest times the clergy have been forbidden to sit in
judgment on capital offences, or in cases of blood; a rule still
maintained among us; for the bishops, who, as peers of parliament, are a
component part of the highest court of judicature in the kingdom, always
retire when such cases are before the House.
BODY. The Church is called a body. (Rom. xii. 5; 1 Cor. x. 17; xii. 13;
Eph. iv. 4; Col. iii. 15.) Like every other body, society, or
corporation, it has a prescribed form of admission, baptism; a constant
badge of membership, the eucharist; peculiar duties, repentance, faith,
obedience; peculiar privileges, forgiveness of sins, present grace, and
future glory; regularly constituted officers, bishops, priests, and
deacons. The Church is the body, of which CHRIST is the Head.
BOHEMIAN BRETHREN. A sect which sprung up in Bohemia in the year 1467.
In 1503 they were accused by the Roman Catholics to King Ladislaus II.,
who published an edict against them, forbidding them to hold any
meetings, either privately or publicly. When Luther declared himself
against the Church of Rome, the Bohemian Brethren endeavoured to join
his party. At first, that reformer showed a great aversion to them; but
the Bohemians sending their deputies to him in 1535, with a full account
of their doctrines, he acknowledged that they were a society of
Christians whose doctrine came near to the purity of the gospel. This
sect published another confession of faith in 1535, in which they
renounced anabaptism, which they at first professed; upon this an union
was concluded with the Lutherans, and afterwards with the Zuinglians,
whose opinions from thenceforth they continued to follow.
BOUNTY, QUEEN ANNE’S. (See _Annates_.)
BOWING AT THE NAME OF JESUS. (See _East_.) It is enjoined by the
eighteenth canon of the Constitutions of the Church of England, that
“When in time of Divine service the LORD JESUS shall be mentioned, due
and lowly reverence shall be done by all persons present, as it hath
been accustomed; testifying by these outward ceremonies and gestures,
their inward humility, Christian resolution, and due acknowledgment that
the LORD JESUS CHRIST, the true eternal SON of GOD, is the only Saviour
of the world, in whom alone all the mercies, graces, and promises of GOD
to mankind, for this life and the life to come, are fully and wholly
comprised.” We do not bow when our LORD is spoken of as CHRIST; for when
we speak of him as the CHRIST, we speak of his office, the anointed, the
prophet, priest, and king of our race, which implies his Divine nature.
But JESUS is the name of his humanity, the name he was known by as man;
whenever, therefore, we pronounce that name, we bow, to signify that he
who for our sakes became man, is also GOD.
With reference to turning to the east when we say the Creed, and bowing
at the name of JESUS, Dr. Bisse remarks: As to the first, it was the
custom of the ancient Church to turn to the altar or east, not only at
the confessions of faith, but in all the public prayers. And therefore
Epiphanius, speaking of the madness of the impostor Elxæus, counts this
as one instance of it among other things, that he forbade praying
towards the east. (Lib. i. Hæres. 18.) Now this is the most honourable
place in the house of GOD, and is therefore separated from the lower and
inferior parts of the Church, answering to the Holy of Holies in the
Jewish tabernacle, which was severed by a veil from the sanctuary; and
the holy table or altar in the one answers to the mercy-seat in the
other. As then the Jews worshipped, “lifting up their hands towards the
mercy-seat,” (Psal. xxviii. 2,) and even the cherubim were formed with
their faces looking towards it, (Exod. xxv. 19,) so the primitive
Christians did in their worship look towards the altar, of which the
mercy-seat was a type. And therefore the altar was usually called “the
tabernacle of GOD’S glory,” his “chair of state,” “the throne of GOD,”
“the type of heaven,” “heaven itself:” for these reasons did they always
in praying look towards it. But in rehearsing our Creeds this custom is
still more proper and significant, for we are appointed to perform it
“standing;” by this posture declaring our resolution to stand by, or
defend, that faith, which we have professed: so that all these times we
resemble, not so much an assembly, as an army: as then in every
well-marshalled army all look and move one way, so should we always do
in a regular assembly; but especially at the confessions of faith all
“CHRIST’S faithful soldiers” should show, by this uniformity of gesture,
that they hold the unity of faith.
The other usage, of bowing at the name of JESUS, seems founded on that
Scripture, where it is declared, that “GOD hath given him a name which
is above every name; that at the name of JESUS every knee should bow,
and every tongue should confess that JESUS CHRIST is LORD, to the glory
of GOD the FATHER,” (Isa. xlv. 23; Phil. ii. 9,) &c. Now though the
rubric be silent herein, yet the canon of our Church thus enjoins. Now
if such reverence be due to that great and ever-blessed name, when it is
mentioned in the lesson or sermon, how much more in the Creeds, when we
mention it with our own lips, making confession of our faith in it,
adding the very reason given in the canon, that we believe in him as
“the only SON,” or “only-begotten SON of GOD,” the SAVIOUR of the world;
and when too we do this “standing,” which is the proper posture for
doing reverence!—_Dr. Bisse._
BOWING TO THE ALTAR. A reverent custom still practised at Windsor
chapel, in college chapels and cathedrals, of which the synod of 1640
said, “We heartily commend it to all good and well-affected people, that
they be ready to tender to the LORD their reverence and obeisance, both
at their coming in and going out of church, according to the most
ancient custom of the primitive Church in the purest times.” “In the
practice or omission of this rite, we desire that the rule of charity
prescribed by the apostle may be observed, which is, that they which use
this rite despise not those who use it not, and they who use it not,
condemn not them who use it.”
BOYLE’S LECTURE. A lecture founded under the will of the Hon. Robert
Boyle, in 1691, which consists of a course of eight sermons, to prove
the truth of Christianity against infidels, and to answer new
difficulties, &c., without entering into controversies existing among
Christians.
BRANDENBURG, CONFESSION OF. A formulary, or confession of faith, drawn
up in the city of Brandenburg by order of the elector, with a view to
reconcile the tenets of Luther with those of Calvin, and to put an end
to the disputes occasioned by the Confession of Augsburgh.
BRASSES. Monumental slabs of brass, much used in the middle ages, with
effigies carved in outline upon them. An historical and descriptive
account of brasses used as sepulchral memorials would occupy too much
space for this work. Perhaps as much of the history as we shall be
expected to give is included in the following paragraph from the “Manual
of Monumental Brasses,” (Oxford, 1848,) to which we may refer for a full
discussion on this subject.
“The earliest brass of which we have any record was that of Simon de
Beauchamp, who died before 1208, thus mentioned by Leland, “He lyith
afore the highe altare of S. Paule’s chirch in Bedeford, with this
epitaphie graven in bras, and set on a flat marble stone:—
De Bello Campo jacet hic sub marmore Simon
Fundator de Neweham.”
Several others of the thirteenth century, now lost, are enumerated by
Gough.”
At the present time, the earliest brass known is that of Sir John
d’Abernon, 1277; one other of the same century still remains at
Trumpington. From this period their numbers gradually increased until
about the middle of the sixteenth century, when they became less common.
The latest observed example is at St. Mary Cray, Kent, 1776. It is
remarkable that the earliest brasses are quite equal, in beauty of form
and execution, to any of a later date. From the early part of the
fifteenth century a gradual decline of the art is visible, and towards
the end of the sixteenth century it became utterly degenerate.
It seems needless to add, that the interest of brasses is derived, in a
great degree, from the light which they throw on mediæval costume, and
the habits of our ancestors. The destruction of brasses at the
Reformation was great; at the Rebellion still greater. The mention of
this spoliation by Drake, the historian of York, is worth volumes of
mere particulars. “Let no man hereafter say, ‘_Exegi monumentum ære
perennius_;’ for now an _æris sacra fames_ has robbed us of most of the
ancient monumental inscriptions that were in the church. At the
Reformation this hairbrained zeal began to show itself against painted
glass, stone statues, and grave-stones, many of which were defaced and
utterly destroyed, along with other more valuable monuments of the
church, till Queen Elizabeth put a stop to these most scandalous doings
by an express act of parliament. In our late civil wars, and during the
usurpation, our zealots began again these depredations on grave-stones,
and stripped and pillaged to the minutest piece of metal. I know it is
urged that their hatred to Popery was so great, that they could not
endure to see an “_orate pro animâ_,” or even a cross, over a monument
without defacing it; but it is plain that it was more the poor lucre of
the brass, than zeal, which tempted these miscreants to this act, for
there was no gravestone which had an inscription cut on itself that was
defaced by anything but age throughout this whole church.”
BRAWLING. The act of quarrelling, and, in its more limited and technical
sense, the act of quarrelling within consecrated precincts. If any
person shall, by words only, quarrel, chide, or brawl in any church or
churchyard, it shall be lawful unto the ordinary of the place, where the
same offence shall be done, and proved by two lawful witnesses, to
suspend every person so offending; if he be a layman, from the entrance
of the church; and if he be a clerk, from the ministration of his
office, for so long time as the said ordinary shall think meet according
to the fault. (5 & 6 Edw. VI. c. 4, s. 1.)
BREVIARY. A daily office or book of Divine service in the Romish Church.
So called from being a compilation in an abbreviated form, convenient
for use, of the various books anciently used in the service, as
antiphoners, psalters, &c. After the prayers of the liturgy, or missal,
those held in the greatest veneration by Roman Catholics are the prayers
contained in the church office, or canonical hours. This office is a
form of prayer and instruction combined, consisting of psalms, lessons,
hymns, prayers, anthems, versicles, &c., combined in an established
order, separated into different hours of the day. It is divided into
seven, or rather eight parts; and, like the English liturgy, it has a
reference to the mystery or festival celebrated. The festival, and
therefore the office, begins with _vespers_, i. e. with the evening
prayer, about six o’clock, or sunset. This office is called, on the eves
of Sundays and holidays, the first Vespers. Next follows _compline_, to
beg GOD’S protection during sleep. At midnight come the three
_nocturns_, as they are called, or _matins_, the longest part of the
office. _Lauds_, or matin lauds, or the morning praises of GOD, are
appointed for the cock-crowing, or before the break of day. At six
o’clock, or sunrise, _prime_ shall be recited; and _tierce_, _sext_, and
_none_, every third hour afterwards. (See _Canonical Hours_.) These
canonical hours of prayer are still regularly observed by many religious
orders, but less regularly by the secular clergy, even in the choir.
When the office is recited in private, though the observance of regular
hours may be commendable, it is thought sufficient if the whole be gone
through any time in the twenty-four hours. The church office, exclusive
of the mass and occasional services, is contained in what is called the
breviary. In consequence of a decree of the Council of Trent, Pope Pius
V. ordered a number of learned and able men to compile the breviary; and
by his bull, _Quod a nobis_, July, 1566, sanctioned it, and commanded
the use thereof to the clergy of the Roman Catholic Church all over the
world. Clement VIII., in 1602, finding that the breviary of Pius V. had
been altered and depraved, restored it to its pristine state; and
ordered, under pain of excommunication, that all future editions should
strictly follow that which he then printed at the Vatican. Lastly, Urban
VIII., in 1631, had the language of the whole work, and the metres of
the hymns, revised. The value which the Church of Rome sets upon the
breviary, may be known from the strictness with which she demands the
perusal of it. Whoever enjoys any ecclesiastical revenue; all persons of
both sexes, who have professed in any of the regular orders; all
subdeacons, deacons, and priests, are bound to repeat, either in public
or in private, the whole service of the day, out of the breviary. The
omission of any one of the eight portions of which that service consists
is declared to be a mortal sin, i. e. a sin that, unrepented, would be
sufficient to exclude from salvation. The person guilty of such an
omission loses all legal right to whatever portion of his clerical
emoluments is due for the day or days wherein he neglected that duty,
and cannot be absolved till he has given the forfeited sums to the poor.
Such are the sanctions and penalties by which the reading of the
breviary is enforced. The scrupulous exactness with which this duty is
performed by all who have not secretly cast off their spiritual
allegiance is quite surprising. The office of the Roman Catholic Church
was originally so contrived, as to divide the psalter between the seven
days of the week. Portions of the old Scriptures were also read
alternately, with extracts from the legends of the saints, and the works
of the fathers. But as the calendar became crowded with saints, whose
festivals take precedence of the regular church service, little room is
left for anything but a few psalms, which are constantly repeated, a
very small part of the Old Testament, and mere fragments of the Gospels
and Epistles.
The lessons are taken partly out of the Old and New Testaments, and
partly out of the Acts of the Saints, and writings of the holy fathers.
The LORD’S Prayer, the Hail Mary, or Angelical Salutation, the Apostles’
Creed, and the Confiteor, are frequently said. This last is a prayer, by
which they who use it acknowledge themselves sinners, beg pardon of GOD,
and the intercession on their behalf of the angels, of the saints, and
of their brethren upon earth. No prayers are more frequently in the
mouths of Roman Catholics than these four; to which we may add the
doxology, repeated during the psalmody in every office, but though not
uniformly at the end of every psalm, and in other places. In every
canonical hour a hymn is also said, often composed by Prudentius, or
some other ancient father. The Roman breviary contains also a small
office, in honour of the Blessed Virgin, and likewise what is called the
office of the dead. We there find, also, the penitential and the gradual
psalms, as they are called, together with the litanies of the saints,
and of the Virgin Mary of Loretto, which are the only two that have the
sanction of the Church. The breviary is generally printed in four
volumes, one for each season of the year.
BRIEFS (see _Bulls_) are pontifical letters issued from the court of
Rome, sealed in red wax, with the seal of the fisherman’s ring: they are
written in Roman characters, and subscribed by the secretary of briefs,
who is a secretary of state, (usually either a bishop or a cardinal,)
required to be well versed in the legal style of papal documents, and in
the sacred canons. The word _Brief_, in our Prayer Book, signifies the
sovereign letters patent, authorizing a collection for a charitable
purpose; as they are now styled, Queen’s letters. These are directed to
be read among the notices after the Nicene Creed.
BROACH. In strictness any spire, but generally used to signify a spire,
the junction of which with the tower is not marked by a parapet. Lancet
and Geometrical spires are generally thus treated; Decorated,
frequently; Perpendicular, rarely.
BULL _in Cœna Domini_. This is the name given to a bull in the Church of
Rome, which is publicly read on the day of the LORD’S supper, viz. Holy
Thursday, by a cardinal deacon in the pope’s presence, accompanied with
the other cardinals and the bishops. The same contains an
excommunication of all that are called, by that apostate Church,
heretics, stubborn and disobedient to the holy see. And after the
reading of this bull, the pope throws a burning torch into the public
place, to denote the thunder of this anathema. It is declared expressly,
in the beginning of the bull of Pope Paul III., of the year 1536, that
it is the ancient custom of the sovereign pontiffs to publish this
excommunication on Holy Thursday, to preserve the purity of the
Christian religion, and to keep the union of the faithful; but the
original of this ceremony is not inserted in it. The principal heads of
this bull concern heretics and their upholders, pirates, imposers of new
customs, those who falsify the bulls and other apostolic letters; those
who abuse the prelates of the Church; those that trouble or would
restrain ecclesiastical jurisdiction, even under pretence of preventing
some violence, though they might be counsellors or advocates, generals
to secular princes, whether emperors, kings, or dukes; those who usurp
the goods of the Church, &c. All these cases are reserved to the pope,
and no priest can give absolution in such a case, if it be not at the
point of death. The Council of Tours, in 1510, declared the bull in
_Cœna Domini_ void in respect of France, which has often protested
against it, in what relates to the king’s prerogative, and the liberties
of the Gallican Church; and there are now but few other Popish princes
or states that have much regard to it. So much has the authority of the
papal chair declined since the Reformation, even over those who still
remain in the communion of what they call the Roman Catholic Church.
BULLS (see _Briefs_) are pontifical letters, in the Romish Church,
written in old Gothic characters upon stout and coarse skins, and issued
from the apostolic chancery, under a seal (_bulla_) of lead; which seal
gives validity to the document, and is attached, if it be a “_Bull of
Grace_,” by a cord of silk; and if it be a “_Bull of Justice_,” by a
cord of hemp.
The seal of the fisherman’s ring corresponds, in some degree, with the
privy seal; and the _bulla_, or seal of lead, with the great seal of
England.
The _bulla_ is, properly, a seal of empire. The imperial _bulla_ is of
gold; and it was under a seal of this description that King John
resigned the crown of England to the Pope.
BRIEFS and BULLS differ from each other.
1. BRIEFS are issued from the Roman court by the apostolic secretary,
sealed with red wax by the fisherman’s ring. BULLS are issued by the
apostolic chancellor, under a seal of lead, having on one side impressed
the likeness of St. Peter and St. Paul; and, on the other, the name of
the reigning pope.
2. BRIEFS are written upon fine and white skins. BULLS, upon those which
are thick, coarse, and rude.
3. BRIEFS are written in Roman characters, in a legible, fair, and
elegant manner. BULLS, though in Latin, are written in old Gothic
characters, without line or stop, or that regard to spelling which is
observed in briefs.
4. Briefs are dated “a die nativitatis;” BULLS dated “a die
incarnationis.”
5. BRIEFS have the date abbreviated; BULLS have it given in length.
6. BRIEFS begin in a different form, with the name of the pope: thus
“Clem. Papa XII. &c.” BULLS begin with the words “[Clemens] Episcopus
servus servorum Dei;” by way of distinct heading.
7. BRIEFS are issued before the pope’s coronation, but BULLS are not
issued till afterwards. (See on this subject, _Corrad. in Praxi
Dispens._ lib. ii. c. 7, n. 29; _Rosam de Executione Liter. Apostol._ c.
2, n. 67; _Cardinal de Luca. in relat. Romanæ Curiæ_, discurs, 7, and
other canonists.)
Notwithstanding the above-mentioned differences between BRIEFS and
BULLS, and that greater weight is usually attached to a bull than to a
brief, on account of its more formal character, still BRIEFS have the
same authority as BULLS on all the matters to which they relate; _both_
being equally acts of the pope, though issued from different departments
of his Holiness’s government.
BURIAL. (See _Cemetery_, _Dead_.) Christians in the first centuries used
to bury their dead in the places used also by the heathen, in caves or
vaults by the wayside, or in fields out of their cities. The heathen
used to burn the bodies of the dead, and collect the ashes in urns, but
Christians thought it to be a barbarity and insult to destroy a body
appointed to a glorious resurrection. They therefore restored the older
and better practice of laying the remains decently in the earth. Their
persecutors, knowing their feelings on this subject, often endeavoured
to prevent them from burying their dead, by burning the bodies of their
martyrs, as they did that of Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna; or by throwing
their ashes into rivers, as they did those of the martyrs of Lyons and
Vienne in France, A. D. 177. And although the heathen seemed to think it
unlucky and of evil omen to perform their funerals by day, carrying out
their dead after night-fall, and by torch-light; the Christians used to
follow their deceased friends to the grave, in the light of the sun,
with a large attendance of people walking in procession, sometimes
carrying candles in token of joy and thanksgiving, and chanting psalms.
It was also the custom, before they went to the grave, to assemble in
the church, where the body was laid, and a funeral sermon was sometimes
preached. The holy communion was administered on these occasions to the
friends of the deceased, for which a service, with an appropriate
Collect, Epistle, and Gospel, was set forth in our own Church in the
First Book of King Edward VI., and in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, A.
D. 1560. The office for the Burial of the Dead used by the English
Church corresponds in all respects with the offices of the primitive
Church, particularly as regards the psalms, the anthem, “Man that is
born of a woman,” &c., and the portions of Scripture appointed to be
read.
No person can be buried in the church, or in any part of it, without the
consent of the incumbent, to whom alone the common law has given this
privilege, because the soil and freehold of the church is in the parson
only. But upon the like ground of freehold, the common law has one
exception to the necessity of the leave of the parson, namely, where a
burying-place within the church is prescribed for as belonging to a
manor house. By the common law of England, any person may be buried in
the churchyard of the parish where he dies, without paying anything for
breaking the soil, unless a fee is payable by prescription, or
immemorial usage. But ordinarily a person may not be buried in the
churchyard of another parish than that wherein he died, at least without
the consent of the parishioners or churchwardens, whose parochial right
of burial is invaded thereby, and perhaps also of the incumbent whose
soil is broken; but where a person dies on his journey or otherwise, out
of the parish, or where there is a family vault or burial-place in the
church, or chancel, or aisle of such other parish, it may be otherwise.
Burial cannot be legally refused to dead bodies on account of debt, even
although the debtor was confined in prison at the time of his death.
By canon 68. “No minister shall refuse or delay to bury any corpse that
is brought to the church or churchyard, (convenient warning being given
him thereof before,) in such manner and form as is prescribed in the
Book of Common Prayer. And if he shall refuse so to do, except the party
deceased were denounced excommunicated _majori excommunicatione_, for
some grievous and notorious crime, (and no man able to testify of his
repentance,) he shall be suspended by the bishop of the diocese from his
ministry by the space of three months.” But by the rubric before the
office for Burial of the Dead, the said office likewise shall not be
used for any that die unbaptized, or that have laid violent hands upon
themselves. The proper judges, whether persons who died by their own
hands were out of their senses, are doubtless the coroner’s jury. The
minister of the parish has no authority to be present at viewing the
body, or to summon or examine witnesses. And therefore he is neither
entitled nor able to judge in the affair; but may well acquiesce in the
public determination, without making any private inquiry. Indeed, were
he to make one, the opinion which he might form from thence could
usually be grounded only on common discourse and bare assertion. It
cannot be justifiable to act upon these in contradiction to the decision
of a jury after hearing witnesses upon oath. Even though there may be
reason to suppose that the coroner’s jury are frequently too favourable
in their judgment, in consideration of the circumstances of the family
of the deceased with respect to the forfeiture, and their verdict is in
its own nature traversable, yet the burial may not be delayed until that
matter upon trial shall finally be determined. On acquittal of the crime
of self-murder by the coroner’s jury, the body in that case not being
demanded by the law, it seems that the clergyman may and ought to admit
that body to Christian burial.
The rubric directs that the priests and clerks meeting the corpse at the
entrance of the churchyard, and going before it either into the church
or towards the grave, shall say or sing as is there appointed. By which
it seems to be discretionary in the minister, whether the corpse shall
be carried into the church or not. And there may be good reason for not
bringing it into the church, especially in cases of infection.
Canon 67. After the party’s death there shall be rung no more than one
short peal, and one before the burial, and one other after the burial.
The corpse that is buried belongs to no one, but is subject to
ecclesiastical cognizance, if abused or removed; and a corpse, once
buried, cannot be taken up or removed without licence from the ordinary,
if it is to be buried in another place, or the like; but in the case of
a violent death the coroner may take up the body for his inspection, if
it is interred before he comes to view it.—_Dr. Burn._
With reference to the Order for the Burial of the Dead in the Book of
Common Prayer, we must note that the ignorance and corruption of the
latter centuries had not vitiated any of the sacred administrations more
than this of burial; on which the fancies of purgatory and prayers for
the dead had so great an influence, that most of the forms now extant
consist of little else but impertinent and useless petitions for the
dead. Our Protestant reformers therefore, remembering St. Augustine’s
rule, that all this office is designed rather for the comfort of the
living, than the benefit of the dead, have justly rejected these
superstitions; and contrived this present form wholly for the
instruction, admonition, and comfort of the attendants on this
solemnity, and therein have reduced this matter to its prime intention
and use. It is not easy to tell exactly what the primitive form of
burial was; but the psalms were a principal part of it, as all the
fathers testify. They are now also a chief part of this office, and the
rest is generally taken out of Holy Scripture, being such places as are
most proper to the occasion, so as to form altogether a most pious and
practical office.—_Dean Comber._
Although all persons are for decency to be put under ground, yet that
some are not capable of Christian burial appears not only from the
canons of the ancient Church, but also from the following rubric
prefixed to our office at the last review: “Here it is to be noted, that
the office ensuing is not to be used for any that die unbaptized, or
excommunicate, or have laid violent hands upon themselves.”
The persons capable of Christian burial are only those within the pale
of the Church, for the rubric excludes all others from this privilege;
which is agreeable to the sense of all nations, who have generally
thought fit to punish some kinds of malefactors with the want of these
rites after their death, as well to afflict the criminal, while he
lives, with apprehensions of the disgrace to be done to his body, which
is naturally dear to all men; as to perpetuate the odium of the crime,
while the corpse is exposed to public scorn after the offender hath
parted with his life. Thus murderers were punished among the Romans: and
among the Greeks, robbers of temples and sacrilegious persons, as also
those that betrayed their country, with divers other notorious
transgressors. But none have been so justly and so universally deprived
of that natural right, which all men seem to have in a grave, as those
who break that great law of nature, the law of self-preservation, by
laying violent hands upon themselves. Among the Jews, these were
forbidden to be buried, and among the ancient Romans also. And when many
of the Milesian virgins made themselves away, the rest were restrained
from so vile a crime by a decree, that whosoever so died, she should not
be buried, but her naked body should be exposed to the common view. And,
to confirm the equity of these customs, we find the Christian councils,
as well abroad as at home, have forbidden the clergy to bury those that
killed themselves; as doth also our present rubric in imitation of those
ancient constitutions. And for very great reason, namely, to terrify all
from committing so detestable and desperate a sin, as is the wilful
destroying of GOD’S image, the casting away of their own souls, as well
as their opportunities of repentance: the Church hereby declaring, that
she hath little hopes of their salvation, who die in an act of the
greatest wickedness, which they can never repent of after it be
committed.
To these are to be added all that die under the sentence of
excommunication, who in the primitive times were denied Christian burial
also, with the intent of bringing the excommunicated to seek their
absolution and the Church’s peace for their soul’s health, ere they
leave this world; and, if not, of declaring them cut off from the body
of CHRIST, and by this mark of infamy distinguishing them from obedient
and regular Christians.
This office is also denied to infants not yet admitted into the Church
by baptism; not so much to punish the infants, who have done no crime,
as the parents, by whose neglect this too often happens. And perhaps
this external and sensible kind of punishment may move them to be more
careful to accomplish the office in due time, than higher and more
spiritual considerations will do.
Not that the Church determines anything concerning the future state of
those that depart before they are admitted to baptism; but since they
have not been received within the pale of the Church, we cannot properly
use an office at their funeral, which all along supposes the person that
is buried to have died in her communion.
Whether this office is to be used over such as have been baptized by the
dissenters or sectaries, who have no regular commission for the
administering of the sacraments, has been a subject of dispute; people
generally determining on one side, or the other, according to their
different sentiments of the validity or invalidity of such disputed
baptisms.—_Wheatly._
All other persons that die in the communion of the visible Church are
capable of these rites of Christian burial, according to the rules and
practice both of the primitive and the present ages.—_Dean Comber._
Though this rubric was not drawn up till 1661, and none of the
regulations which it enjoins, excepting only what relates to persons
excommunicate, was before that time specified in any of our articles, or
ecclesiastical constitutions, yet it must not be considered as a new
law, but merely as explanatory of the ancient canon law, and of the
previous usage in England.—_Shepherd._
The Order for the Burial of the Dead is much modified from the service
in the First Book of King Edward VI. The psalms were the 116th, 139th,
and 146th: the prayers were in many respects different; and there are
certain passages omitted in the Second Book. The psalms in the First
Book were omitted in the subsequent revisals, and the lesson was recited
after the anthem, “I heard a voice from heaven:” and the present psalms
were not inserted till the last Review.
At solemn funerals it has not been unusual to combine the Burial Service
with the office of Evening Prayer, substituting the psalms and lessons
for those of the day; but the regularity of this usage is
questionable.—_Jebb._
BUTTRESS. An external support to a wall, so arranged as to counteract
the lateral thrust of roofs and vaulting.
The buttress is not used in Classic architecture, where the thrust is
always vertical; and in Romanesque it is hardly developed. It is, in
fact, a correlative of the pointed arch, especially when used in
vaulting, and so first attains considerable depth in the Lancet period.
In the Tudor period, when it had to support fan vaulting of vast expanse
and weight, its depth or projection was proportionably increased.
The _flying buttress_, _arch-buttress_, or _cross-springer_, is an arch
delivering the weight to be supported at a distance, as of a spire at
the angle of the tower, of a clerestory at the aisle buttress, or of the
chapter-house roof at Lincoln, to the heavy masses of masonry prepared
at a distance to receive it.
The pinnacles which frequently terminate buttresses are intended to add
to the weight of the supporting mass. (See _Bay_.)
CABBALA. (_Hebrew._) _Tradition._ Among the Jews, it principally means
the mystical interpretations of their Scriptures, handed down by
tradition. The manner in which Maimonides explains the Cabbala, or
Traditions of the Jews, is as follows: “God not only delivered the law
to Moses on Mount Sina, but the explanation of it likewise. When Moses
came down from the mount, and entered into his tent, Aaron went to visit
him, and Moses acquainted Aaron with the laws he had received from GOD,
together with the explanation of them. After this, Aaron placed himself
at the right hand of Moses, and Eleazar and Ithamar, the sons of Aaron,
were admitted; to whom Moses repeated what he had just before told to
Aaron. These being seated, the one on the right, the other on the left
hand of Moses, the seventy elders of Israel, who composed the Sanhedrim,
came in. Moses again declared the same laws to them, with the
interpretations of them, as he had done before to Aaron and his sons.
Lastly, all who pleased of the common people were invited to enter, and
Moses instructed them likewise in the same manner as the rest. So that
Aaron heard four times what Moses had been taught by GOD upon Mount
Sina; Eleazar and Ithamar three times; the seventy elders twice; and the
people once. Moses afterwards reduced the laws, which he had received,
into writing, but not the explanations of them; these he thought it
sufficient to trust to the memories of the above-mentioned persons, who,
being perfectly instructed in them, delivered them to their children,
and these again to theirs, from age to age.”
The Cabbala, therefore, is properly the _Oral Law_ of the Jews,
delivered down, by word of mouth, from father to son; and it is to these
interpretations of the _written law_ our _Saviour’s_ censure is to be
applied, when he reproves the Jews for “making the commands of GOD of
none effect through their traditions.”
Some of the Rabbins pretend that the origin of the Cabbala is to be
referred to the angels; that the angel Raziel instructed Adam in it; the
angel Japhiel, Shem; the angel Zedekiel, Abraham, &c. But the truth is,
these explications of the Law are only the several interpretations and
decisions of the Rabbins on the Law of Moses; in the framing of which
they studied principally the combinations of particular words, letters,
and numbers, and by that means pretended to discover clearly the true
sense of the difficult passages of Scripture.
This is properly called the _Artificial Cabbala_, to distinguish it from
_simple tradition_: and it is of three sorts. The first, called
_Gematria_, consists in taking _letters_ as _figures_, and explaining
words by the arithmetical value of the letters of which they are
composed. For instance, the Hebrew letters of _Jabo-Schiloh_ (Shiloh
shall come) make up the same arithmetical number as _Messiach (the
Messiah)_: from whence they conclude that _Shiloh_ signifies the
_Messiah_.
The second kind of _Artificial Cabbala_, which is called _Notaricon_,
consists in taking each particular letter of a word for an entire
diction. For example, of _Rereschith_, which is the first word of
Genesis, composed of the letters B. R. A. S. C. H. J. T., they make
_Bura-Rakia-Arex-Schamaim-Jain-Tehomoth_, i. e. he created the
firmament, the earth, the heavens, the sea, and the deep. Or in forming
one entire diction out of the initial letters of many: thus, in
_Atah-Gibbor-Leholam-Adonai_, (Thou art strong for ever, O LORD,) they
put the initial letters of this sentence together, and form the word
_Agla_, which signifies either, I will reveal, or, a drop of dew, and is
the Cabbalistic name of GOD.
The third kind, called _Themura_, consists in changing and transposing
the letters of a word: thus of the word _Bereschith_ (the first of the
book of Genesis) they make _A-betisri_, the first of the month _Tisri_,
and infer from thence that the world was created on the first day of the
month Tisri, which answers very nearly to our September.
The Cabbala, according to the Jews, is a noble and sublime science,
conducting men by an easy method to the profoundest truths. Without it,
the Holy Scriptures could not be distinguished from profane books,
wherein we find some miraculous events, and as pure morality as that of
the law, if we did not penetrate into the truths locked up under the
external cover of the literal sense. As men were grossly deceived, when,
dwelling upon the sensible object, they mistook angels for men; so also
they fall into error or ignorance when they insist upon the surface of
letters or words, which change with custom, and ascend not up to the
ideas of GOD himself, which are infinitely more noble and spiritual.
Certain visionaries among the Jews believe that our blessed LORD wrought
his miracles by virtue of the mysteries of the Cabbala. Some learned men
are of opinion, that Pythagoras and Plato learned the Cabbalistic art of
the Jews in Egypt; others, on the contrary, say the philosophy of
Pythagoras and Plato furnished the Jews with the Cabbala. Most of the
heretics, in the primitive Christian Church, fell into the vain conceits
of the Cabbala; particularly the Gnostics, Valentinians, and
Basilidians.—_Broughton._
CABBALISTS. Those Jewish doctors who profess the study of the _Cabbala_.
In the opinion of these men, there is not a word, letter, or accent in
the law, without some mystery in it. The first Cabbalistical author that
we know of is Simon, the son of Joachai, who is said to have lived a
little before the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus. His book, entitled
Zohar, is extant; but it is agreed that many additions have been made to
it. The first part of this work is entitled _Zeniutha_, or _Mystery_;
the second _Idra Rabba_, or the _Great Synod_; the third, _Idra Latta_,
or the _Little Synod_, which is the author’s last adieu to his
disciples.—_Broughton._
CAINITES, or CANIANS. Christian heretics, a sect of the Gnostics of the
second century: they were called according to Cain’s name, who, they
say, was formed by a celestial and almighty power, and that Abel was
made by a weak one: they held that the way to be saved was to make trial
of all manner of things, and to satisfy their lusts with all wicked
actions: they fancied a great number of angels, to which they gave
barbarous names, attributing to each of them a particular sin; so that
when they were about any wicked action, they invoked the angel whom they
fancied to preside over it. They composed a book called St. Paul’s
Ascension to Heaven, which they filled with blasphemies and execrable
impieties, as if they were the secret words which that apostle heard in
his ecstasy: they had a particular veneration for Cain, Corah, Dathan,
and Abiram, the Sodomites, and especially for Judas, on whose Gospel
they relied, because his treachery occasioned the death of CHRIST; and
they made use of a Gospel that bore that false disciple’s name.
CALENDAR. The word calendar is derived from _calendæ_, the first day of
the Roman month. Our calendar in the Prayer Book consists of several
columns. The first shows the days of the month in their numerical order;
the second contains the letters of the alphabet affixed to the days of
the week; the third, as printed in the larger Common Prayer Books, (and
as it ought to be in all,) has the calends, nones, and ides, which was
the method of computation used by the old Romans and primitive
Christians, and is still useful to those who read ecclesiastical
history.
The last four columns contain the course of lessons for morning and
evening prayer for ordinary days throughout the year. The intermediate
column, namely, the fourth, contains, together with the holy days
observed by the Church of England, such Popish holy days as it was
thought best to retain. The reasons why the names of these saints’ days
and holy days were resumed into the calendar are various. Some of them
being retained upon account of our courts of justice, which usually made
their returns on these days, or else upon the days before or after them,
which were called in the writs, _Vigil._, _Fest._, or _Crast._, as in
_Vigil. Martin_, _Fest. Martin_, _Crast. Martin_, and the like. Others
are probably kept in the calendar for the sake of such tradesmen,
handicraftsmen, and others, as are wont to celebrate the memory of their
tutelar saints: as the “Welshmen do of St. David, the shoemakers of St.
Crispin, &c. And again, churches being in several places dedicated to
some or other of these saints, it has been the usual custom in such
places to have wakes or fairs kept upon those days; so that the people
would probably be displeased, if, either in this, or the former case,
their favourite saint’s name should be left out of the calendar.
Besides, the histories which were writ before the Reformation do
frequently speak of transactions happening upon such a holy day, or
about such a time, without mentioning the month, relating one thing to
be done at Lammas-tide, and another about Martinmas, &c.; so that were
these names quite left out of the calendar, we might be at a loss to
know when several of these transactions happened. For this and the
foregoing reasons our second reformers under Queen Elizabeth (though all
those days had been omitted in both books of King Edward VI., excepting
St. George’s day, Lammas day, St. Laurence, and St. Clement, which two
last were in his Second Book) thought convenient to restore the names of
them to the calendar, though not with any regard of being kept holy by
the Church. For this they thought prudent to forbid, as well upon the
account of the great inconveniency brought into the Church in the times
of Popery, by the observation of such a number of holy days, to the
great prejudice of labouring and trading men, as by reason that many of
those saints they then commemorated were oftentimes men of none of the
best characters. Besides, the history of these saints, and the accounts
they gave of the other holy days, were frequently found to be feigned
and fabulous. An effort to reform the calendar was made in the reign of
Queen Elizabeth, but was never carried into effect. By the acts 24 Geo.
ii. c. 23, and 25 Geo. ii. c. 30, the calendar was reformed, and the new
style introduced: in consequence of which the calendar (only so far as
its astronomical errors were concerned) has attained to that form in
which it is now prefixed to the Prayer Book. See _Stephens’s Book of
Common Prayer, with notes_, where both the ancient and modern calendar
are given at length.—_Wheatly._
CALL TO THE MINISTRY. There are two sorts of motions or calls to the
ministry. First, the outward; whereby those who have a right of
recommending a person to the execution of any ecclesiastical office, do
fix upon him as one in their judgment qualified for it; and the bishop,
approving their judgment, does admit him into such office in due manner,
as the laws of GOD and the rites of the Church do require. But the
inward call is something preceding this, and is required by our Church
as a qualification for the latter. Now it has been some matter of doubt
what is meant here by being “inwardly moved by the HOLY GHOST.” But I
think no one can judge, that the compilers of this office did ever
entertain such enthusiastical notions, as to imagine that no persons
were to be admitted into any degree of the ecclesiastical orders,
without having a special revelation from the HOLY SPIRIT, that GOD had
particularly commissioned them to take upon them that office, as St.
Paul says of himself, that he was “an apostle called of GOD.” (Rom. i.
1; 1 Cor. i. 1.) For such calls as these were miraculous and
extraordinary, and remained not much longer than the apostolical times.
It remains, therefore, that this motion or call must be something in a
more ordinary and common way.
Now we know that the Scripture teaches, that the common and ordinary
graces, and all good dispositions and resolutions, are attributed to the
HOLY SPIRIT of GOD. “Every good and perfect gift cometh from above.”
(Jam. i. 17.) “It is GOD that worketh in you, both to will and to do, of
his good pleasure.” (Phil. ii. 13.) The apostle calls the ordinary
graces of love, joy, peace, long-suffering, gentleness, goodness,
meekness, temperance, “the fruits of the SPIRIT.” (Gal. v. 22, 23.) Thus
the belief of the gospel is called “the spirit of faith.” (2 Cor. iv.
13.) And it is said expressly, that “no one saith that JESUS is the
LORD, but by the HOLY GHOST.” (1 Cor. xii. 3.) Now, I conceive, all that
is here meant by “inward motion of the HOLY GHOST,” is his ordinary
motion, by which Christians are stirred up to every good resolution
which they make, or good action which they do. And whereas a resolution
to take upon one the office of the ministry, without any bad design
mixing with it, is a good resolution, so he that takes it up may be
properly said to be moved by the HOLY GHOST to do it. For it must be
undoubtedly owned, that such a resolution is a good and pious one, since
the apostle says plainly, laying it down as an undoubted truth, “This is
a true saying, if a man desireth the office of a bishop, he desireth a
good work.” (1 Tim. iii. 1.) And, to be sure, in those times it seldom
happened, that this or any other ecclesiastical office was desired, but
only from a pure view of doing good. For these were exposed the foremost
to the rage of the persecutors, and men must be actuated by a noble zeal
for the gospel, to lay themselves under the necessity of being exposed
to the most grievous sufferings, or laying down their lives for the sake
of it. And in these times, likewise, men may, and frequently, I doubt
not, do, take upon them the ecclesiastical employs upon very good aims.
Therefore the meaning of this question is, whether, after an impartial
examination of their hearts, they find that they do not take this sacred
employ upon them, barely for a maintenance in the world, or that thereby
they may acquire those superior dignities and profits, which in these
peaceable ages of Christianity some of the clergy do partake of; but
only that they think they may be serviceable in GOD’S vineyard, and are
willing to contribute the best of their labours therein, “for the
promoting of GOD’S glory and the edifying of his people.” I do not think
the question intends, that all who are to be ordained should profess
that they would be desirous of this office, though there were no
temporal advantages attending it, and though it exposed men not only to
starving, but to apparent persecution and death; for then most, even the
best persons, as times go now, might justly scruple the answering to
such a question: but I take it to mean no more than that, since they are
to take upon them some employ or other for their own subsistence and the
benefit of the community, they choose to take upon them the office of
the ministry, wherein they think they can act more for GOD’S glory and
the benefit of their Christian brethren, than by exercising any temporal
calling; and that they verily believe, that it was not without the
assistance of GOD’S good Spirit that they formed this judgment and
resolution.—_Dr. Nicholls._
The candidate for deacon’s orders has the question of the inward call
put to him thus: Do you trust that you are inwardly moved by the HOLY
GHOST, to take upon you this office and ministration to serve GOD, in
promoting his glory, and the edifying of his people?
This is a great question indeed, and that which no man can give a true
and positive answer to, without having searched narrowly into his own
heart, and seriously considered the bent and inclinations of his soul.
But it is a question very necessary to be propounded, for the HOLY GHOST
now supplies the place and room of our blessed SAVIOUR in his Church
militant here on earth. And therefore, as it was by him that the several
offices themselves were at first constituted, so it is by him that men
are called to the execution of them; and it is by him alone that all
ecclesiastical ministrations, performed by such officers, are made
effectual to the purposes for which they are appointed; and therefore
the Church is bound to take care that none be admitted into her ministry
but such as she believes and hopes to be called to it by the HOLY GHOST.
But she can have no ground to believe this, but only from the persons
themselves, none but themselves being acquainted with the motions of
GOD’S Spirit upon their own hearts. And therefore the bishop requires
them to deal plainly and faithfully with him and the Church, and to tell
him whether they really trust that they are moved by the HOLY GHOST to
take this office upon them? To which every one is bound to answer, “I
trust so:” not that he knows it, or is certain of it, for it is possible
that his heart may deceive him in it, but that he trusts or hopes it is
so.
But what ground can any one have to trust that he is moved by the HOLY
GHOST to take the ministry upon him? To that I answer in short, that if
a man finds that, upon due examination, the bishop of the diocese, where
he is to serve, is satisfied of his abilities and qualifications for the
ministry; and that his great end and design in undertaking it is to
serve GOD, for the promoting of his glory and the edifying of his
people; he hath good grounds to trust, that he is moved to it by the
HOLY GHOST, it being only by him that any man can be duly qualified for
it, and moved to take it upon him, out of so good and pious a design as
that is. But if either of these things be wanting; as, if a man be not
fitted for the office, he may conclude he is not called to it by the
HOLY GHOST, for he neither calls nor useth any but fit instruments in
what he doth; or, if a man be moved to it out of a design, not to do
good, but to get applause or preferment in the world, he may thence
infer that he is not moved to it by the Spirit of GOD, but by the spirit
of pride and covetousness, and then can have no ground to expect that
the HOLY GHOST should ever bless and assist him in the execution of his
office. According to these rules, therefore, they who are to be ordained
may discern whether they can truly give the answer required to this
great question that will be propounded to them. As for their
qualifications for it, the bishop hath already approved of them; but as
to their main end and design in undertaking the ministry, that must be
left to GOD and their own consciences, who alone know it, and so can
best judge whether they can truly say that they “trust they are moved to
it by the HOLY GHOST.”—_Bp. Beveridge._
The following is Calvin’s definition of the inward call in his book of
Institutes, which being published about ten years before the Ordinal of
Edward the Sixth, might probably be a guide to our Reformers in framing
this question: “That it is the good testimony of our own heart, that we
have taken this office, neither for ambition, covetousness, nor any evil
design, but out of a true fear of GOD, and a desire to edify the
Church.” Now this we may know by duly considering, whether it were the
external honours and revenues that are annexed to this profession, or
any other worldly end, that first or chiefly did incline us to the
ministry. If so, we were moved by carnal objects, and led on by our own
corrupt will and affections. But if our principal motives were
spiritual, that is, a zeal for GOD’S glory, and a desire to promote the
salvation of souls, then we were “moved by the SPIRIT, and inwardly
called by GOD.” I grant we cannot but know there are honours and rewards
piously and justly annexed to this holy function; and, as men, we cannot
but hope for a competency of them; yea, this may be a subordinate
motive. But I may say of the priesthood, as CHRIST of the kingdom of
heaven, it must be sought in the first place for itself, and the other
only as additional consequences thereof. (Matt. vi. 33.) We must love
the duties of this calling; reading, study, praying, preaching, &c.,
more than the rewards. Yea, if persecution should ever strip the Church
of these provisions, as it hath often done, we must not cast off our
holy ministrations. (1 Cor. ix. 16.)
This inward call thus explained is the first and one of the principal
qualifications for him that is to be employed about heavenly things. And
therefore it is inserted, not only into ours, but other reformed offices
for ordination; where it is inquired, “if they believe that GOD by the
Church calls them to this ministry, and if they did not seek for worldly
riches or glory,” as in the liturgy of the Belgic Church. Our candidates
know this question will be asked: wherefore let them examine their
hearts strictly, and answer it in the sincerity of their souls; not
doubting but that good SPIRIT, who excited them to this work, will
assist and bless all their performances.—_Dean Comber._
We may here observe, that the first question put to those who are to be
ordained priests, concerning their being moved by the HOLY GHOST to take
that office upon them, is now omitted. For, these having been ordained
deacons before, it is supposed that they were then moved by the SPIRIT
OF CHRIST to take the ministry of his gospel upon them, and there is no
need of any further call from him. For being once called by him, though
it was but to the lowest office of his own institution, the Church takes
it for granted that it is his pleasure they should be promoted to any
higher office, if there be sufficient reason and occasion for it.—_Bp.
Beveridge._
CALOYERS. A general name given to the monks of the Greek Church. It is
taken from the Greek καλεγόροι, which signifies “good old men.”—_Hist.
des Ord. Relig._ P. i. cap. 19. These religious consider St. Basil as
their father and founder, and look upon it as a crime to follow any
other rule than his. There are three degrees among them; the novices,
who are called Archari; the ordinary professed, called Microchemi; and
the more perfect, called Megalochemi. They are likewise divided into
Cœnobites, Anchorets, and Recluse.
The Cœnobites are employed in reciting their office from midnight to
sunset; and as it is impossible, in so long an exercise, they should not
be overtaken with sleep, there is one monk appointed to wake them; and
they are obliged to make three genuflexions at the door of the choir,
and, returning, to bow to the right and left to their brethren. The
Anchorets retire from the conversation of the world, and live in
hermitages in the neighbourhood of the monasteries. They cultivate a
little spot of ground, and never go out but on Sundays and holidays, to
perform their devotions at the next monastery; the rest of the week they
employ in prayer and working with their hands. As for the Recluse, they
shut themselves up in grottos and caverns on the tops of mountains,
which they never go out of, abandoning themselves entirely to
Providence. They live on the alms sent them by the neighbouring
monasteries.
In the monasteries, the religious rise at midnight, and repeat a
particular office, called from thence Mesonycticon; which takes up the
space of two hours: after which, they retire to their cells till five
o’clock in the morning, when they return to the church to say matins. At
nine o’clock they repeat the Terce, Sexte, and Mass; after which they
repair to the refectory, where is a lecture read till dinner. Before
they leave the refectory, the cook comes to the door, and, kneeling
down, demands their blessing. At four o’clock in the afternoon, they say
vespers; and at six go to supper. After supper, they say an office, from
thence called Apodipho; and at eight, each monk retires to his chamber
and bed till midnight. Every day, after matins, they confess their
faults on their knees to their superior.
They have four Lents. The first and greatest is that of the Resurrection
of our Lord. They call it the _Grand Quarantain_, and it lasts eight
weeks. During this Lent, the religious drink no wine, and their
abstinence is so great, that if they are obliged, in speaking, to name
milk, butter, or cheese, they always add this parenthesis, _Timitis
agias saracostis_, i. e. “Saving the respect due to holy Lent.” The
second Lent is that of the holy Apostles, which begins eight days after
Whit-Sunday: its duration is not fixed, it continuing sometimes three
weeks, and at other times longer. During this Lent, they are allowed to
drink wine. The third Lent is that of the Assumption of our Lady: it
lasts fourteen days; during which they abstain from fish, excepting on
Sundays, and the day of the Transfiguration of our Lord. The fourth Lent
is that of Advent, which they observe after the same manner as that of
the Apostles.
The Caloyers, besides the usual habit of the monastic life, wear over
their shoulders a square piece of stuff, on which are represented the
cross, and the other marks of the passion of our Saviour, with these
letters, JC. XC. VC., i. e. _Jesus Christus Vincit_.
All the monks are obliged to labour for the benefit of their monastery,
as long as they continue in it. Some have the care of the fruits, others
of the grain, and others of the cattle. The necessity the Caloyers are
under of cultivating their own lands, obliges them to admit a great
number of lay-brothers, who are employed the whole day in working.
Over all these Caloyers there are visitors or exarchs, who visit the
convents under their inspection, only to draw from them the sums which
the patriarch demands of them. Yet, notwithstanding the taxes these
religious are obliged to pay, both to their patriarch and to the Turks,
their convents are very rich.
The most considerable monastery of the Greek Caloyers in Asia, is that
of Mount Sinai, which was founded by the emperor Justinian, and endowed
with sixty thousand crowns revenue. The abbot of this monastery, who is
also an archbishop, has under him two hundred religious. This convent is
a large square building, surrounded with walls fifty feet high, and with
but one gate, which is blocked up to prevent the entrance of the Arabs.
On the eastern side there is a window, through which those within draw
up the pilgrims in a basket, which they let down by a pulley. Not many
miles beyond this, they have another, dedicated to St. Catharine. It is
situated in the place where Moses made the bitter waters sweet. It has a
garden, with a plantation of more than ten thousand palm-trees, from
whence the monks draw a considerable revenue. There is another in
Palestine, four or five leagues from Jerusalem, situated in the most
barren place imaginable. The gate of the convent is covered with the
skins of crocodiles, to prevent the Arabs setting fire to it, or
breaking it to pieces with stones. It has a large tower, in which there
is always a monk, who gives notice by a bell of the approach of the
Arabs, or any wild beasts.
The Caloyers, or Greek monks, have a great number of monasteries in
Europe; among which that of Penteli, a mountain of Attica, near Athens,
is remarkable for its beautiful situation, and a very good library. That
of Calimachus, a principal town of the island of Chios, is remarkable
for the occasion of its foundation. It is called _Niamogni_, i. e. “The
sole Virgin,” its church having been built in memory of an image of the
holy Virgin, miraculously found on a tree, being the only one left of
several which had been consumed by fire. Constantin Monomachus, emperor
of Constantinople, being informed of this miracle, made a vow to build a
church in that place, if he recovered his throne, from which he had been
driven; this vow he executed in the year 1050. The convent is large, and
built in the manner of a castle. It consists of about two hundred
religious, and its revenues amount to sixty thousand piasters, of which
they pay five hundred yearly to the Grand Seignor.
There is in Amourgo, one of the islands of the Archipelago called
Sporades, a monastery of Greek Caloyers, dedicated to our Lady: it is a
large and deep cavern, on the top of a very high hill, and is entered by
a ladder of fifteen or twenty steps. The church, refectory, and cells of
the religious, who inhabit this grotto, are dug out of the sides of the
rock with admirable artifice.
But the most celebrated monasteries of Greek Caloyers are those of Mount
Athos in Macedonia. They are twenty-three in number; and the religious
live in them so regularly, that the Turks themselves have a great esteem
for them, and often recommend themselves to their prayers. Everything in
them is magnificent; and, notwithstanding they have been under the Turk
for so long a time, they have lost nothing of their grandeur. The
principal of these monasteries are _De la Panagia_ and _Anna Laura_. The
religious, who aspire to the highest dignities, come from all parts of
the East to perform here their noviciate, and, after a stay of some
years, are received, upon their return into their own country, as
apostles.
The Caloyers of Mount Athos have a great aversion to the pope, and
relate that a Roman pontiff, having visited their monasteries, had
plundered and burned some of them, because they would not adore him.
There are female Caloyers, or Greek nuns, who likewise follow the rule
of St. Basil. Their nunneries are always dependent on some monastery.
The Turks buy sashes of their working, and they open their gates freely
to the Turks on this occasion. Those of Constantinople are widows, some
of whom have had several husbands. They make no vow, nor confine
themselves within their convents. The priests are forbidden, under
severe penalties, to visit these religious.—_Broughton._
CALVINISTS. Those who interpret Scripture in accordance with the views
of John Calvin, who was born at Noyon, A. D. 1509, and afterwards
settled at Geneva, and who established a system both of doctrine and of
discipline peculiarly his own.
The essential doctrines of Calvinism have been reduced to these five:
particular election, particular redemption, moral inability in a fallen
state, irresistible grace, and the final perseverance of the saints.
These are termed, by theologians, the five points; and ever since the
synod of Dort, (see _Dort_,) when they were the subjects of discussion
between the Calvinists and Arminians, and whose decrees are the standard
of modern Calvinism, frequent have been the controversies agitated
respecting them. Even the Calvinists themselves differ in the
explication of them: it cannot therefore be expected that a very
specific account of them should be given here. Generally speaking,
however, they comprehend the following propositions:—
1st, That GOD has chosen a certain number in CHRIST to everlasting
glory, before the foundation of the world, according to his immutable
purpose, and of his free grace and love, without the least foresight of
faith, good works, or any conditions performed by the creature; and that
the rest of mankind he was pleased to pass by, and ordain them to
dishonour and wrath for their sins, to the praise of his vindictive
justice.
2ndly, That JESUS CHRIST, by his sufferings and death, made an atonement
only for the sins of the elect.
3dly, That mankind are totally depraved in consequence of the fall; and,
by virtue of Adam’s being their public head, the guilt of his sin was
imputed, and a corrupt nature conveyed to all his posterity, from which
proceeds all actual transgression; and that by sin we are made subject
to death, and all miseries, temporal, spiritual, and eternal.
4thly, That all whom GOD has predestinated to life, he is pleased, in
his appointed time, effectually to call, by his word and Spirit, out of
that state of sin and death, in which they are by nature, to grace and
salvation by JESUS CHRIST.
And 5thly, That those whom GOD has effectually called and sanctified by
his Spirit, shall never finally fall from a state of grace.
CAMALDOLI. A religious order of Christians founded by St. Romuald, about
the end of the tenth century: this man gave his monks the rule of St.
Bennet’s order, with some particular constitutions, and a white habit,
after a vision he had of several persons clothed so, who were going up
on a ladder to heaven. He was of a noble family of Ravenna, and having
found on the Apennine hills near Arezzo a frightful solitary place,
called Campo Maldoli, he began to build a monastery there, about the
year 1009, and this monastery gave its name to all the order. The
congregation of hermits of St. Romuald, or of Mount Couronne, is a
branch of the Camaldoli, to which it was joined in 1532. Paul Justinian,
of Venice, began its establishment in 1520, and founded the chief
monastery in the Apennine, in a place called the Mount of the Crown, ten
miles from Perugia, and dedicated to our SAVIOUR in 1555.—_Hist. des
Ord. Relig._
CAMERONIANS. A party of Presbyterians in Scotland, so called from
Archibald Cameron, a field preacher, who was the first who separated
from communion with the other Presbyterians, who were not of his opinion
concerning the ministers that had accepted of his indulgence from King
Charles II. He considered the acceptance of the indulgence to be a
countenancing of the supremacy in ecclesiastical affairs. The other
Presbyterians wished the controversy to drop, till it could be
determined by a general assembly; but the Cameronians, through a
transport of zeal, separated from them, and some who associated with
them ran into excess of frenzy; declaring that King Charles II. had
forfeited his right to the crown and society of the Church, by his
breaking the solemn league and covenant, which was the terms on which he
received the former; and by his vicious life, which, _de jure_, they
said, excluded him from the latter; they pretended both to dethrone and
excommunicate him, and for that purpose made an insurrection, but were
soon suppressed. Since the accession of King William III. to the crown,
they complied with and zealously served the government; and as regards
their former differences in Church matters, they were also laid aside,
the preachers of their party having submitted to the General Assembly of
the Scottish establishment in 1690, of which they still continue
members.
CAMISARDS. The popular name of the Protestants who rose in the Cevennes
against the oppression of Louis XIV. of France. There are various
etymologies of the word; the most probable is that which derives it from
_camisa_ or _chemise_, in allusion to the _blouse_ or _smock-frock_
which was generally worn.
CANCELLI. (See _Chancel_.)
CANDLES. (See _Lights on the Altar_.)
CANDLEMAS DAY. A name formerly given to the festival of the Purification
of the Virgin Mary, observed in our Church, February 2. In the mediæval
Church, this day was remarkable for the number of lighted candles which
were borne about in processions, and placed in churches, in memory of
him who, in the words of Simeon’s song at the Purification, came to be
“a light to lighten the Gentiles, and the glory of his people Israel.”
From this custom the name is supposed to be derived.
CANON. The laws of the Church are called _canons_, the word _canon_
being derived from a Greek word, which signifies a rule or measure.
Since the Church is a society of Christians, and since every society
must have authority to prescribe rules and laws for the government of
its own members, it must necessarily follow that the Church has this
power; for otherwise there would be great disorder amongst Christians.
This power was exercised in the Church before the Roman empire became
Christian, as appears by those ancient canons which were made before
that time, and which are mentioned in the writings of the primitive
fathers; by the apostolical canons, which, though not made by the
apostles themselves, are nevertheless of great antiquity; and by various
canons which were made in councils held in the second century, which
were not directory alone, but binding, and to be observed by the clergy,
under the penalty of deprivation; and by the laity, under pain of
excommunication. Under this title we will mention: 1. Foreign canons. 2.
Such as have been received here. 3. The power of making new canons.
(I.) As to the first, Constantine the Great, the first emperor who gave
Christians some respite from persecution, caused general councils and
national and provincial synods to be assembled in his dominions; where,
amongst other things, rules were made for the government of the Church,
which were called canons; the substance of which was at first collected
out of the Scriptures, or the ancient writings of the fathers. We will
not trouble the reader with a long history of _provincial
constitutions_, _synodals_, _glossaries_, _sentences of popes_,
_summaries_, and _rescripts_, from which the canon law has, by degrees,
been compiled, since the days of that emperor; it is sufficient to
state, that they were collected by Ivo, bishop of Chartres, about the
14th year of our King Henry I., in three volumes, which are commonly
called the _Decrees_. These decrees, corrected by Gratian, a Benedictine
monk, were published in England in the reign of King Stephen; and the
reason of the publication at that time might be to decide the quarrel
between Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury, and Henry, bishop of
Winchester, the king’s brother, who being made a legate, the archbishop
looked upon it as a diminution of his power, and an encroachment upon
that privilege which he had as _legatus natus_. (See _Legate_.) These
decrees were received by the clergy of the Western Church, but never by
those of the East, which is one reason why their priests continued to
marry, which the clergy of the West were, by these decrees, forbidden to
do.
The next, in order of time, were the _Decretals_ (see _Decretals_,)
which are canonical epistles written by popes alone, or assisted by some
cardinals, to determine any controversy; and of these there are likewise
three volumes. The first volume of these Decretals was compiled by
Raimundus Barcinus, who was chaplain to Gregory IX., and were published
by him about the 14th year of King Henry III., A. D. 1226. This was
appointed to be read in all schools, and was to be taken for law in all
ecclesiastical courts. About sixty years afterwards, Simon, a monk of
Walden, began to read these laws in the university of Cambridge, and the
next year in Oxford. The second volume was collected and arranged by
Boniface VIII., and published about the 27th year of our King Edward I.,
A. D. 1298. The third volume was collected by Clement V., and published
in the Council of Vienna, and likewise here, in the 2nd year of Edward
II., A. D. 1308, and from him were called _Clementines_.
These decretals were never received in England, or anywhere else, but
only in the pope’s dominions, which are therefore called by canonists
_Patriæ obedientiæ_, as particularly the canon concerning the
investiture of bishops by a lay hand. John Andreas, a celebrated
canonist in the fourteenth century, wrote a commentary on these
decretals, which he entitled _Novellæ_, from a very beautiful daughter
he had of that name, whom he bred a scholar: the father being a
professor of law at Bologna, had instructed his daughter so well in it,
that she assisted him in reading lectures to his scholars, and,
therefore, to perpetuate her memory, he gave that book the title of
_Novellæ_.
About the tenth year of King Edward II., John XXII. published his
_Extravagants_. But as to the Church of England, even at that time, when
the papal authority was at the highest, none of these foreign canons, or
any new canons, made at any national or provincial synod here, had any
manner of force if they were against the prerogative of the king, or the
laws of the land. It is true that every Christian nation in communion
with the pope sent some bishops, abbots, or priors, to those foreign
councils, and generally four were sent out of England; and it was by
those means, together with the allowance of the civil power, that some
canons made there were received here, but such as were against the laws
were totally rejected.
Nevertheless, some of these foreign canons were received in England, and
obtained the force of laws by the general approbation of the king and
people (though it may be difficult to know what these canons are); and
it was upon this pretence that the pope claimed an ecclesiastical
jurisdiction, independent of the king, and sent his legates to England
with commissions to determine causes according to those canons, which
were now compiled into several volumes, and called _Jus Canonicum_:
these were not only enjoined to be obeyed as laws, but publicly to be
read and expounded in all schools and universities as the civil law was
read and expounded there, under pain of excommunication to those who
neglected. Hence arose quarrels between kings and several archbishops
and other prelates, who adhered to those papal usurpations.
(II.) Besides these foreign canons, there were several laws and
constitutions made here for the government of the Church, all of which
are now in force, but which had not been so without the assent and
confirmation of the kings of England. Even from William I. to the time
of the Reformation, no canons or constitutions made in any synods were
suffered to be executed if they had not the royal assent. This was the
common usage and practice in England, even when the papal usurpation was
most exalted; for if at any time the ecclesiastical courts did, by their
sentences, endeavour to force obedience to such canons, the courts at
common law, upon complaint made, would grant prohibitions. So that the
statute of submission, which was afterwards made in the 25th year of
Henry VIII., seems to be declarative of the common law, that the clergy
could not _de jure_, and by their own authority, without the king’s
assent, enact or execute any canons. These canons were all collected and
explained by Lyndwood, dean of the Arches, in the reign of Henry VI.,
and by him reduced under this method.
1. The canons of Stephen Langton, archbishop of Canterbury, made at a
council held at Oxford, in the 6th year of Henry III.
2. The canons of Otho, the pope’s legate, who held a council in St.
Paul’s church, in the 25th year of Henry III., which from him were
called the Constitutions of Otho; upon which John de Athon, one of the
canons of Lincoln, wrote a comment.
3. The canons of Boniface, of Savoy, archbishop of Canterbury, in the
45th of Henry III., which were all usurpations upon the common law, as
concerning the boundaries of parishes, the right of patronage, and
against trials of the right of tithes in the king’s courts against writs
of prohibition, &c. Although he threatened the judges with
excommunication (some of the judges being at that time clergymen) if
they disobeyed the canons, yet they proceeded in these matters according
to the laws of the realm, and kept the ecclesiastical courts within
their proper jurisdiction. This occasioned a variance between the
spiritual and temporal lords; and upon this the clergy, in the 31st of
Henry III., exhibited several articles of their grievances to the
parliament, which they called _Articuli Cleri_: the articles themselves
are lost, but some of the answers to them are extant, by which it
appears that none of these canons made by Boniface was confirmed.
4. The canons of Cardinal Ottobon, the pope’s legate, who held a synod
at St. Paul’s, in the 53rd of Henry III., in which he confirmed those
canons made by his predecessor Otho, and published some new ones; and by
his legantine authority commanded that they should be obeyed: upon these
canons, likewise, John de Athon wrote another comment.
5. The canons of Archbishop Peckham, made at a synod held at Reading, in
the year 1279, the 7th of Edward I.
6. The canons of the same archbishop, made at a synod held at Lambeth,
two years afterwards.
7. The canons of Archbishop Winchelsea, made in the 34th of Edward I.
8. The canons of Archbishop Reynolds, at a synod held at Oxford, in the
year 1322, the 16th of Edward II.
9. The canons of Symon Mepham, archbishop of Canterbury, made in the
year 1328, the 3rd of Edward III.
10. Of Archbishop Stratford.
11. Of Archbishop Simon Islip, made 1362, the 37th of Edward III.
12. Of Symon Sudbury, archbishop of Canterbury, made in the year 1378,
the 2nd of Richard II.
13. Of Archbishop Arundel, made at a synod at Oxford, in the year 1403,
the 10th of Henry IV.
14. Of Archbishop Chichely, in the year 1415, the 3rd of Henry V.
15. Of Edmond and Richard, archbishops of Canterbury, who immediately
succeeded Stephen Langton.
It was intended to reform these canons soon after the Reformation; and
Archbishop Cranmer and some other commissioners were appointed for that
purpose by Henry VIII. and Edward VI. The work was finished, but the
king dying before it was confirmed, it remains unconfirmed to this day.
The book is called “_Reformatio Legum Ecclesiasticarum ex Authoritate
Regis_ Henry VIII. _inchoata et per_ Edward VI. _prorecta_:” it was put
into elegant Latin by Dr. Haddon, who was then university orator of
Cambridge, assisted by Sir John Cheke, who was tutor to Edward VI. The
above canons made by our Church before the Reformation, are, of course,
binding on our Church now, and are acted upon in the ecclesiastical
courts, except where they are superseded by subsequent canons, or by the
provisions of an act of parliament.
(III.) The next thing to be considered is, the authority of making
canons at this day; and this is grounded upon the statute 25 Henry
VIII., commonly called the act of submission of the clergy, by which
they acknowledge that the convocation had been always assembled by the
king’s writ; and they promised _in verbo sacerdotis_, not to attempt,
claim, or put in use, or enact, promulge, or execute, any new canons in
convocation, without the king’s assent or licence. Then follows this
enacting clause, viz. That they shall not attempt, allege, or claim, or
put in use, any constitutions or canons without the king’s assent; and
so far this act is declarative of what the law was before. The clause
before mentioned extends to such canons as were then made both beyond
sea and in England, viz. to foreign canons, that they should not be
executed here until received by the king and people as the laws of the
land, and to canons made here which were contrary to the prerogative, or
to the laws and customs of the realm. This appears by the proviso, that
no canons shall be made or put in execution within this realm, which
shall be contrary to the prerogative or laws. But the next are negative
words, which relate wholly to making new canons, viz. “nor make,
promulge, or execute any such canons without the king’s assent.” These
words limit the clergy in point of jurisdiction, viz. that they shall
not make any new canons but in convocation: and they cannot meet there
without the king’s writ; and when they are met and make new canons, they
cannot put them in execution without a confirmation under the great
seal. Some years after this statute, the clergy proceeded to act in
convocation, without any commission from Henry VIII. But the canons
which they made were confirmed by that king and some of his successors,
as particularly the injunctions published in the 28th year of Henry
VIII., for the abolishing superstitious holy days; those for preaching
against the use of images, relics, and pilgrimages; those for repeating
the Creed, the LORD’S Prayer, and Ten Commandments in the English
tongue. Henry VIII. sometimes acted by the advice of his bishops, out of
convocation, as about the injunctions published in the 30th year of
Henry VIII., for admitting none to preach but such as were licensed;
those for keeping a register of births, weddings, and burials; and for
the abolishing the anniversary of Thomas à Becket. The like may be said
of those injunctions published in the 2nd year of Edward VI.,
prohibiting the carrying of candles on Candlemas day, and ashes in Lent,
and palms on Palm Sunday. Queen Elizabeth, in the second year of her
reign, published several injunctions by the advice of her bishops. And
two years afterwards she published a book of orders without the
confirmation of her parliament. When she was settled in her government,
all Church affairs were debated in convocation. Several canons were made
in her reign, and confirmed by her letters patent: but as she did not
bind her heirs and successors to the observance of them, those canons
expired with her reign. In all these reigns the old canons were still in
force, but in the first year of King James, 1603, the clergy being
lawfully assembled in convocation, the king gave them leave, by his
letters patent, to treat, consult, and agree on canons: these they
presented to him, and he gave them his royal assent; and by other
letters patent, for himself, his heirs and successors, ratified and
confirmed the same. These canons thus established were not then
invented, but were collected out of ordinances which lay dispersed in
several injunctions published in former reigns, and out of canons and
other religious customs which were made and used in those days; and
being thus confirmed, are the laws of the land, and by the same
authority as any other part of the law; for being authorized by the
king’s commission, according to the form of the statute 25 Henry VIII.,
they are warranted by act of parliament; and such canons made and
confirmed, shall bind in ecclesiastical matters as much as any statute.
An act of parliament may forbid the execution of any canon; but it has
been usual to respect all those which enjoin some moral duty; yet a
canon not confirmed by an act of parliament cannot alter any other law.
It is agreed that canons made in convocation, and confirmed by letters
patent, bind in all ecclesiastical affairs; that no canons in England
are absolutely confirmed by parliament, yet they are part of the laws of
the land, for the government of the Church, and in such case bind the
laity as well as the clergy; that though such canons cannot alter the
common law, statutes, or royal prerogative, yet they may alter other
canons, otherwise the convocation could not make new canons. All that is
required in making such canons is, that the clergy confine themselves to
Church affairs, and do not meddle with things which are settled by the
common law. But though no canons are absolutely confirmed by act of
parliament, yet those which are neither contrary to the laws of the
land, nor to the queen’s prerogative, and which are confirmed by her,
are made good, and allowed to be so, by the statute 25 Henry VIII. And
as to those canons which tend to promote the honour of GOD and service
of religion, they must necessarily bind our consciences. Such are those
which enjoin the sober conversation of ministers, prohibiting their
frequenting taverns, playing at dice, cards, or tables; this was
anciently prohibited by the Apostolical Canons, and in the old articles
of Visitation here, and in several diocesan synods. Such are those
canons, also, which relate to the duties of ministers in praying,
preaching, administering sacraments, and visiting the sick.
It may be as well, for the convenience of students, to insert here, from
Bishop Halifax’s Analysis of the Civil Law, a few explanations of the
method of quoting the Jus Canonicum. The _Decretum_ of Gratian (which
must not be confounded with the Decretals) is divided into, 1.
_Distinctions._ 2. _Causes._ 3. _Treatise concerning consecration._ The
_Decretals_ are divided into, 1. Gregory IX. _Decretals in 5 books._ 2.
The _sixth Decretal._ (Boniface, 1298.) 3. The _Clementine
Constitutions_ (of Pope Clement V.). Now in the _Decretum_, 1st part, e.
g. “1 dist. c. 3,” Lex, [or i. d. Lex,] is the _first distinction_, 3rd
Canon, beginning with the word _Lex_. In the _Decretum_, 2nd part, e. g.
“3 qu. 9, c. 2,” means the third cause, ninth question, 2nd Canon. The
3rd part of the Decretum is quoted as the first, with the addition of
the words _de consecratione_.
In the Decretals (the first division) is given the name of _title_,
number of _chapter_, with the addition of _extra_, or a capital X. E. g.
“c. 3, extra de usuris,” means the 3rd chapter of Gregory’s Decretals,
inscribed “de usuris,” i.e. the 19th of the 5th book. “c. cum contingat
36 X. de off. et Pot. Jud. del.,” means the 36th chapter beginning with
“cum contingat,” of the Title in Gregory’s decrees, inscribed “de
officio.” The sixth Decretal, and the Clementine Constitutions, are
quoted the same way, except that instead of _extra_, or X., is subjoined
_in sexto_, or _in 6_; and in Clementini, or in Clem. The Extravagants
of John XXII. are contained in one book, xiv. titles. The following are
the
CANONS OF 1603.
CONSTITUTIONS and CANONS Ecclesiastical, treated upon by the Bishop of
London, President of the Convocation for the Province of Canterbury, and
the rest of the Bishops and Clergy of the said Province; and agreed upon
with the King’s Majesty’s Licence, in their Synod begun at London, Anno
Domini 1603, and in the year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord JAMES,
by the Grace of God, King of England, France, and Ireland, the First,
and of Scotland the Thirty-seventh: and now published for the due
observation of them, by his Majesty’s Authority under the Great Seal of
England.
JAMES, by the grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France, and
Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c., to all to whom these presents shall
come, greeting: Whereas our Bishops, Deans of our Cathedral Churches,
Archdeacons, Chapters, and Colleges, and the other Clergy of every
Diocese within the Province of Canterbury, being summoned and called by
virtue of our Writ directed to the Most Reverend Father in God, John,
late Archbishop of Canterbury, and bearing date the one and thirtieth
day of January, in the first year of our reign of England, France, and
Ireland, and of Scotland the thirty-seventh, to have appeared before him
in our Cathedral Church of St. Paul in London, the twentieth day of
March then next ensuing, or elsewhere, as he should have thought it most
convenient, to treat, consent, and conclude upon certain difficult and
urgent affairs mentioned in the said Writ; did thereupon, at the time
appointed, and within the Cathedral Church of St. Paul aforesaid,
assemble themselves, and appear in Convocation for that purpose,
according to our said Writ, before the Right Reverend Father in God,
Richard Bishop of London, duly (upon a second Writ of ours, dated the
ninth day of March aforesaid) authorized, appointed, and constituted, by
reason of the said Archbishop of Canterbury his death, President of the
said Convocation, to execute those things, which, by virtue of our first
Writ, did appertain to him the said Archbishop to have executed if he
had lived.
We, for divers urgent and weighty causes and considerations as thereunto
especially moving, of our especial grace, certain knowledge, and mere
motion, did, by virtue of our Prerogative Royal, and Supreme Authority
in causes Ecclesiastical, give and grant by our several Letters Patent
under our Great Seal of England, the one dated the twelfth day of April
last past, and the other the twenty-fifth day of June then next
following, full, free, and lawful liberty, licence, power, and authority
unto the said Bishop of London, President of the said Convocation, and
to the other Bishops, Deans, Archdeacons, Chapters, and Colleges, and
the rest of the Clergy before mentioned, of the said Province, that they
from time to time, during our first Parliament now prorogued, might
confer, treat, debate, consider, consult, and agree of and upon such
Canons, Orders, Ordinances, and Constitutions, as they should think
necessary, fit, and convenient, for the honour and service of Almighty
God, the good and quiet of the Church, and the better government
thereof, to be from time to time observed, performed, fulfilled, and
kept as well by the Archbishops of Canterbury, the Bishops, and their
Successors, and the rest of the whole Clergy of the said Province of
Canterbury in their several callings, offices, functions, ministries,
degrees, and administrations; as also by all and every Dean of the
Arches, and other Judge of the said Archbishop’s Courts, Guardians of
Spiritualities, Chancellors, Deans, and Chapters, Archdeacons,
Commissaries, Officials, Registrars, and all and every other
Ecclesiastical Officers, and their inferior Ministers, whatsoever, of
the same Province of Canterbury, in their and every other of their
distinct Courts, and in the order and manner of their and every of their
proceedings: and by all other persons within this realm, as far as
lawfully, being members of the Church, it may concern them, as in our
said Letters Patent amongst other clauses more at large doth appear.
Forasmuch as the Bishop of London, President of the said Convocation,
and others, the said Bishops, Deans, Archdeacons, Chapters, and
Colleges, with the rest of the Clergy, having met together at the time
and place before mentioned, and then and there, by virtue of our said
authority granted unto them, treated of, concluded, and agreed upon
certain Canons, Orders, Ordinances, and Constitutions, to the end and
purpose by us limited and prescribed unto them; and have thereupon
offered and presented the same unto us, most humbly desiring us to give
our royal assent unto their said Canons, Orders, Ordinances, and
Constitutions, according to the form of a certain Statute or Act of
Parliament, made in that behalf in the twenty-fifth year of the reign of
King Henry the Eighth, and by our said Prerogative Royal and Supreme
Authority, in Causes Ecclesiastical, to ratify by our Letters Patent
under our Great Seal of England, and to confirm the same, the title and
tenor of them being word for word as ensueth:
_The Table of the Constitutions and Canons Ecclesiastical._
_Of the Church of England._
1. The King’s Supremacy over the Church of England, in Causes
Ecclesiastical, to be maintained.
2. Impugners of the King’s Supremacy censured.
3. The Church of England a true and apostolical Church.
4. Impugners of the public Worship of God, established in the Church
of England, censured.
5. Impugners of the Articles of Religion, established in the Church
of England, censured.
6. Impugners of the Rites and Ceremonies, established in the Church
of England, censured.
7. Impugners of the Government of the Church of England, by
Archbishops, Bishops, &c., censured.
8. Impugners of the Form of consecrating and ordering Archbishops,
Bishops, &c. in the Church of England, censured.
9. Authors of Schism in the Church of England censured.
10. Maintainers of Schismatics in the Church of England censured.
11. Maintainers of Conventicles censured.
12. Maintainers of Constitutions made in Conventicles censured.
_Of Divine Service, and Administration of the Sacraments._
13. Due Celebration of Sundays and Holy-days.
14. The prescript Form of Divine Service to be used on Sundays and
Holy-days.
15. The Litany to be read on Wednesdays and Fridays.
16. Colleges to use the prescript Form of Divine Service.
17. Students in Colleges to wear Surplices in time of Divine Service.
18. A reverence and attention to be used within the Church in time of
Divine Service.
19. Loiterers not to be suffered near the Church in time of Divine
Service.
20. Bread and Wine to be provided against every Communion.
21. The Communion to be thrice a Year received.
22. Warning to be given beforehand for the Communion.
23. Students in Colleges to receive the Communion four times a Year.
24. Copes to be worn in Cathedral Churches by those that administer
the Communion.
25. Surplices and Hoods to be worn in Cathedral Churches, when there
is no Communion.
26. Notorious Offenders not to be admitted to the Communion.
27. Schismatics not to be admitted to the Communion.
28. Strangers not to be admitted to the Communion.
29. Fathers not to be Godfathers in Baptism, and Children not
Communicants.
30. The lawful use of the Cross in Baptism explained.
_Ministers, their Ordination, Function, and Charge._
31. Four solemn times appointed for the making of Ministers.
32. None to be made Deacon and Minister both in one day.
33. The Titles of such as are to be made Ministers.
34. The Quality of such as are to be made Ministers.
35. The Examination of such as are to be made Ministers.
36. Subscription required of such as are to be made Ministers. The
Articles of Subscription. The Form of Subscription.
37. Subscription before the Diocesan.
38. Revolters after Subscription censured.
39. Cautions for Institution of Ministers into Benefices.
40. An Oath against Simony at Institution into Benefices.
41. Licences for Plurality of Benefices limited, and Residence
enjoined.
42. Residence of Deans in their Churches.
43. Deans and Prebendaries to preach during their Residence.
44. Prebendaries to be resident upon their Benefices.
45. Beneficed Preachers, being resident upon their Livings, to preach
every Sunday.
46. Beneficed Men, not Preachers, to procure monthly Sermons.
47. Absence of Beneficed Men to be supplied by Curates that are
allowed Preachers.
48. None to be Curates but allowed by the Bishop.
49. Ministers, not allowed Preachers, may not expound.
50. Strangers not admitted to preach without showing their Licence.
51. Strangers not admitted to preach in Cathedral Churches without
sufficient Authority.
52. The Names of strange Preachers to be noted in a Book.
53. No public Opposition between Preachers.
54. The Licences of Preachers refusing Conformity to be void.
55. The Form of a Prayer to be used by all Preachers before their
Sermons.
56. Preachers and Lecturers to read Divine Service, and administer
the Sacraments twice a Year at the least.
57. The Sacraments not to be refused at the hands of unpreaching
Ministers.
58. Ministers reading Divine Service, and administering the
Sacraments, to wear Surplices, and Graduates therewithal Hoods.
59. Ministers to catechize every Sunday.
60. Confirmation to be performed once in three Years.
61. Ministers to prepare Children for Confirmation.
62. Ministers not to marry any Persons without Banns or Licence.
63. Ministers of exempt Churches not to marry without Banns or
Licence.
64. Ministers solemnly to bid Holy-days.
65. Ministers solemnly to denounce Recusants and Excommunicates.
66. Ministers to confer with Recusants.
67. Ministers to visit the Sick.
68. Ministers not to refuse to christen or bury.
69. Ministers not to defer Christening, if the Child be in danger.
70. Ministers to keep a Register of Christenings, Weddings, and
Burials.
71. Ministers not to preach, or administer the Communion, in private
Houses.
72. Ministers not to appoint public or private Fasts or Prophecies,
or to exorcise, but by Authority.
73. Ministers not to hold private Conventicles.
74. Decency in Apparel enjoined to Ministers.
75. Sober Conversation required in Ministers.
76. Ministers at no time to forsake their Calling.
_Schoolmasters._
77. None to teach School without Licence.
78. Curates desirous to teach, to be licensed before others.
79. The duty of Schoolmasters.
_Things appertaining to Churches._
80. The Great Bible, and Book of Common Prayer, to be had in every
Church.
81. A Font of Stone for Baptism in every Church.
82. A decent Communion-Table in every Church.
83. A Pulpit to be provided in every Church.
84. A Chest for Alms in every Church.
85. Churches to be kept in sufficient Reparations.
86. Churches to be surveyed, and the decays certified to the high
Commissioners.
87. A Terrier of Glebe-lands and other Possessions belonging to
Churches.
88. Churches not to be profaned.
_Churchwardens or Questmen, and Side-men or Assistants._
89. The choice of Churchwardens, and their Account.
90. The choice of Side-men, and their joint office with
Churchwardens.
_Parish-Clerks._
91. Parish-Clerks to be chosen by the Minister.
_Ecclesiastical Courts belonging to the Archbishop’s Jurisdiction._
92. None to be cited into divers Courts for Probate of the same Will.
93. The Rate of _Bona notabilia_ liable to the Prerogative Court.
94. None to be cited into the Appeals or Audience, but dwellers
within the Archbishop’s Diocese, or Peculiars.
95. The Restraint of double Quarrels.
96. Inhibitions not to be granted without the Subscription of an
Advocate.
97. Inhibitions not to be granted, until the Appeal be exhibited to
the Judge.
98. Inhibitions not to be granted to factious Appellants, unless they
first subscribe.
99. None to marry within the Degrees prohibited.
100. None to marry under Twenty-one Years, without their Parents’
consent.
101. By whom licences to marry without Banns shall be granted, and to
what sort of persons.
102. Security to be taken at the granting of such Licences, and under
what Conditions.
103. Oaths to be taken for the Conditions.
104. An Exception for those that are in Widowhood.
105. No sentence for Divorce to be given upon the sole confession of
the parties.
106. No Sentence for Divorce to be given but in open Court.
107. In all sentences for Divorce, Bond to be taken for not marrying
during each other’s life.
108. The Penalty for Judges offending in the Premises.
_Ecclesiastical Courts belonging to the Jurisdiction of Bishops and
Archdeacons, and the Proceedings in them._
109. Notorious Crimes and Scandals to be certified into Ecclesiastical
Courts by Presentment.
110. Schismatics to be presented.
111. Disturbers of Divine Service to be presented.
112. Non-Communicants at Easter to be presented.
113. Ministers may present.
114. Ministers shall present Recusants.
115. Ministers and Churchwardens not to be sued for presenting.
116. Churchwardens not bound to present oftener than twice a year.
117. Churchwardens not to be troubled for not presenting oftener than
twice a year.
118. The old Churchwardens to make their Presentments before the new
be sworn.
119. Convenient time to be assigned for framing Presentments.
120. None to be cited into Ecclesiastical Courts by process of _Quorum
Nomina_.
121. None to be cited into several Courts for one Crime.
122. No Sentence of Deprivation or Deposition to be pronounced against
a Minister, but by the Bishop.
123. No Act to be sped but in open Court.
124. No Court to have more than one Seal.
125. Convenient Places to be chosen for the keeping of open Courts.
126. Peculiar and inferior Courts to exhibit the original Copies of
Wills into the Bishop’s Registry.
_Judges Ecclesiastical, and their Surrogates._
127. The Quality and Oath of Judges.
128. The Quality of Surrogates.
_Proctors._
129. Proctors not to retain Causes without the lawful Assignment of
the Parties.
130. Proctors not to retain Causes without the Counsel of an Advocate.
131. Proctors not to conclude in any Cause without the Knowledge of an
Advocate.
132. Proctors prohibited the Oath, _In animam domini sui_.
133. Proctors not to be clamorous in Court.
_Registrars._
134. Abuses to be reformed in Registrars.
135. A certain Rate of Fees due to all Ecclesiastical Officers.
136. A Table of the Rates and Fees to be set up in Courts and
Registries.
137. The whole Fees for showing Letters of Orders, and other Licences,
due but once in every Bishop’s time.
_Apparitors._
138. The Number of Apparitors restrained.
_Authority of Synods._
139. A National Synod the Church Representative.
140. Synods conclude as well the absent as the present.
141. Depravers of the Synod censured.
CANONS OF 1640. On the 27th May, 1640, the archbishop of Canterbury
stated before the convocation that the Canons agreed upon in the sacred
synod had been read before the king and the privy-council, and
unanimously approved. The first Canon is concerning the regal power;
and,
I. Enacts that every parson, vicar, curate, or preacher, shall, under
pain of suspension, on four Sundays in each year, at morning prayer,
read certain explanations of the regal power, to the effect:—
(1.) That the sacred order of kings is of Divine right, that a supreme
power is given by God in Scripture to kings to rule all persons civil
and ecclesiastical.
(2.) That the care of God’s Church is committed to kings in the
Scripture.
(3.) That the power to call and dissolve national and provincial
councils within their own territories is the true right of princes.
(4.) That it is treason against God and the prince for any other to set
up any independent co-active power, either papal or popular, within the
prince’s territory.
(5.) That subjects who resist their natural prince by force resist God’s
ordinance, and shall receive damnation.
(6.) That as tribute is due from subjects to their prince, so those
subjects have not only possession of, but a true and just title to, all
their goods and estates; that as it is the duty of subjects to supply
their king, so is it his duty to defend them in their property.
Forbids, under pain of excommunication, all persons to preach or teach
anything contrary to the tenor of these explanations.
II. For the better keeping of the day of his Majesty’s most happy
inauguration.
Orders all persons to keep the morning of the said day in coming
diligently to church, and that due inquiry be made by bishops and others
as to how the day is observed, in order that offenders may be punished.
III. For suppressing the growth of Popery.
Orders all ecclesiastical persons, bishops, &c., having exempt or
peculiar jurisdiction, and all officials, and others having the cure of
souls, to confer privately with the parties, and by Church censures,
&c., to reduce those who are misled into Popish superstition to the
Church of England.
Such private conferences to be performed by the bishop himself, or by
some one or more persons of his appointment.
The said ecclesiastical persons to inform themselves of all persons,
above the age of twelve years, in every parish, who do not come to
church, or receive the holy eucharist, and who say or hear mass.
Ministers, churchwardens, &c., to present all such persons.
If neither private conferences nor Church censures will avail with such
offenders, their names shall be certified by the bishop of the diocese
unto the justices of assize.
Marriages, burials, and christenings of recusants, celebrated otherwise
than according to the form of the Church of England, to be declared by
churchwardens and others at visitations.
Diligent inquiry to be made as to who are employed as schoolmasters of
the children of recusants. Churchwardens to give upon oath the names of
those who send their children to be brought up abroad.
IV. Against Socinianism.
Forbids any one to print, sell, or buy any book containing Socinian
doctrines upon pain of excommunication, and orders all ordinaries to
signify the names of offenders to the metropolitan, in order to be by
him delivered to the king’s attorney-general, that proceedings may be
taken against them.
No preacher to vent such doctrine in a sermon, under pain of
excommunication, and for a second offence deprivation. No university
student or person in holy orders, except graduates in divinity, to have
any Socinian book in his possession: all books so found to be burned:
diligent inquiry to be made after offenders.
V. Against sectaries.
Declares that all the enactments of the canon against Popish recusants
shall, as far as they are applicable, stand in full force against all
Anabaptists, Brownists, Separatists, Familists, and other sects.
That the clauses in the canons against Socinianism, referring to
Socinian books, shall stand in full force against all books devised
against the discipline and government of the Church of England.
Orders all church and chapel wardens and questmen to present at
visitations the names of those disaffected persons who neglected the
prayers of the church, and came in for sermon only, thinking thereby to
avoid the penalties enacted against such as wholly absented themselves.
VI. An oath enjoined for the preventing of all innovations in doctrine
and government.
Declares that all archbishops, bishops, and all other priests and
deacons shall, to secure them against suspicion of Popery or other
superstition, take the oath which it prescribes.
Offenders, after three months’ delay granted them, if they continue
obstinate, to be deprived.
Orders that the following shall also be compelled to take the prescribed
oath, viz. all masters of arts, bachelors and doctors in divinity, law,
or physic, all licensed practitioners of physic, all registrars,
proctors, and schoolmasters, all graduates of foreign universities who
come to be incorporated into an English university, and all persons
about to be ordained or licensed to preach or serve any cure.
VII. A declaration concerning some rites and ceremonies.
Declares the standing of the communion table sideways under the east
window of every chancel or chapel, to be in its own nature indifferent,
and that therefore no religion is to be placed therein, or scruple to be
made thereof.
That although at the Reformation all Popish altars were demolished, yet
it was ordered by Queen Elizabeth’s injunction, that the holy tables
should stand where the altars stood, and that, accordingly, they have
been so continued in the royal chapels, most cathedrals, and some parish
churches, that all churches and chapels should conform to the example of
the cathedral mother churches in this particular, saving always the
general liberty left to the bishop by law during the time of
administration of the holy communion. Declares that this situation of
the holy table does not imply that it is or ought to be esteemed a true
and proper altar, whereon CHRIST is again really sacrificed; but it is,
and may be, by us called an altar in that sense in which the primitive
Church called it an altar.
Orders that in order to prevent profane abuses of the communion table,
it shall be railed in.
Orders that at the words “draw near,” &c., all communicants shall with
all humble reverence approach the holy table.
Recommends to all good and well-affected members of the Church, that
they do reverence and obeisance both at their coming in and going out of
the church, chancel, or chapel, according to the custom of the primitive
Church and the Church of England in the reign of Elizabeth.
VIII. Of preaching for conformity.
Orders all preachers, under pain of suspension, to instruct the people
in their sermons twice a year at least, that the rites and ceremonies of
the Church of England are lawful and commendable, and to be submitted
to.
IX. One Book of Articles of inquiry to be used at all parochial
visitations.
Declares that the synod had caused a summary or collection of visitatory
articles (out of the rubrics of the service book and the canons and
warrantable rules of the Church) to be made and deposited in the records
of the archbishop of Canterbury, and that no bishop or other ordinary
shall, under pain of suspension, cause to be printed, or otherwise to be
given in charge to the churchwardens or others which shall be sworn to
make presentments, any other articles or forms of inquiry upon oath,
than such as shall be approved by his metropolitan.
X. Concerning the conversation of the clergy.
Charges all clergymen carefully to abstain from all excess and disorder,
and that by their Christian and religious conversation they shine forth
as lights to others in all godliness and honesty.
Requires all to whom the government of the clergy is committed, to set
themselves to countenance godliness, and diligently to labour to reform
their clergy where they require it.
XI. Chancellor’s patents.
Forbids bishops to grant any patent to any chancellor, commissary, or
official, for longer than the life of the grantee, nor otherwise than
with the reservation to himself and his successors of the power to
execute the said place, either alone or with the chancellor, if the
bishop shall please to do so; forbids, under the heaviest censures, to
take any reward for such places.
XII. Chancellors alone not to censure any of the clergy in sundry cases.
All cases involving suspension or any higher censure to be heard by the
bishop or by his chancellor, together with two grave, dignified, or
beneficed ministers of the diocese.
XIII. Excommunication and absolution not to be pronounced but by a
priest.
No excommunications or absolutions to be valid, unless pronounced by the
bishop, or by some priest appointed by the bishop; such sentence of
absolution to be pronounced either in open consistory, or, at least, in
a church or chapel, the penitent humbly craving it on his knees.
XIV. Concerning commutations and the disposing of them.
No chancellor or other to commute penance without the bishop’s privity;
or if by himself, he shall render strict account of the moneys received,
which shall be applied to charitable and public uses.
XV. Touching concurrent jurisdiction.
That in places wherein there is concurrent jurisdiction, no executor be
_cited_ into any court or office for the space of ten days after the
death of the testator.
XVI. Concerning licences to marry.
No licence shall be granted by any ordinary to any parties, except one
of the parties have been living in the jurisdiction of the said ordinary
for one month immediately before the licence be desired.
XVII. Against vexatious citations.
No citations grounded only upon pretence of a breach of law, and not
upon presentment or other just ground, shall issue out of any
ecclesiastical court, except under certain specified circumstances, and
except in cases of grievous crime, such as schism, incontinence,
misbehaviour in church, &c.
These canons were ratified by the king under the great seal, June 30th,
1640. An attempt was made at the time to set aside their authority, upon
the plea that convocation could not lawfully continue its session after
the dissolution of parliament, which took place on the 5th of May; but
the opinion of all the judges taken at the time was unanimously in
favour of the legality of their proceeding, as appears by the following
document:—
“The convocation being called by the king’s writ under the great seal,
doth continue until it be dissolved by writ or commission under the
great seal, notwithstanding the parliament be dissolved.
“14th May, 1640.
“Jo. Finch.
“C. S. H. Manchester.
“John Bramston.
“Edward Littleton.
“Ralphe Whitfield.
“Jo. Bankes.
“Ro. Heath.”
An act of parliament, passed in the thirteenth year of Charles II.,
leaves to these canons their full canonical authority, whilst it
provides that nothing contained in that statute shall give them the
force of an act of parliament.
The acts of this convocation were unanimously confirmed by the synod of
York.—_Cardwell_, vol. ii. p. 593, vol. i. p. 380. _Wilkins, Conc._ vol.
iv. p. 538.
These canons, though passed in convocation, are not in force for the
following reason: In 1639 a parliamentary writ was directed to the
bishops to summon these clergy to parliament _ad consentiendum_, &c.,
and the convocation writ to the archbishops _ad tractand. et
consentiend_. The parliament met on the 13th of April, 1640, and was
dissolved on the 15th of May following. Now though the convocation,
sitting by virtue of the first writ directed to the bishops, must fall
by the dissolution of that parliament, yet the lawyers held that they
might sit till dissolved by like authority. But this being a nice point,
a commission was granted about a week after the dissolution of the
parliament for the convocation to sit, which commission the king sent to
them by Sir Harry Vane, his principal Secretary of State, and by virtue
thereof they were turned into a provincial synod. The chief of the
clergy then assembled desired the king to consult all the judges of
England on this matter, which was done: and upon debating it in the
presence of his council, they asserted under their hands the power of
convocation in making canons. Upon this the convocation sat a whole
month, and composed a Book of Canons, which was approved by the king by
the advice of his privy-council, and confirmed under the broad seal. The
objection against the Canons was that they were not made pursuant to the
statute 25 Hen. VIII., because they were made in a convocation, sitting
by the king’s writ to the archbishops, after the parliament was
dissolved, though there is nothing in the statute which relates to their
sitting in time of parliament only.
After the Restoration, when an act was passed to restore the bishops to
their ordinary jurisdiction, a proviso was made that the act should not
confirm the Canons of 1640. This clause makes void the royal
confirmation. Hence we may conclude that canons should be made in a
convocation, the parliament sitting; that being so made, they are to be
confirmed by the sovereign; and that without such confirmation they do
not bind the laity, much less any order or rule made by a bishop alone,
where there is neither custom nor canon for it.—_Burn._
CANON is used in the service of the Roman Church to signify that part of
the communion service, or the mass, which follows immediately after the
Sanctus and Hosanna; corresponding to that part of our service which
begins at the prayer, “_We do not presume_,” &c. It is so called as
being the fixed rule of the Liturgy, which is never altered. Properly
speaking, the canon ends just before the LORD’S Prayer, which is recited
aloud; the canon being said in a low voice. In the First Book of King
Edward VI., the word is used in this sense, viz. in the Visitation of
the Sick, after the Gospel, the service proceeds as follows:
“_The Preface._ The Lord be with you.
_Answer._ And with thy spirit.
¶ Lift up your hearts, &c.
Unto the end of the canon.”
The _Anaphora_ of the Greek Church somewhat resembles the canon of the
Roman. (See _Anaphora_.)—_Jebb._
CANON. (See _Deans and Chapters_.) The name of canon, as applied to an
officer in the Church, is derived from the same Greek word already
alluded to, which also signifies the roll or catalogue of the Church, in
which the names of the ecclesiastics were registered; hence the clergy
so registered were denominated Canonici or Canons. Before the
Reformation, they were divided into two classes, Regular and Secular.
The Secular were so called, because they canonized in _seculo_, abroad
in the world.
Regular canons were such as lived under a rule, that is, a code of laws
published by the founder of that order. They were a less strict sort of
religious than the monks, but lived together under one roof, had a
common dormitory and refectory, and were obliged to observe the statutes
of their order.
The chief rule for these canons is that of St. Augustine, who was made
bishop of Hippo in the year 395. But they were but little known till the
tenth or eleventh century, were not brought into England till after the
Conquest, and seem not to have obtained the name of Augustine canons
till some years after. The general opinion is, that they came in after
the beginning of the reign of King Henry I., about the year 1105.
Their habit was a long black cassock, with a white rochet over it, and
over that a black cloak and hood; from whence they were called Black
Canons Regular of St. Augustine.
The monks were always shaved, but these canons wore beards, and caps on
their heads.
There were about 175 houses of these canons and canonesses in England
and Wales.
But besides the common and regular sort of these canons, there were also
the following particular sorts.
As first, such as observed St. Augustine’s rule, according to the
regulations of St. Nicholas of Arroasia; as those of Harewolde in
Bedfordshire, Nutley or Crendon in Buckinghamshire, Hertland in
Devonshire, Brunne in Lincolnshire, and Lilleshul in Shropshire.
Others there were of the rule of St. Augustine, and order of St. Victor;
as at Keynsham and Worsping in Somersetshire, and Wormsley in
Herefordshire.
Others of the order of St. Augustine, and the institution of St. Mary of
Meretune, or Merton; as at Buckenham in Norfolk.
The _Præmonstratenses_ were canons who lived according to the rule of
St. Augustine, reformed by St. Norbert, who set up this regulation about
the year 1120, at _Præmonstratum_ in Picardy, a place so called because
it was said to have been foreshown, or _Præmonstrated_, by the Blessed
Virgin, to be the head seat and mother of the church of the order. These
canons were, from their habit, called White Canons. They were brought
into England soon after the year 1140, and settled first at Newhouse in
Lincolnshire. They had in England a conservator of their privileges, but
were nevertheless often visited by their superior at Premonstre, and
continued under his jurisdiction till the year 1512, when they were
exempted from it by the bull of Pope Julius II., confirmed by King Henry
VIII.; and the superiority of all the houses of this order in England
and Wales, was given to the abbot of Welbeck in Nottinghamshire. There
were about thirty-five houses of this order.
The Sempringham or Gilbertine canons were instituted by St. Gilbert at
Sempringham in Lincolnshire, in the year 1148. He composed his rule out
of those of St. Augustine and St. Benedict, (the women following the
Cistercian regulation of St. Benedict’s rule, and the men the rule of
St. Augustine,) with some special statutes of their own. The men and
women lived in the same houses, but in such different apartments that
they had no communication with each other; and increased so fast, that
St. Gilbert himself founded thirteen monasteries of this order; viz.
four for men alone, and nine for men and women together, which had in
them 700 brethren and 1500 sisters. At the dissolution of the
monasteries there were about twenty-five houses of this order in England
and Wales.
Canons regular of the Holy Sepulchre were instituted in the beginning of
the 12th century, in imitation of the regulars instituted in the church
of the Holy Sepulchre of our SAVIOUR at Jerusalem. The first house they
had in England was at Warwick, which was begun for them by Henry de
Newburgh, earl of Warwick, who died in the year 1123, and perfected by
his son Roger. They are sometimes called canons of the Holy Cross, and
wore the same habit with the other Austin canons, distinguished only by
a double red cross upon the breast of their cloak or upper garment. The
endeavours of these religious for regaining the Holy Land coming to
nothing after the loss of Jerusalem, in the year 1188, this order fell
into decay, their revenues and privileges were mostly given to the
Maturine friars, and only two houses of them continued to the
dissolution.—_Burn._
CANON OF SCRIPTURE. (See _Scripture_, and _Bible_.) The books of Holy
Scripture as received by the Church, who, being the “witness and keeper
of Holy Writ,” had authority to decide what is and what is not inspired.
That the Holy Scriptures are a complete rule of faith is proved, first,
by the authority of the Holy Scriptures. And this is so plainly laid
down therein, that nothing but a strange prejudice and resolution to
support a cause could contradict it. Those words of St. Paul are very
full to this purpose. “All Scripture is given by inspiration of GOD, and
is profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for correction, for instruction
in righteousness, that the man of GOD may be perfect, thoroughly
furnished unto all good works.” (2 Tim. iii. 16, 17.) Moses expressly
forbids that any one should “add unto the word that I command you,
neither shall ye diminish ought from it.” (Deut. iv. 2.) “Whatsoever I
command unto you to observe and do it, thou shalt not add thereto, nor
diminish from it.” (Deut. xii. 32.) The same prohibition is given out in
the New Testament. For St. John, closing his Book of Revelation, and
with that our Christian canon, so that it may not improbably seem to
bear relation to the whole New Testament, forbids any addition or
diminution, with a curse annexed to it: “If any man shall add unto these
things, GOD shall add unto him the plagues that are written in this
book; and if any man shall take away from the words of the book of this
prophecy, GOD shall take away his part out of the book of life, and out
of the holy city, and from the things which are written in this book.”
(Rev. xxii. 18, 19.) But the substance of this had been before declared
by St. Paul: “Though we, or an angel from heaven, preach any other
gospel unto you than that which we have preached unto you, let him be
accursed.” (Gal. i. 8.) And as for the endeavour of some to piece out
GOD’S written word by tradition, our SAVIOUR warns us against this, when
he blames the Pharisees for it; namely, in “teaching for doctrines the
commandments of men,” (Matt. xv. 9,) and “making the commandment of GOD
of none effect by their traditions.” (Ver. 3, 6.)
Secondly, by reason, drawn from the nature of the thing, and the whole
order of the gracious dispensation of the gospel, with which GOD hath
been pleased to bless mankind, this is no more than we might expect. For
our SAVIOUR having first made known the gospel to the world by his own
preaching and suffering, and propagated it throughout the several parts
thereof by the preaching of his apostles, in order to be conveyed down
to successive generations, this could not well be effected without a
written word. For to have delivered down the gospel truths by word of
mouth, or oral tradition, would have made it subject to as many errors
as the prejudices, fancies, and mistakes of the several relators could
have given it. Now since GOD has been pleased to make use of this method
to convey these truths which he has revealed unto us, it is but
reasonable to think that all the truths which he has judged necessary
for our salvation, and which he has required of us to believe, are
contained in this written word. For why GOD should leave some of the
gospel truths to be conveyed in a purer, and others in a more corrupt,
channel, some by Scripture and others by tradition, is unaccountable:
why, since he designed the Scripture to be in some measure the rule of
faith, he should not at the same time render it a complete one; why this
Divine law of GOD must be eked out by human traditions, which have been
uncertain in the best times, and pernicious in some, and which strangely
vary according to different countries and ages;—these notions highly
reflect upon the Divine wisdom and goodness, and are taken up only to
defend the corrupt practices of the Romish Church, which that Church is
resolved to maintain at any rate, rather than to part with them.
The like reasons are alleged by the ancient divines of the Church.—_Dr.
Nicholls._
The ancient fathers always speak of the Scriptures as containing a
complete rule of faith and practice; and appeal to them, and to them
only, in support of the doctrines which they advance.—_Bp. Tomline._
CANON LAW. The canon law which regulates the discipline of the Romish
Church consists, 1. Of the Decree of Gratian, (_Decretum Gratiani_,) a
compilation made by a Benedictine monk, whose name it bears, at Bologna
in Italy, in 1150, and made up of the decrees of different popes and
councils, and of several passages of the holy fathers and other
reputable writers.
2. Of the _Decretals_, collected by order of Pope Gregory IX., in the
year 1230, in five books.
3. Of the compilation made by order of Boniface VIII., in 1297, known by
the name of the _Sixth Book of Decretals_, because added to the other
five, although it is itself divided into five books.
4. Of the _Clementines_, as they are called, or Decretals of Pope
Clement V., published in the year 1317 by John XXII.
5. Of other decretals, known under the name of _Extravagantes_, so
called because not contained in the former decretals. These
Extravagantes are two-fold;—the first, called common, containing
constitutions of various popes down to the year 1483; and, secondly, the
particular ones of John XXII.
These, containing besides the decrees of popes and the canons of several
councils, constitute the body of the canon law. The constitutions of
subsequent popes and councils have also the force of canons, although
not hitherto reduced into one body, nor digested, as the others, under
proper heads, by any competent authority. These, together with some
general customs, or peculiar ones of different places, having the force
of laws, and certain conventions entered into between the popes and
different Roman Catholic states, determine the discipline of the Church
of Rome.
CANONICAL. That which is done in accordance with the canons of the
Church.
CANONICAL HOURS. The first, third, the sixth, and the ninth hours of the
day, that is, six, nine, twelve, and three o’clock, are so denominated.
Bishop Patrick remarks that “the Universal Church anciently observed
certain set hours of prayer, that all Christians throughout the world
might at the same time join together to glorify GOD; and some of them
were of opinion that the angelic host, being acquainted with those
hours, took that time to join their prayers and praises with those of
the Church.” The directions in the Apostolical Constitutions are as
follows: “Offer up your prayers in the morning, at the third hour, at
the sixth, and at the ninth, and in the evening; in the morning
returning thanks that the LORD hath sent you light, and brought you
through the perils of the night; at the third hour, because at that hour
the LORD received sentence of condemnation from Pilate; at the sixth,
because at that hour he was crucified; at the ninth, because at that
hour all things were in commotion at the crucifixion of our LORD, as
trembling at the bold attempt of the wicked Jews, and at the injury
offered to their Master; in the evening, giving thanks that he has given
thee the night to rest from thy daily labours.”
In the Church of Rome, the canonical hours begin with _vespers_, i. e.
evening prayer, about six o’clock, or sunset; next follows _compline_,
to beg GOD’S protection during sleep; at midnight, the three _nocturns_
or _matins_, the longest part of the office. _Lauds_ or morning praises
of GOD are appointed for cock-crowing, or before break of day; at six
o’clock, or sunrise, _prime_ should be recited; and _terce_, _sext_, and
_none_, every third hour afterwards.
CANONICAL OBEDIENCE. (See _Orders_.) The obedience which is due,
according to the canons, to an ecclesiastical superior. Every clergyman
takes an oath of canonical obedience to his bishop when he is instituted
to a benefice, or licensed to a cure.
CANONISATION. (See _Beatification_, and _Saints_.) A ceremony in the
Romish Church, by which persons deceased are ranked in the catalogue of
saints. It succeeds beatification. When a person is to be canonised, the
pope holds four consistories. In the first, he causes the petition of
those who request the canonisation to be examined by three auditors of
the rota, and directs the cardinals to revise all the necessary
instruments. In the second, the cardinals report the matter to the pope.
In the third, which is held in public, the cardinals pay their adoration
to the pope, and an advocate makes a pompous oration in praise of the
person who is to be created a saint. This advocate expatiates at large
on the supposed miracles which the person has wrought, and even pretends
to know from what motives he acted. In the fourth consistory, the pope,
having summoned together all the cardinals and prelates, orders the
report concerning the deceased to be read, and then takes their votes,
whether he is to be canonised or not. On the day of canonisation, the
church of St. Peter is hung with rich tapestry, on which are embroidered
the arms of the pope, and those of the prince who desires the
canonisation. The church is most brilliantly illuminated, and filled
with thousands of Romanists, who superstitiously think that the more
respect they show to the saint, the more ready will he be to hear their
prayers, and offer them to GOD. During this ceremony the pope and all
the cardinals are dressed in white. It costs the prince who requests the
canonisation a great sum of money, as all the officers belonging to the
Church of Rome must have their fees; but this is considered a trifle,
when it is expected that the saint will intercede in heaven for his
subjects, who, indeed, poor as they are, generally pay all the expenses
attending the ceremony.
Canonisation of saints was not known to the Christian Church till
towards the middle of the tenth century. So far as we are able to form
an opinion, the Christians in that age borrowed this custom from the
heathens; for it was usual with both the Greeks and Romans to deify all
those heroes and great men who had rendered themselves remarkable. It is
not allowed to enter into inquiries prior to canonisation, till at least
fifty years after the death of the person to be canonised. This
regulation, however, though now observed, has not been followed above a
century. Thomas Becket was canonised within three years of his death. It
has been properly objected against canonisation, that it is performed by
human beings, who assume a power of rendering some one an object of
divine worship, who in this life was no more than mortal; that it is a
direct violation of the SAVIOUR’S command, “Judge not;” and that it lies
at the foundation of that idolatry of which the Church of Rome is justly
charged.—_Broughton._
CANONRY. A _canonry_ is a name of office, and a _canon_ is the officer;
in like manner as a _prebendary_; and a _prebend_ is the maintenance or
stipend both of the one and the other.—_Gibson._ It is not easy to
assign a reason why this name should have been given to members of
cathedral churches. Some have thought it was because a great number of
them were regular priests, and obliged to observe the canons or rules of
their respective orders, or founders, or visitors. According to
Nicholls, the name is of a higher origin, and not so directly from the
Greek word κάνων, _regula_, a statute or ordinance, as from the Latin
word _canon_, an allowance or stated quantity of provision. Thus it is
used by Cicero. So the collection of the respective quotas of the
provinces sent in corn to Rome for the subsistence of the poorer
citizens was called the _canon_. Afterwards, when Christianity
prevailed, the word was adapted to an ecclesiastical use, and those
clergymen that had the _canon_, or _sportula_, taken from the common
bank of the church offerings delivered out to them for their
maintenance, come to be called _canonici_. As the church revenues were
divided into four parts—one for the maintenance of the bishop, a second
for the fabric of the church, and a third for the poor, so a fourth part
was divided among the subordinate clergy, who lived in a collegiate
manner about the bishop.
It seems most likely, however, that the word canon meant to designate
one who resided at the cathedral church constantly, and followed the
_rule_ of Divine service there. So the application of the word at home
and abroad would seem to indicate. Thus, till a very late enactment, 3 &
4 Vic. c. 113, the word canon was restricted in cathedrals of the old
foundation to the residentiaries. _Prebendary_ was statutably applied to
all, because all had a præbenda, either fixed stipend, or an estate in
fee: while in the cathedrals of new foundation all were called
indifferently canons or prebendaries, because all were equally bound to
residence. The act referred to has now directed that all shall be styled
canons (except perhaps the prebendaries retained, but without their
ancient stipends or estates) in the cathedrals of old foundation.
Nevertheless, all canons are still really _prebendaries_, as long as
they have any property. In Ireland, the only prebendaries denominated
canons, are those of Kildare. These form the lesser chapter.
Canons in most cathedrals were divided into two classes, major, or
minor. (See _Minor Canons_.)
The fellowships of the collegiate church in Manchester, since its
elevation into a cathedral, have been recently erected into canonries,
and the warden of former times is now called dean.
Canonry, or chanonrie, in Scotland, was the same as the cathedral
precinct in England. Thus at Aberdeen the canonry included the
cathedral, bishop’s palace, prebendal houses, gardens, and an hospital,
all surrounded by a stone wall. (_Kennedy’s Annals of Aberdeen._) The
cathedral town of Rosemarkie, or Fortrose, in the diocese of Ross, was
sometimes called the _canonry_ town, or _channery_ town.
CANTICLES. This literally signifies songs, but it is peculiarly applied
to a canonical book of the Old Testament, called in Hebrew the Song of
Songs, that is, the most excellent of all songs. The word _canticle_ in
our Prayer Book is applied to the Benedicite, and was so first used in
King Edward’s Second Book.
CAPITAL. The highest member of a pillar.
The capital consists of the _abacus_, the _bell_, the _neck_, or
_astragal_, and each of these varies in the several styles, as well in
form as in relative importance. A few of the more prominent variations
may be enumerated.
In the Saxon period, the abacus is usually a low, flat, unmoulded slab;
the rest of the capital, if it has any character, approaches that of the
succeeding style.
In the Norman capital the abacus is square, of considerable thickness,
generally slightly bevelled at the lower side, and sometimes moulded.
The bell, resting on a cylindrical shaft, and fitted with a square
abacus, is circular at the bottom, and becomes square at the top, and
the way of resolving the round into the square gives it its peculiar
character. In examples, however, of any richness, the abundance of
decoration often obscures its constructive character.
In the period of transition to Early English, the abacus sometimes
becomes octagonal, seldom, however, a regular octagon, but a square with
the corners slightly cut off. It is also sometimes circular. The upper
surface continues flat, but the under part is more frequently moulded.
The bell often approaches the Classic capital in design, and sometimes
even in treatment, as at Canterbury; but this is a rare amount of
excellence. More frequently a lotus-like flower rises from the neck, and
curls beneath the abacus. The neck is still a mere round bead.
In the next, or Lancet period, the abacus more frequently becomes
circular, the top is seldom flat, the mouldings usually consist of two
rounds, with a deep undercut, hollow between, the upper one a little
overhanging the under, and in the hollow a trail of nail-head or
dog-tooth is often found. The bell, also, is deeply undercut, and in
some instances, where effect is sought in moulding rather than in
carving, it is repeated; but, in moderately rich examples, the bell is
usually covered with foliage of which the stems spring from the neck,
generally crossing one another as they rise, and breaking into leaves
near the top, where they throw off a profusion of crisped foliage, which
curls under the abacus; a stray leaf, in very rich and rather late
examples, sometimes shooting up, over the hollow, to the upper member of
the abacus. The whole treatment of this foliage in capitals and corbels,
where it follows the same law, has sometimes a boldness and a grace,
though it never deserts its conventional type, of which no description,
and no engraving even, except on a large scale, can convey an idea. The
neck of the Early English capital is generally either a rounded bowtel
of rather more than half a cylinder, or a semi-hexagon, the latter with
the sides sometimes slightly hollowed.
In the Geometrical period, the abacus continues round. It is no longer,
except in rare instances, flat at the top: the scroll moulding begins to
appear, and sometimes a hollow intervenes between it and the first
member of the bell. The bell, when moulded, rather follows the routine
of the last style; but, when foliated, the leaves or flowers, without
losing anything of the force and boldness of the latter, have a
naturalness never approached in any other style: we begin to recognise
the oak, the hawthorn, or the maple, as familiar friends, and no longer
need to employ conventional terms to designate their foliage, or the
method of its treatment.
In the Decorated period, the scrollmoulding is almost constantly
employed for the abacus and for the neck; the ball-flower sometimes
occurs in the hollow of the abacus, but not so frequently as the
dog-tooth in the Lancet period. The mouldings of the bell are generally
the roll and fillet, or the scroll, in some of their forms; and the
foliage entirely loses the nature of the Geometrical, without recovering
the force of the Early English. It surrounds the bell as a chaplet,
instead of creeping up it, and, instead of indicating the shape which it
clothes, converts the whole between the neck and the abacus into a
flowered top.
In the next and last period, the abacus is sometimes so nearly lost in
the bell, or the bell in the abacus, that it is hard to separate them.
The form of both becomes generally octagonal, and a great poverty of
design is apparent: this is the case in ordinary instances of pillars
with entire capitals. In later examples, and where there are greater
pretensions, the capital does not extend to the whole pillar, but the
outer order of the arches is continued to the base, without the
intervention of a capital, only the inner order being supported and
stopped by an attached shaft, or bowtel, with its capital, and so the
capital loses all its analogy with the classic architrave, and no longer
carries the eye along in a horizontal line.
CAPITULAR. A term often used in foreign countries to designate a major
canon or prebendary; a capitular member of a cathedral or collegiate
church.
CAPITULARIES. Ordinances of the kings of France, in which are many heads
or articles which regard the government of the Church, and were done by
the advice of an assembly of bishops. The original of the word comes
from _capitula_, which were articles that the prelates made and
published to serve as instructions to the clergy of their dioceses, so
that at last this name of capitularies was given to all the articles
which related to ecclesiastical affairs. Those of Charlemagne and Louis
the Meek were collected in four books by the abbot Angesius; those of
King Lothaire, Charles and Louis, sons of Louis the Meek, were collected
by Bennet the Levite, or deacon, into three books, to which there have
been since four or five additions; and Father Simon published those of
Charles the Bald.
CAPUCHINS. Monks of the order of St. Francis. They owe their original to
Matthew de Bassi, a Franciscan of the duchy of Urbino, who, having seen
St. Francis represented with a sharp-pointed _capuche_, or cowl, began
to wear the like in 1525, with the permission of Pope Clement VII. His
example was soon followed by two other monks, named Louis and Raphael de
Fossembrun; and the pope, by a brief, granted these three monks leave to
retire to some hermitage, and retain their new habit. The retirement
they chose was the hermitage of the Camaldolites near Massacio, where
they were very charitably received.
This innovation in the habit of the order gave great offence to the
Franciscans, whose provincial persecuted these poor monks, and obliged
them to fly from place to place. At last they took refuge in the palace
of the Duke de Camerino, by whose credit they were received under the
obedience of the conventuals, in the quality of Hermits Minors, in the
year 1527. The next year, the pope approved this union, and confirmed to
them the privilege of wearing the square capuche, and admitting among
them all who would take the habit. Thus the order of the _Capuchins_, so
called from wearing the _capuche_, began in the year 1528.
Their first establishment was at Colmenzono, about a league from
Camerino, in a convent of the order of St. Jerome, which had been
abandoned; but, their numbers increasing, Louis de Fossembrun built
another small convent at Montmelon, in the territory of Camerino. The
great number of conversions which the Capuchins made by their preaching,
and the assistance they gave the people in a contagious distemper with
which Italy was afflicted the same year, 1528, gained them an universal
esteem.
In 1529, Louis de Fossembrun built for them two other convents, the one
of Alvacina in the territory of Fabriano, the other at Fossembrun in the
duchy of Urbino. Matthew de Bassi, being chosen their vicar-general,
drew up constitutions for the government of this order. They enjoined,
among other things, that the Capuchins should perform Divine service
without singing; that they should say but one mass a day in their
convents; they directed the hours of mental prayer, morning and evening,
the days of disciplining themselves, and those of silence; they forbade
the monks to hear the confessions of seculars, and enjoined them always
to travel on foot; they recommended poverty in the ornaments of their
church, and prohibited in them the use of gold, silver, and silk; the
pavilions of the altars were to be of stuff, and the chalices of tin.
This order soon spread itself all over Italy and into Sicily. In 1573,
Charles IX. demanded of Pope Gregory XIII. to have the order of
Capuchins established in France, which that pope consented to; and their
first settlement in that kingdom was in the little town of Picpus near
Paris, which they soon quitted to settle at Meudon, from whence they
were introduced into the capital of the kingdom. In 1606, Pope Paul V.
gave them leave to accept of an establishment which was offered them in
Spain. They even passed the seas to labour on the conversion of the
infidels; and their order is become so considerable, that it is at
present divided into more than sixty provinces, consisting of near 1600
convents, and 25,000 monks, besides the missions of Brazil, Congo,
Barbary, Greece, Syria, and Egypt.
Among those who have preferred the poverty and humility of the Capuchins
to the advantages of birth and fortune, was the famous Alphonso d’Este,
duke of Modena and Reggio, who, after the death of his wife Isabella,
took the habit of this order at Munich, in the year 1626, under the name
of Brother John-Baptist, and died in the convent of Castlenuovo, in
1644. In France, likewise, the great duke de Joyeuse, after having
distinguished himself as a general, became a Capuchin in September,
1587.
Father Paul (_of Ecclesiastical Benefices_, cap. 53) observes, that “The
Capuchins preserve their reputation by reason of their poverty, and that
if they should suffer the least change in their institution, they would
acquire no immoveable estates by it, but would lose the alms they now
receive.” He adds: “It seems, therefore, as if here an absolute period
were put to all future acquisitions and improvements in this gainful
trade; for whoever should go about to institute a new order, with a
power of acquiring estates, such an order would certainly find no credit
in the world; and if a profession of poverty were a part of the
institution, there could be no acquisitions made whilst that lasted, nor
would there be any credit left when that was broke.”—_Hist. des Ord.
Relig._ T. vii. c. 27.
There is likewise an order of _Capuchin Nuns_, who follow the rule of
St. Clare. Their first establishment was at Naples in 1538, and their
foundress the venerable mother Maria Laurentia Longa, of a noble family
of Catalonia—a lady of the most uncommon piety and devotion. Some
Capuchins coming to settle at Naples, she obtained for them, by her
credit with the archbishop, the church of St. Euphebia, without the
city; soon after which she built a monastery of virgins, under the name
of _Our Lady of Jerusalem_, into which she retired in 1534, together
with nineteen young women, who engaged themselves by solemn vows to
follow the third rule of St. Francis. The pope gave the government of
this monastery to the Capuchins; and, soon after, the nuns quitted the
third rule of St. Francis, to embrace the more rigorous rule of St.
Clara, from the austerity of which they had the name of _Nuns of the
Passion_, and that of _Capuchines_ from the habit they took, which was
that of the Capuchins.
After the death of their foundress, another monastery of _Capuchines_
was established at Rome, near the Quirinal palace, and was called the
_monastery of the Holy Sacrament_; and a third, in the same city, built
by Cardinal Baronius. These foundations were approved, in the year 1600,
by Pope Clement VIII., and confirmed by Gregory XV. There were
afterwards several other establishments of Capuchines, in particular one
at Paris, in 1604, founded by the Duchesse de Mercœur, who put crowns of
thorns on the heads of the young women whom she placed in her
monastery.—_Broughton._
CAPUTIUM. (See _Hood_.)
CARDINAL. This is the title given to one of the chief governors of the
Romish Church. The term has long been in use, and originally signified
the same as _præcipuus, principalis, id quod rei cardo est_, synonymous
with _prælatus_; or else it was derived from _cardinare_ or
_incardinare_, to hinge or join together, and was applied to the regular
clergy of the metropolitan church. In Italy, Gaul, &c., such churches
early received the title of cardinal churches; the ministers of these
churches were also called cardinals.
The following statements comprise the important historical facts
relative to the office of cardinal:
1. The institution of the office has been ascribed by respectable Roman
Catholic writers to Christ himself, to the apostle of their faith, to
the Roman bishop Evaristus, to Hyginus, Marcellus, Boniface III., and
others. But we only know that cardinals, presbyters, and deacons occur
in history about the sixth and seventh centuries, who were, however, not
itinerant, but stationary church officers for conducting religious
worship. The deacons and presbyters of Rome especially bore this name,
who composed the presbytery of the bishop of the place. The title was
also conferred upon the suffragan bishops of Ostia, Albano, and others
in the immediate vicinity, but without any other rights than those which
were connected appropriately with the ministerial office.
2. The import of the term was varied still more in the ninth century,
and especially in the eleventh, by Nicolaus II., who in his constitution
for the election of the Roman pontiff, not only appointed his seven
suffragan bishops as members of the pope’s ecclesiastical council, but
also constituted them the only legitimate body for the election of the
pope. To these he gave the name of cardinal bishops of the Church of
Rome, or cardinals of the Lateran Church.
This is the important period in history when the first foundation was
laid for rendering the hierarchy of the Church independent both of the
clergy and of the secular power. This period has not been noticed so
particularly by historians as its importance requires. They seem
especially to have overlooked the fact, that the famous Hildebrand,
(Gregory VII.,) in the year 1073, concerted these measures for the
independence of the Church, as the following extract will show: “It was
the deep design of Hildebrand, which he for a long time prosecuted with
unwearied zeal, to bring the pope wholly within the pale of the Church,
and to prevent the interference, in his election, of all secular
influence and arbitrary power. And that measure of the council which
wrested from the emperor a right of so long standing and which had never
been called in question, may deservedly be regarded as the master-piece
of popish intrigue, or rather of Hildebrand’s cunning. The concession
which disguised this crafty design of his was expressed as follows:
_that the emperor should ever hold from the pope the right of appointing
the pope_.”
3. As might have been expected, this privilege was afterwards contested
by the princes of the German States, especially by those of Saxony and
the House of Hohenstaufen. But these conflicts uniformly resulted in
favour of the ambitious designs of the pope. A momentary concession,
granted under the pressure of circumstances, became reason sufficient
for demanding the same ever afterwards as an established right. In the
year A. D. 1179, Alexander III., through the canons of the Lateran,
confirmed yet more the independent election of the pope, so that, after
this, the ratification of the emperor was no longer of any importance.
Something similar was also repeated by Innocent III., A. D. 1215, and
Innocent IV., A. D. 1254. The former had already, in the year A. D.
1198, renounced the civil authority of Rome, and ascended the papal
throne. In the year 1274, the conclave of cardinals for the election of
the pope was fully established by Gregory X., and remains the same to
this day.
4. The college of cardinals, which, until the twelfth century, had been
restricted to Rome and its vicinity, has since been greatly enlarged, so
as to become the supreme court of the Romish Church throughout the
world. Priests of illustrious name in other provinces and countries have
been elevated to the dignity of cardinals. Of this, Alexander III. gave
the first example in the year 1165, by conferring the honour upon
Galdinus Sala, archbishop of Milan, and upon Conrad, archbishop of
Mentz. But, to the injury of the Church, the greater part have ever been
restricted to the limits of Rome and Italy.
5. The formal classification of the cardinals into three distinct
orders, 1. cardinal bishops; 2. cardinal presbyters; 3. cardinal
deacons, was made by Paul II. in the fifteenth century. He also gave
them, instead of the scarlet robe which they had worn since the year
1244, _a purple robe_, from whence they derived the name of the
_purple_; a title indicative, not merely of their superiority to bishops
and archbishops, but of their regal honours and rights. Boniface VIII.
gave them the title of _eminentissimi, most eminent_; and Pius V., in
the year 1567, decrees that no other should have the name of cardinal.
6. The number of cardinals was at first not less than _seven_; and,
after having ranged from _seven_ to _fifty-three_, it was reduced again
in the year 1277 to the minimum above-mentioned. The General Assembly of
the Church of Basil limited the number to _twenty-four_; but the popes
from this time increased them at their pleasure. Under Leo X. there were
sixty-five cardinals: Paul IV. and Pius V. decreed that the maximum
should be seventy—equal in number to the disciples of our Lord. These
were arranged under the following grades: 1. Six cardinal bishops, with
the following titles:—the bishops of Ostia, Porta, Albano, Frascati,
Sabina, and Palæstrina; 2. Fifty cardinal priests, who were named after
the parochial and cathedral churches of Rome; 3. Fourteen cardinal
deacons, who were named after the chapels. This number was seldom full;
but, since 1814, they have again become quite numerous.—_Augusti._
The canons in some foreign cathedrals are called cardinals; as at Milan
and Salerno. In the cathedral of St. Paul’s, London, two of the minor
canons are still so designated. Their statutable duties are to
superintend the behaviour of the members of the choir, in order to the
correction of offenders by the dean and chapter, and to see to the
burial of the dead, &c.—_Jebb._
CARMELITES, or WHITE FRIARS. Monks of the order of _Our Lady of Mount
Carmel_. They pretend to derive their original from the prophets Elijah
and Elisha; and this occasioned a very warm controversy between this
order and the Jesuits, about the end of the seventeenth century; both
parties publishing several works, and petitioning the popes Innocent XI.
and Innocent XII.; the latter of whom silenced them both, by a brief of
the 20th November, 1698.
What we know of their original is, that, in the twelfth century,
Aimerie, legate of the holy see in the east, and patriarch of Antioch,
collected together several hermits in Syria, who were exposed to the
violence and incursions of the barbarians, and placed them on Mount
Carmel, formerly the residence of the prophets Elijah and Elisha; from
which mountain they took the name of Carmelites. Albert, patriarch of
Jerusalem, gave them rules in 1205, which Pope Honorius III. confirmed
in 1224.
The peace concluded by the emperor Frederic II. with the Saracens, in
the year 1229, so disadvantageous to Christendom, and so beneficial to
the infidels, occasioned the Carmelites to quit the Holy Land under
Alan, the fifth general of the order. He first sent some of the monks to
Cyprus, who landed there in the year 1238, and founded a monastery in
the forest of Fortania. Some Sicilians, at the same time, leaving Mount
Carmel, returned to their own country, where they founded a monastery in
the suburbs of Messina. Some English departed out of Syria, in the year
1440, to found others in England. Others of Provence, in the year 1244,
founded a monastery in the desert of Aigualates, a league from
Marseilles; and thus, the number of their monasteries increasing, they
held their first European general chapter in the year 1245, at their
monastery of Aylesford, in England.
After the establishment of the Carmelites in Europe, their rule was in
some respects altered: the first time, by Pope Innocent IV., who added
to the first article a precept of chastity, and relaxed the eleventh,
which enjoins abstinence at all times from flesh, permitting them, when
they travelled, to eat boiled flesh. This pope likewise gave them leave
to eat in a common refectory, and to keep asses or mules for their use.
Their rule was again mitigated by the popes Eugenius IV. and Pius II.
Hence the order is divided into two branches, viz. the _Carmelites of
the ancient observance_, called the _moderate_ or _mitigated_, and those
of the _strict observance_, who are the _barefooted Carmelites_; a
reform set on foot, in 1540, by S. Theresa, a nun of the convent of
Avila, in Castile: these last are divided into two congregations, that
of Spain and that of Italy.
The habit of the Carmelites was at first white, and the cloak laced at
the bottom with several lists; but Pope Honorius IV. commanded them to
change it for that of the Minims. Their scapulary is a small woollen
habit, of a brown colour, thrown over their shoulders. They wear no
linen shirts, but instead of them linsey-woolsey.—_Broughton._
CAROLS. Hymns sung by the people at Christmas in memory of the song of
the angels, which the shepherds heard at our LORD’S birth.
CARPOCRATIANS. Heretics who sprang up in the second century; followers
of Carpocrates, of the island of Cephalenia, according to Epiphanius,
or, according to Theodoret and Clemens Alexandrinus, of the city of
Alexandria. This Carpocrates was a man of the worst morals, and addicted
to magic. Eusebius says expressly, he was the father of the heresy of
the Gnostics; and it is true that all the infamous things imputed to the
Gnostics are ascribed likewise to the Carpocratians. It is sufficient to
mention two of their principles: the one is, a community of wives; the
other, that a man cannot arrive at perfection, nor deliver himself from
the power of the princes of this world, as they expressed it, without
having passed through all sorts of criminal actions; laying it down for
a maxim, that there is no action bad in itself, but only from the
opinion of men. This induced them to establish a new kind of
metempsychosis, that those who have not passed through all sorts of
actions in the first life, may do it in a second, and, if that be not
sufficient, in a third, and so on, till they have discharged this
strange obligation. Accordingly, they are charged with committing the
most infamous things in their Agapæ, or love-feasts.
As to their theology, they attributed the creation of the world to
angels; they said that Jesus Christ was born of Joseph and Mary in a
manner like other men; that his soul alone was received into heaven, his
body remaining on the earth; and, accordingly, they rejected the
resurrection of the body.
They marked their disciples at the bottom of the right ear with a hot
iron, or with a razor.
They had images of Jesus Christ as well in painting as in sculpture,
which they said were made by Pilate; they kept them in a little box or
chest. They had likewise the images of Pythagoras, Plato, Aristotle, and
other philosophers. They put crowns on all these images, and paid them
the same superstitious honours which the Pagans did to their idols,
adoring them, and offering sacrifice to them. A woman of this sect,
named Marcellina, came to Rome, in the pontificate of Anicetus, where
she made a great many proselytes. She worshipped the images of Jesus
Christ, Paul, Homer, and Pythagoras, and offered incense to them.
Carpocrates had a son, named Epiphanes, who, by means of the Platonic
philosophy, gave a greater extent to the fabulous opinions of the
Carpocratians. He died at seventeen years of age, but in that short time
had acquired so great a reputation among the disciples of his father,
that, after his death, he was revered by them as a god, insomuch that
they built a temple to him in the island of Cephalenia, and the
Cephalenians, every first day of the month, solemnized the feast of his
apotheosis, offering sacrifices to him, and singing hymns to his honour.
Epiphanius relates of himself, that in his youth he accidentally fell
into company with some women of this sect, who revealed to him the most
horrible secrets of the Carpocratians. They were armed with beauty
sufficient to make an impression on a person of his age; but, by the
grace of God, he says, he escaped the snare which the devil had laid for
him. (See _Gnostics_.)—_Brouqhton._
CARTHUSIANS. A religious order, founded in the year 1080 by one Bruno, a
very learned man, a native of Cologne, and canon of Cologne, and
afterwards Canon Scholaster or Theologal, (i. e. a lecturer in
theology,) at Rheims. The occasion of its institution is related as
follows: a friend of Bruno’s, Raimond Diocre, an eminent canon of Paris,
who had been looked upon as a good liver, being dead, Bruno attended his
funeral. Whilst the service was performing in the church, the dead man,
who lay upon a bier, raised himself up and said, “By the just judgment
of God, I am accused.” The company being astonished at this unusual
accident, the burial was deferred to the next day, when the concourse of
people being much greater, the dead man again raised himself up and
said, “By the just judgment of God, I am judged:” and on a third similar
occasion, “By the just judgment of God, I am condemned.” This miracle,
it is pretended, wrought such an effect on Bruno and six more, that they
immediately retired to the desert of Chartreux, in the diocese of
Grenoble, in Dauphiné, where Hugh, bishop of that diocese, assigned them
a spot of ground, and where Bruno, A. D. 1084, (or 1086, according to
Baronius,) built his first monastery, under the following rigid
institutes:—
His monks were to wear a hair-cloth next their body, a white cassock,
and over it a black cloak: they were never to eat flesh; to fast every
Friday on bread and water; to eat alone in their chambers, except upon
certain festivals; and to observe an almost perpetual silence; none were
allowed to go out of the monastery, except the prior and procurator, and
they only about the business of the house.
The Carthusians, so called from the place of their first institution,
are a very rigid order. They are not to go out of their cells, except to
church, without leave of their superior. They are not to speak to any
person, even their own brother, without leave. They may not keep any
part of their portion of meat or drink till the next day, except herbs
or fruit. Their bed is of straw, covered with a felt or coarse cloth;
their clothing, two haircloths, two cowls, two pair of hose, a cloak,
&c., all coarse. Every monk has two needles, some thread, scissors, a
comb, a razor, a hone, an ink-horn, pens, chalk, two pumice-stones;
likewise two pots, two porringers, a basin, two spoons, a knife, a
drinking cup, a water-pot, a salt, a dish, a towel; and for fire,
tinder, flint, wood, and an axe.
In the refectory they are to keep their eyes on the meat, their hands on
the table, their attention on the reader, and their heart fixed on GOD.
When allowed to discourse, they are to do it modestly, not to whisper,
nor talk aloud, nor to be contentious. They confess to the prior every
Saturday. Women are not allowed to come into their churches, that the
monks may not see anything which may provoke them to lewdness.
It is computed there are a hundred and seventy-two houses of
Carthusians, whereof five are of nuns, who practise the same austerities
as the monks. They are divided into sixteen provinces, each of which has
two visitors. There have been several canonised saints of this order;
four cardinals, seventy archbishops and bishops, and a great many very
learned writers.
The story of the motive of St. Bruno’s retirement into the desert was
inserted in the Roman Breviary, but was afterwards left out, when that
Breviary was reformed, by order of Pope Urban VIII.; and this gave
occasion to several learned men of the seventeenth century to publish
writings on that subject, some to vindicate the truth of the story, and
others to invalidate it. It is rejected by Pagius, the learned annotator
on Baronius, who says it was invented two centuries after Bruno’s
time.—_Jebb._
In the year 1170, Pope Alexander III. took this order under the
protection of the holy see. In 1391, Boniface IX. exempted them from the
jurisdiction of the bishops. In 1420, Martin V. exempted them from
paying the tenths of the lands belonging to them; and Julius II., in
1508, ordered that all the houses of the order, in whatever part of the
world they were situated, should obey the prior of the Grand Chartreuse,
and the general chapter of the order.
The convents of this order are generally very beautiful and magnificent;
that of Naples, though but small, surpasses all the rest in ornaments
and riches. Nothing is to be seen in the church and house but marble and
jasper. The apartments of the prior are rather those of a prince than of
a poor monk. There are innumerable statues, bas-reliefs, paintings, &c.,
together with very fine gardens; all which, joined with the holy and
exemplary life of the good monks, draws the curiosity of all strangers
who visit Naples.
The Carthusians settled in England about the year 1140. They had several
monasteries here, particularly at Witham, in Somersetshire; Hinton, in
the same county; Beauval, in Nottinghamshire; Kingston-upon-Hull; Mount
Grace, in Yorkshire; Eppewort, in Lincolnshire; Shene, in Surrey, and
one near Coventry. In London they had a famous monastery, since called,
from the Carthusians who settled there, the Charter House.—See _Du Pin,
and Baronius_.
CARTULARIES, according to _Jerom de Costa_, were papers wherein the
contracts, sales, exchanges, privileges, immunities, and other acts that
belong to churches and monasteries were collected, the better to
preserve the ancient deeds, by rendering frequent reference to them less
necessary.
CASSOCK. The under dress of all orders of the clergy; it resembles a
long coat, with a single upright collar. In the Church of Rome it varies
in colour with the dignity of the wearer. Priests wear black; bishops,
purple; cardinals, scarlet; and popes, white. In the Church of England,
black is worn by all the three orders of the clergy, but bishops, upon
state occasions, often wear purple coats. The 74th English canon enjoins
that beneficed clergymen, &c. shall not go in public in their doublet
and hose, without coats or _cassocks_.—_Jebb._
CASUIST. One who studies cases of conscience.
CASUISTRY. The doctrine and science of conscience and its cases, with
the rules and principles of resolving the same; drawn partly from
natural reason or equity, and partly from the authority of Scripture,
the canon law, councils, fathers, &c. To casuistry belongs the decision
of all difficulties arising about what a man may lawfully do or not do;
what is sin or not sin; what things a man is obliged to do in order to
discharge his duty, and what he may let alone without breach of it. The
most celebrated writers on this subject, of the Church of England, are
Bishop Jeremy Taylor, in his “_Ductor Dubitantium_;” and Bishop
Sanderson, in his “Cases of Conscience.” There was a professor of
casuistry in the university of Cambridge, but the title of the
professorship has lately been altered to _Moral Philosophy_.
CASULA. (See _Chasible_.)
CATACOMBS. Burying-places near Rome; not for Christians only, but for
all sorts of people. There is a large vault about three miles from Rome,
used for this purpose; there is another near Naples. That at Naples
consists of long galleries cut out of the rock, of three stories, one
above another. These galleries are generally about twenty feet broad,
and fifteen high. Those at Rome are not above three or four feet broad,
and five or six feet high. They are very long, full of niches, shaped
according to the sizes of bodies, wherein the bodies were put, not in
coffins, but only in burial clothes. Many inscriptions are still extant
in them; and the same stone sometimes bears on one side an inscription
to heathen deities and marks of Christianity on the other. But see a
large account of these in Bishop Burnet’s Travels, in his fourth letter;
also “The Church in the Catacombs,” by Dr. C. Maitland; and Macfarlane’s
“Catacombs of Rome.”
The name “Catacombs” is now generally applied to the stone vaults for
the dead constructed in the public cemeteries of England.
CATAPHRYGES. Christian heretics, who made their appearance in the second
century; they had this name given to them because the chief promoters of
this heresy came out of Phrygia. They followed Montanus’s errors. (See
_Montanists_.)
CATECHISM, is derived from a Greek term, (κατηχέω,) and signifies
instruction in the first rudiments of any art or science, communicated
by asking questions and hearing and correcting the answers. From the
earliest ages of the Church the word has been employed by ecclesiastical
writers in a more restrained sense, to denote instruction in the
principals of the Christian religion by means of questions and
answers.—_Dean Comber. Shepherd._
By canon 59, “Every parson, vicar, or curate, upon every Sunday and holy
day, before evening prayer, shall, for half an hour or more, examine and
instruct the youth and ignorant persons of his parish, in the ten
commandments, the articles of the belief, and in the LORD’S Prayer; and
shall diligently hear, instruct, and teach them the catechism set forth
in the Book of Common Prayer. And all fathers, mothers, masters, and
mistresses shall cause their children, servants, and apprentices, which
have not learned the catechism, to come to the church at the time
appointed, obediently to hear, and to be ordered by the minister, until
they have learned the same. And if any minister neglect his duty herein,
let him be sharply reproved upon the first complaint, and true notice
thereof given to the bishop or ordinary of the place. If after
submitting himself he shall willingly offend therein again, let him be
suspended. If so the third time, there being little hope that he will be
therein reformed, then excommunicated, and so remain until he be
reformed. And likewise, if any of the said fathers, mothers, masters, or
mistresses, children, servants, or apprentices, shall neglect their
duties, as the one sort in not causing them to come, and the other in
refusing to learn, as aforesaid, let them be suspended by their
ordinaries, (if they be not children,) and if they so persist by the
space of a month, then let them be excommunicated.”
And by the rubric, “The curate of every parish shall diligently upon
Sundays and holy days, after the second lesson at evening prayer, openly
in the church instruct and examine so many children of his parish sent
unto him, as he shall think convenient, in some part of the catechism.
And all fathers and mothers, masters and dames, shall cause their
children, servants, and apprentices (who have not learned their
catechism) to come to the church at the time appointed, and obediently
to hear, and be ordered by the curate, until such time as they have
learned all that therein is appointed for them to learn.”
In the office of public baptism the minister directs the godfathers and
godmothers to “take care that the child be brought to the bishop, to be
confirmed by him, so soon as he or she can say the Creed, the LORD’S
Prayer, and the ten commandments in the vulgar tongue, and be further
instructed in the Church Catechism set forth for that purpose.”
The catechism of children is enjoined by GOD, (Deut. vi. 7; Prov. xxii.
6; Ephes. vi. 4,) and was always practised by pious men, (Gen. xviii.
19; 1 Chron. xxviii. 9; 2 Tim. i. 5,) and it is CHRIST’S especial charge
to ministers, to feed his lambs. (John xxi. 15.) The Jewish doctors took
care of this. (Luke ii. 42.) And in the Christian churches there was a
peculiar officer who was the catechist; and all the new converts, who
were to be baptized at Easter, were catechized all the forty days of
Lent. But since we have few such now, and generally baptize infants, who
cannot at that time understand the covenant which is entered into,
therefore we are bound to take more care to make them understand it
afterward, by instructing them in the “Catechism of the Church;” which
is drawn up according to the primitive forms by way of question and
answer, (Acts viii. 37; 1 Pet. iii. 21,) being not a large system of
divinity to puzzle the heads of young beginners, but, like those of the
ancients, a short and full explication of the baptismal vow; teaching
them, first, what their baptismal vow is, namely, what were the benefits
promised on GOD’S part, Quest. I., II., and what were the duties
promised on their part, to renounce all evil, to believe all divine
truth, and to keep GOD’S commandments, Quest. III.; together with their
grateful owning of this covenant, Quest. IV. Secondly, the parts of the
vow are explained: first, as to the matter of them, in repeating and
expounding the creed, Quest. V., VI., and repeating and explaining the
ten commandments, Quest. VII., VIII., IX., X., XI. Secondly, as to the
means to enable them to keep them, which are prayer and the holy
sacraments: and the duty of prayer is taught them in the LORD’S Prayer,
and the explication thereof, Quest. XII., XIII. The due use of the
sacraments is taught them, first in general, as to their number, nature,
and necessity, Quest. XIV., XV. Secondly in particular, baptism, Quest.
XVI.–XX.; and the LORD’S supper, Quest. XXI.–XXV. This is all that is
absolutely necessary to be known in order to salvation, and all that the
primitive Church did teach their catechumens. And if children be but
made to repeat this perfectly, and understand it fully, they will
increase in knowledge as they grow in years.—_Dean Comber._
It is the peculiar glory of Christianity to have extended religious
instruction, of which but few partook at all before, and scarce any in
purity, through all ranks and ages of men, and even women. The first
converts to it were immediately formed into regular societies and
assemblies; not only for the joint worship of GOD, but the further
“edifying of the body of CHRIST” (Eph. iv. 12); in which good work some
of course were stated teachers, or, to use the apostle’s own expression,
“catechizers in the word:” others taught or catechized. (Gal. vi. 6.)
For _catechizing_ signifies, in Scripture at large, instructing persons
in any matter, but especially in religion. And thus it is used, Acts
xviii. 25, where we read, “This man was _instructed_ in the way of the
LORD;” and Luke i. 4, where, again, we read, “That thou mayest know the
certainty of those things wherein thou hast been _instructed_.” The
original word, in both places, is _catechized_.
But as the different advances of persons in knowledge made different
sorts of instructions requisite, so, in the primitive Church, different
sorts of teachers were appointed to dispense it. And they who taught so
much only of the Christian doctrine, as might qualify the hearers for
Christian communion, had the name of _catechists_ appropriated to them:
whose teaching being usually, as was most convenient, in a great measure
by way of question and answer, the name of _Catechism_ hath now been
long confined to such instruction as is given in that form. But the
method of employing a particular set of men in that work only, is in
most places laid aside.
Under the darkness of Popery almost all religious instruction was
neglected. “Very few,” to use the words of one of our homilies, “even of
the most simple people, were taught the LORD’S Prayer, the articles of
the faith, or the ten commandments, otherwise than in Latin, which they
understood not;” so that one of the first necessary steps taken towards
the Reformation in this country, was a general injunction, that parents
and masters should first learn them in their own tongue, then acquaint
their children and servants with them: which three main branches of
Christian duty, comprehending the sum of what we are to believe, to do,
and to petition for, were soon after formed, with proper explanations of
each, into a catechism. To this was added, in process of time, a brief
account of the two sacraments; all together making up that very good,
though still improveable, “form of sound words” (2 Tim. i. 13) which we
may now use.—_Abp. Secker._
As to the form of our catechism, it is drawn up after the primitive
manner, by way of question and answer: so Philip catechized the eunuch,
(Acts viii. 37,) and so the persons to be baptized were catechized in
the first ages. And, indeed, the very word catechism implies as much;
the original κατηχέω, from whence it is derived, being a compound of
ἠχὼ, which signifies an echo, or repeated sound. So that a catechism is
no more than an instruction first taught and instilled into a person,
and then repeated upon the catechist’s examination.
As to the contents of our catechism, it is not a large system or body of
divinity, to puzzle the heads of young beginners, but only a short and
full explication of the baptismal vow. The primitive catechisms, indeed,
(that is, all that the catechumens were to learn by heart before their
baptism and confirmation,) consisted of no more than the renunciation,
or the repetition of the baptismal vow, the creed, and the LORD’S
prayer: and these, together with the ten commandments, at the
Reformation, were the whole of ours. But it being afterwards thought
defective as to the doctrine of the sacraments, (which in the primitive
times were more largely explained to baptized persons,) King James I.
appointed the bishops to add a short and plain explanation of them,
which was done accordingly in that excellent form we see; being penned
by Bishop Overall, then dean of St. Paul’s, and allowed by the bishops.
So that now (in the opinion of the best judges) it excels all catechisms
that ever were in the world; being so short, that the youngest children
may learn it by heart; and yet so full, that it contains all things
necessary to be known in order to salvation.
In this also its excellency is very discernible, namely, that as all
persons are baptized, not into any particular Church, but into the
Catholic Church of CHRIST; so here they are not taught the opinion of
this or any other particular Church or people, but what the whole body
of Christians all the world over agree in. If it may anywhere seem to be
otherwise, it is in the doctrine of the sacraments; but even this is
here worded with so much caution and temper, as not to contradict any
other particular Church, but so as that all sorts of Christians, when
they have duly considered it, may subscribe to everything that is here
taught or delivered.—_Wheatly._
The country parson, says Herbert, values catechizing highly.... He
exacts of all the doctrine of the catechism; of the younger sort, the
very words; of the elder, the substance. Those he catechizeth publicly;
these privately, giving age honour, according to the apostle’s rule. He
requires all to be present at catechizing; first, for the authority of
the work; secondly, that parents and masters, as they hear the answers
proved, may, when they come home, either commend or reprove, either
reward or punish; thirdly, that those of the elder sort, who are not
well grounded, may then by an honourable way take occasion to be better
instructed; fourthly, that those who are well grown in the knowledge of
religion, may examine their grounds, renew their vows, and by occasion
of both enlarge their meditation. Having read Divine service twice
fully, and preached in the morning, and _catechized in the afternoon_,
he thinks he hath, in some measure, according to poor and frail man,
discharged the public duties of the congregation.—_Herbert’s Country
Parson._
With respect to the catechetical instruction of youth, I would remind
you, that it was the primitive method, employed by the apostles and
their immediate followers, and in after ages by the whole succession of
the catholic and apostolic Church, for training up and organizing the
visible community of Christians in sound principles of faith, in the
love of God and man, and in purity of life and conversation. It is
observable, accordingly, that in exact proportion as catechizing has
been practised or neglected, in the same proportion have the public
faith and morals been seen to flourish or decline.... In the earlier
ages of the Church, catechetical schools were established in the great
cities of the empire; over which men of the profoundest learning, and
most brilliant talents, felt themselves honoured when they were called
to preside; while each particular church had its catechists; and the
catechumens formed a regular and ascertained class or division of every
congregation. And it is not too much to say, that, next to an
established liturgy, and beyond all prescribed confessions of faith, the
single ordinance of catechetical instruction has, under Providence, been
the great stay and support, throughout Christendom, of orthodox,
unwavering Christianity.... Let not the common prejudice be entertained,
that catechizing is a slight and trifling exercise, to be performed
without pain and preparation on your part. This would be so, if it were
the mere rote-work asking and answering of the questions in our Church
Catechism: but to open, to explain, and familiarly to illustrate those
questions, in such a manner, as at once to reach the understanding and
touch the affections of little children, is a work which demands no
ordinary acquaintance at once with the whole scheme of Christian
theology, with the philosophy of the human mind, and with the yet
profounder mysteries of the human heart. It has, therefore, been well
and truly said, by I recollect not what writer, that _a boy may preach,
but to catechize requires a man_.—_Bp. Jebb._
CATECHIST. The person who catechizes. There were officers of this name
in the ancient Church; but they did not form a distinct order. Sometimes
the bishop catechized, sometimes the catechists were selected from the
inferior orders, as readers, &c.—(See _Bingham_.)
CATECHUMENS. A name given, in the first ages of Christianity, to the
Jews or Gentiles who were being prepared and instructed to receive
baptism. It comes from the Greek word κατηχεῖν, which signifies to teach
by word of mouth, or _viva voce_: and of that word this other,
κατηχούμενος, is formed, which denotes him that is so taught: these had
people on purpose to instruct them. Eusebius makes mention of Pantænus,
Clemens, and Origen, who were catechists in the Church of Alexandria,
and had a peculiar place in the church where they used to teach, and the
same was called the place of the catechumens, as appears by the canons
of the Council of _Neocæsarea_: they tell us the catechumens were not
permitted to be present at the celebration of the holy eucharist; but,
immediately after the Gospel was read, the deacons cried with a loud
voice: “Withdraw in peace, you catechumens,” for so the book of the
Apostolical Constitutions will have it. The service from the beginning
to the Offertory was called _Missa catechumenorum_. The catechumens, not
being baptized, were not to receive, nor so much as permitted to see,
the consecrated elements of the eucharist. Some writers suppose that
they received some of the consecrated bread, called _eulogicæ_; but
Bingham shows that this idea is founded on a misconstruction of a
passage in St. Augustine, and that the use of _eulogicæ_ was not known
in the Church, until long after the discipline of the catechumens had
ceased. According to a canon of the Council of Orange, they were not
permitted to pray with the faithful or those in full communion. There
were several degrees of favour in the state of the catechumens: at first
they were instructed privately, or by themselves, and afterwards
admitted to hear sermons in the church; and these last were called
_audientes_. There was a third sort of catechumens, called _orantes_ or
_genuflectentes_, because they were present and concerned in some part
of the prayers: to which we may add a fourth degree of catechumens,
which were the _competentes_; for so they were called when they desired
to be baptized.
CATENA. From a Greek word signifying a chain. By a _Catena Patrum_ is
meant a string or series of passages from the writings of various
fathers, and arranged for the elucidation of some portions of Scripture,
as the Psalms or Gospels. They seem to have originated in the short
scholia or glosses which it was customary in MSS. of the Scriptures to
introduce in the margin. These by degrees were expanded, and passages
from the homilies or sermons of the fathers were added to them. The most
celebrated catena is the _Catena Aurea_ of Thomas Aquinas. It was
translated at Oxford, under the superintendence of Mr. Newman, of Oriel
College. The subsequent conduct of that gentleman has led those who were
willing to attach some authority to the work to examine it carefully,
and the result has been, the detection that Thomas Aquinas has sometimes
falsified the quotations he has made from the fathers; and the whole, as
a commentary, is inferior to the commentaries of modern theologians.
CATHARISTS. The last surviving sect of Manichæans, or Gnostics, who gave
themselves that name, (from καθαρὸς, pure,) to indicate their superior
purity. There were many different degrees of error among them, but the
following tenets were common to all:—That matter was the source of all
evil; that the Creator of the visible world was not the same as the
Supreme Being; that CHRIST had not a real body, nor was properly
speaking born, nor really died; that the bodies of men were the
production of the evil principle, and were incapable of sanctification
and a new life; and that the sacraments were but vain institutions, and
without power. They rejected and despised the Old Testament, but
received the New with reverence. The consequence of such doctrines was,
of course, that they made it the chief object of their religion to
emancipate themselves from whatever was material, and to macerate their
bodies to the utmost; and their perfect disciples, in obedience to this
principle, renounced animal food, wine, and marriage. The state of their
souls, while united with the body, was in their estimation a wretched
incarceration, and they only escaped from some portion of the horrors of
such a dungeon, by denying themselves all natural enjoyments, and
escaping from the solicitations of all the senses.
The Catharists in the twelfth century spread themselves from Bulgaria
over most of the European provinces, but they met everywhere with
extensive persecution, and are not heard of after that time.
CATHEDRAL. The chief church in every diocese is called the Cathedral,
from the word _cathedra_, a chair, because in it the bishop has his seat
or throne. The cathedral church is the parish church of the whole
diocese (which diocese was therefore commonly called _parochia_ in
ancient times, till the application of this name to the lesser branches
into which it was divided, caused it for distinction’ sake to be called
only by the name of diocese): and it has been affirmed, with great
probability, that if one resort to the cathedral church to hear Divine
service, it is a resorting to the parish church within the natural sense
and meaning of the statute.
By the 5th canon of the 5th Council of Carthage it is ordained, that
every bishop shall have his residence at his principal or cathedral
church, which he shall not leave, to betake himself to any other church
in his diocese; nor continue upon his private concerns, to the neglect
of his cure, and hinderance of his frequenting the cathedral
church.—_Bingham._
By the constitutions of Archbishop Langton, 1222, it is enjoined,
bishops shall be at their cathedrals on some of the greater feasts, and
at least in some part of Lent.
By the constitutions of Otho, 1237, bishops shall reside at their
cathedral churches, and officiate there on the chief festivals, on the
LORD’S days, and in Lent, and in Advent.
By the constitutions of Othobon, in 1268, bishops shall be personally
resident to take care of their flock, and for the comfort of the
churches espoused to them, especially on solemn days, in Lent and
Advent, unless their absence is required by their superiors, or for
other just cause.
Canon 24. “In all cathedral and collegiate churches, the holy communion
shall be administered upon principal feast days, sometimes by the
bishop, (if he be present,) and sometimes by the dean, and sometimes by
a canon or prebendary; the principal minister using a decent cope, and
being assisted with the gospeller and epistler agreeably, according to
the advertisements published in the seventh year of Queen Elizabeth
(hereafter following). The said communion to be administered at such
times, and with such limitation, as is specified in the Book of Common
Prayer. Provided that no such limitation by any construction shall be
allowed of, but that all deans, wardens, masters, or heads of cathedral
and collegiate churches, prebendaries, canons, vicars, petty canons,
singing men, and all others of the foundation, shall receive the
communion four times yearly at the least.”
Canon 42. “Every dean, master, or warden, or chief governor of any
cathedral or collegiate church, shall be resident there fourscore and
ten days, _conjunctim_ or _divisim_, in every year at the least, and
then shall continue there in preaching the word of GOD, and keeping good
hospitality; except he shall be otherwise let with weighty and urgent
causes, to be approved by the bishop, or in any other lawful sort
dispensed with.”
Canon 43. “The dean, master, warden, or chief governor, prebendaries and
canons, in every cathedral and collegiate church, shall preach there, in
their own persons, so often as they are bound by law, statute,
ordinance, or custom.”
Canon 44. “Prebendaries at large shall not be absent from their cures
above a month in the year; and residentiaries shall divide the year
among them; and, when their residence is over, shall repair to their
benefices.”
And by Canon 51, “the deans, presidents, and residentiaries of any
cathedral or collegiate church, shall suffer no stranger to preach unto
the people in their churches, except they be allowed by the archbishop
of the province, or by the bishop of the same diocese, or by either of
the universities. And if any in his sermon shall publish any doctrine
either strange, or disagreeing from the word of GOD, or from any of the
Thirty-nine Articles, or from the Book of Common Prayer, the dean or the
residents shall by their letters, subscribed with some of their hands
that heard him, so soon as may be, give notice of the same to the bishop
of the diocese, that he may determine the matter, and take such order
therein as he shall think convenient.”
The passage of the _advertisements_ published in the seventh year of
Queen Elizabeth, referred to in Canon 24, is as follows: “Item, in the
ministration of the holy communion in cathedral and collegiate churches,
the principal minister shall use a cope with gospeller and epistoler
agreeably; and at all other prayers to be said at the communion table,
to use no copes but surplices. Item, that the dean and prebendaries wear
a surplice, with a silk hood, in the choir; and when they preach in the
cathedral or collegiate church, to wear a hood.” And at the end of the
service book in the second year of Edward VI., it is ordered that “in
all cathedral churches, the archdeacons, deans, and prebendaries, being
graduates, may use in the choir, beside their surplices, such hoods as
pertaineth to their several degrees, which they have taken in any
university within this realm.”
Churches collegiate and conventual were always visitable by the bishop
of the diocese, if no special exemption was made by the founder thereof.
And the visitation of cathedral churches belongs unto the metropolitan
of the province, and to the king when the archbishopric is
vacant.—_Burn._
All cathedrals throughout the world had a body of clergy and ministers
belonging to them; which were divided into various orders and degrees;
they were gradually incorporated in Western Christendom, but not in the
East. (See _Chapter_.) In England no diocese has more than one
cathedral. There are many instances of a plurality of cathedrals even in
the same city, as at Rome, Milan, &c., and formerly in France. These
churches were called _concathedrals_. One instance exists in Ireland,
viz. in Dublin, where Christ Church and St. Patrick’s enjoy all the
rights of cathedrals; and while the congé d’ élire existed, conjointly
elected the archbishop; and their united consent must still be given to
all acts which require the sanction of a chapter. This plurality of
cathedrals in one see is not to be confounded with a plurality of
cathedrals under the same bishop, when, as generally in Ireland, he has
under his charge two or more dioceses. One Irish diocese (Meath) has no
cathedral; and two others (Kilmore and Ardagh) have no cathedral
chapters. These anomalies are not, as some have supposed, remnants of a
primitive order of things; for it can be proved that they did not
originally exist in the respective dioceses now mentioned; but were the
consequences of poverty, barbarism, and other unhappy causes which
mutilated the external framework of the Irish church.—_Jebb._
With reference to the architecture of a cathedral: the normal plan of an
English cathedral is in the form of a Latin cross; a cross, that is,
whose transverse arms are less than the lower longitudinal limb; and, in
a general architectural description, its parts are sufficiently
distinguished as nave, choir, and transept, with their aisles, western
towers, and central tower; but in more minute description, especially
where ritual arrangements are concerned, these terms are not always
sufficiently precise, and we shall hardly arrive at the more exact
nomenclature, without tracing the changes in a cathedral church from the
Norman period to our own.
In a Norman cathedral, the east end, or architectural choir, usually
terminated in an apse, (see _Apse_,) surrounded by the continuation of
the choir aisles. The aisles formed a path for processions at the back
of the altar, and were called the _processionary_. The bishop’s throne
was placed behind the altar, and the altar itself in the chord of the
apse; and westward of this was a considerable space, unoccupied in
ordinary cases, which was called the _presbytery_. The _choir_, or place
in which the daily service was performed, was under the central tower,
with perhaps one or two bays of the nave in addition; so that the ritual
and the architectural choir did not coincide, but the ritual choir
occupied the tower and a considerable portion of the architectural nave.
This arrangement seems unnatural, and even inconvenient; but it was
perhaps required by the connexion of the cathedral with the monastic or
other offices of the establishment; for these were arranged around a
quadrangle, of which the architectural nave, or western limb of the
church, formed one side, and length was gained to the quadrangle,
without disproportionate enlargement of the church, by making the
western limb sufficiently large to receive part, at least, of the ritual
choir. (See _Monastery_.)
The transept was not originally symbolical in its form; but was derived
from the transverse hall or gallery in the ancient basilicas at the
upper end of the nave, its length equal to the breadth of the nave and
aisles. The accidental approximating to the form of the cross was
doubtless perceived by later Christian architects, who accordingly in
many instances lengthened the transept so as to make the ground-plan of
the church completely cuneiform.—_Jebb._
In the _transepts_ and _aisles_, and also in the _crypt_, which
generally extended beneath the whole eastern limb of the church, were
numerous altars, and little chapels were often thrown out, of an apsidal
form, for their altars. One chapel, especially, was dedicated to the
Blessed Virgin, and called the _Lady chapel_, but its place does not
seem to have been constant.
Subsequent churches were of course subject to many variations, but they
generally followed much this course. First, the apse was taken down, and
the eastern arm of the cross was extended considerably, so as to enlarge
the presbytery, or part in which the altar stood, and to add a
retrochoir in place of the old processionary behind it; and this change
was probably connected always in prospect, and often at once, with the
carrying up of the choir eastward of the great tower, or in other words,
reconciling the ritual with the architectural arrangement. After this
yet another addition was made to the east end, which was often nearly
equal to the nave in length; and the _Lady chapel_ was built beyond the
presbytery and retrochoir.
In the course of these arrangements the several screens, the rood screen
and the altar screen, had to be removed. The rood screen was placed
within the eastern arch of the tower, which may now be called its proper
place, wherever the church has received its usual additions. This screen
is now almost universally used as an organ loft; and it is obvious to
remark, that though the organ intercepts the view from the west end of
the church, it certainly does not do so more than the rood and its
accompaniments formerly did. The _altar screen_ first became necessary
at the enlarging of the space behind the altar: it formed the separation
of the presbytery from the retrochoir. In some instances this
arrangement has been disturbed of late years, but always with bad
effect.
The modifications of these plans and arrangements are various, but
oftener on the side of excess than of defect. The Lady chapel is not
always at the extreme east. At Ely, for instance, and once at
Peterborough, it was at the north. The great transept is never omitted
(Manchester can hardly be called an exception, since it has only lately
been made a cathedral); but a second transept to the east of the tower
was often added, as at Canterbury, Lincoln, and Salisbury. Sometimes, as
at Durham, the second transept is carried to the extreme east end of the
church, which it crosses in the form of a T. Sometimes there was a
western transept, treated in the same way as at Ely and Peterborough;
and at Durham, Ely, and Lincoln was another considerable addition,
called the _Galilee porch_. At Canterbury, the whole arrangement of the
east end is very remarkable, the crown of Archbishop Becket taking the
usual place of the Lady chapel. The shrines of reputed saints, and
chantry monuments inserted in different portions of the fabric, with too
little respect for its general effect, are constant additions to the
plan; but it would be useless to attempt to reduce these to a general
rule, and endless to enumerate particular cases.
The cathedrals in Ireland and Scotland were originally very small. That
of Armagh, the largest, it is supposed, of ancient date, and originally
built by St. Patrick, was without transepts, which were added many ages
after. The most interesting relics of very ancient cathedrals in Ireland
are at Tuam and Clonfert. Many of them in Scotland, as Elgin, were
modelled on the plan of Lincoln cathedral.—_Poole._
CATHOLIC. (καθ’ ὅλον.) _Universal_ or _general_. “The Church,” says St.
Cyril, “is called _catholic_, because it is throughout the world, from
one end of the earth to the other; and because it teaches universally
and completely all the truths which ought to come to men’s knowledge,
concerning things both visible and invisible, heavenly and earthly; and
because it subjugates, in order to godliness, every class of men,
governors and governed, learned and unlearned; and because it
universally treats and heals every sort of sins which are committed by
soul or body, and possesses in itself every form of virtue which is
named, both in deeds and words, and every kind of spiritual
gifts.”—_Catechetical Lectures_, xviii. 23.
The term was first applied to the Christian Church to distinguish it
from the Jewish, the latter being confined to a single nation, the
former being open to all who should seek admission into it by holy
baptism. Hence, the Christian Church is general or universal. The first
regularly organized Christian Church was formed at Jerusalem. When St.
Peter converted three thousand souls, (Acts ii. 41,) the new converts
were not formed into a new Church, but were added to the original
society. When Churches were formed afterwards at Samaria, Antioch, and
other places, these were not looked upon as entirely separate bodies,
but as branches of the one holy Catholic or Apostolic Church. St. Paul
says, (1 Cor. xii. 13,) “_By one_ SPIRIT _we are all baptized into one
body_;” and, (Eph. iv. 4,) “_There is one body and one_ SPIRIT.” A
Catholic Church means a branch of this one great society, as the Church
of England is said to be a Catholic Church; _the_ Catholic Church
includes all the Churches in the world under their legitimate bishops.
When in after-times teachers began to form separate societies, and to
call them by their own name, as the Arians were named from Arius, the
Macedonians from Macedonius; and, in later times, Calvinists from
Calvin, Wesleyans from Wesley; the true churchmen, refusing to be
designated by the name of any human leader, called themselves Catholics,
i. e. members, not of any peculiar society, but of the Universal Church.
And the term thus used not only distinguished the Church from the world,
but the true Church from heretical and schismatical parties. Hence, in
ecclesiastical history, the word catholic means the same as orthodox,
and a _catholic_ Christian denotes an _orthodox_ Christian.
From this may be seen the absurdity of calling those who receive the
decrees of the Council of Trent _Catholics_. The Romanists, or Papists,
or Tridentines, belong to a _peculiar_ society, in which Romanism or
Romish errors are added to orthodox truth. When we call them
_Catholics_, we as much as call ourselves _Heretics_, we as much as
admit them to be orthodox; and they gladly avail themselves of this
admission, on the part of some ignorant Protestants, to hold up an
argument against the Church of England. Let the member of the Church of
England assert his right to the name of Catholic, since he is the only
person in England who has a right to that name. The English Romanist is
a Romish schismatic, and not a Catholic.
CATHOLIC EPISTLES. The Epistles of St. James, St. Peter, St. Jude, and
St. John are called Catholic Epistles, either because they were not
written to any particular person, or Church, but to Christians in
general, or to Christians of several countries: or because, whatever
doubts may at first have been entertained respecting some of them, they
were all acknowledged by the _Catholic_ or Universal Church, at the time
this appellation was attached to them, which we find to have been common
in the fourth century.
CAVEAT. A caveat is a caution entered in the spiritual court, to stop
probates, administrations, licences, &c., from being granted without the
knowledge of the party that enters the caveat.
CELESTINES. A religious order of Christians, which derives its name from
its founder, Pietro de Morone, afterwards Celestin V., a hermit, who
followed the rules of St. Bennet, who founded the order in 1254, and got
the institution confirmed by Pope Urban VIII. in 1264, and by Gregory X.
in 1273, at the second general Council of Lyons: this order soon
multiplied in Italy, and was brought into France in 1300, by Philip the
Fair, who sent to Peter of Sorrel, a singer of the Church of Orleans, or
according to others, of that of Amiens, his ambassador then at Naples,
to beg of the abbot-general of it twelve of this order, to be sent into
France. When they were arrived, the king gave them two monasteries, one
in the forest of Orleans, at a place called Ambert, and the other in the
forest of Compiegne, in Mount Chartres. Charles, dauphin and regent of
France, in 1352, while King John, his father, was prisoner in England,
sent for six of these monks of Mount Chartres, to establish them at
Paris, at a place called Barrez, where there was, till the Revolution, a
monastery of that order: and that prince, in 1356, gave them every month
a purse under the seal of the chancelery, which gift was confirmed by a
patent in 1361, at King John’s return. When Charles came to the crown
himself, he made them a gift of a thousand livres of gold, with twelve
acres of the best timber in the forest of Moret, to build their church
with, whereof he himself laid the first stone, and had it consecrated in
his presence. After which he settled a considerable parcel of land upon
the same monastery. The Celestines were called hermits of St. Damian
before their institutor became pope. Their first monastery was at Monte
Majella, in the kingdom of Naples.
CELIBACY. The state of unmarried persons: a word used chiefly in
speaking of the single life of the Romish clergy, or the obligation they
are under to abstain from marriage.
At the time of the Reformation, scarcely any point was more canvassed
than the right of the clergy to marry. The celibacy of the clergy was
justly considered as a principal cause of irregular and dissolute
living; and the wisest of the Reformers were exceedingly anxious to
abolish a practice, which had been injurious to the interests of
religion, by its tendency to corrupt the morals of those who ought to be
examples of virtue to the rest of mankind. The marriage of priests was
so far from being forbidden by the Mosaic institution, that the
priesthood was confined to the descendants of one family, and
consequently there was not only a permission, but an obligation upon the
Jewish priests to marry. Hence we conclude that there is no natural
inconsistency, or even unsuitableness, between the married state and the
duties of the ministers of religion. Not a single text in the New
Testament can be interpreted into a prohibition against the marriage of
the clergy under the gospel dispensation; but, on the contrary, there
are many passages from which we may infer that they are allowed the same
liberty upon this subject as other men enjoy. One of the twelve
apostles, namely, St. Peter, was certainly a married man (Matt. viii.
14); and it is supposed that several of the others were also married.
Philip, one of the seven deacons, was also a married man (Acts xxi. 9);
and if our LORD did not require celibacy in the first preachers of the
gospel, it cannot be thought indispensable in their successors. St. Paul
says, “Let every man have his own wife” (1 Cor. vii. 2); and that
marriage is honourable in all, (Heb. xiii. 4,) without excepting those
who are employed in the public offices of religion. He expressly says,
that “a bishop must be the husband of one wife” (1 Tim. iii. 2); and he
gives the same direction concerning elders, priests, and deacons. When
Aquila travelled about to preach the gospel, he was not only married,
but his wife Priscilla accompanied him (Acts xviii. 2); and St. Paul
insists that he might have claimed the privilege “of carrying about a
sister or wife, (1 Cor. ix. 5,) as other apostles did.” The “forbidding
to marry” (1 Tim. iv. 3) is mentioned as a character of the apostasy of
the latter times. That the ministers of the gospel were allowed to marry
for several centuries after the days of the apostles appears certain.
Polycarp mentions Valens, presbyter of Philippi, who was a married man,
and there are now extant two letters of Tertullian, a presbyter of the
second century, addressed to his wife. Novatus was a married presbyter
of Carthage, as we learn from Cyprian, who was, in the opinion of some
historians, himself a married man; and so was Cæcilius, the presbyter
who converted him, and Numidius, another presbyter of Carthage. That
they were allowed to cohabit with their wives after ordination appears
from the charge which Cyprian brought against Novatus, that he had
struck and abused his wife, and by that means caused her to miscarry. In
the Council of Nice, A. D. 325, a motion was made, that a law might pass
to oblige the clergy to abstain from all conjugal society: but it was
strenuously opposed by Paphnutius, a famous Egyptian bishop, who,
although himself unmarried, pleaded that marriage was honourable, and
that so heavy a burden as abstaining from it ought not to be laid upon
the clergy. Upon which the motion was laid aside, and every man left to
his liberty, as before. All that Valesius, after Bellarmine, has to say
against this is, that he suspects the truth of the thing, and begs leave
to dissent from the historian; which is but a poor evasion in the
judgment of Du Pin himself, who, though a Romanist, makes no question
but that the Council of Nice decreed in favour of the married clergy.
The same thing is evident from other councils of the same age; as the
councils of Gangra, Ancyra, Neocæsarea, Eliberis, and Trullo. We have
also a letter from Hilary of Poictiers, written to his daughter when he
was in exile; and from what can be collected concerning her age, it
seems probable that she was born when he was a bishop. At the same time
it must be owned, that many things are said in praise of a single life
in the writings of the ancient fathers; and the law of celibacy had been
proposed, before or about the beginning of the fourth century, by some
individuals. The arguments are forcible which are used, but there is one
general answer to them all: the experiment has been made, and it has
failed. In a country where there are no nunneries, the wives of the
clergy are most useful to the Church. Siricius, who, according to
Dufresnoy, died in the year 399, [397, Barenius,] was the first pope who
forbade the marriage of the clergy; but it is probable that this
prohibition was little regarded, as the celibacy of the clergy seems not
to have been completely established till the papacy of Gregory VII., at
the end of the eleventh century, and even at that time it was loudly
complained of by many writers. The history of the following centuries
abundantly proves the bad effects of this abuse of Church power. The old
English and Welsh records show that the clergy were married as late as
the eleventh century. See the _Liber Landavensis_, _passim_.
CELLITES. A certain religious order of Popish Christians, which has
houses in Antwerp, Louvain, Mechlin, Cologne, and in other towns in
Germany and the Netherlands, whose founder was one Mexius, a Roman,
mentioned in the history of Italy, where they are also called Mexians.
CEMETERY means originally a place to sleep in, and hence by Christians,
who regard death as a kind of sleep, it is applied to designate a place
of burial. Cemetery is derived from κοιμάω, to sleep, because the
primitive Christians spoke of death as a sleep, from which men are to
awake at the general resurrection. The first Christian sepulchres were
crypts or catacombs. The custom of burying in churches was not practised
for the first 300 years of the Christian era; and severe laws were
passed against burying even in cities. The first step towards the
practice of burying in churches, was the transferring of the relics of
martyrs thither: next, sovereigns and princes were allowed burial in the
porch: in the sixth century churchyards came into use. By degrees the
practice prevailed from the ninth to the thirteenth century, encouraged
first by special grants from popes, and by connivance, though contrary
to the express laws of the Church.—See _Bingham_. (See 9 & 10 Vict. c.
68, entitled “An Act for better enabling the Burial Service to be
performed in one chapel, where contiguous burial-ground shall have been
provided for two or more parishes or places.”)
The following is a list of the several acts of parliament recently
passed relating to church building, and to cemeteries and
churchyards:—43 Geo. III. c. 108; 51 Geo. III. c. 115; 56 Geo. III. c.
141; 58 Geo. III. c. 45; 59 Geo. III. c. 134; 3 Geo. IV. c. 72; 5 Geo.
IV. c. 103; 7 & 8 Geo. IV. c. 72; 9 Geo. IV. c. 42; 1 & 2 Wm. IV. c. 38;
2 & 3 Wm. IV. c. 61; 1 Vict. c. 75; 1 & 2 Vict. c. 107; 2 & 3 Vict. c.
49; 3 & 4 Vict. c. 60; 7 & 8 Vict. c. 56; 8 & 9 Vict. c. 70; 9 & 10
Vict. c. 88; 10 & 11 Vict. c. 65; 11 & 12 Vict. c. 37; 11 & 12 Vict. c.
71.
In the neighbourhood of London are several cemeteries endowed with
privileges under acts of parliament specially applicable to them. The
principal is that of Kensall Green, established 2 & 3 Wm. IV., and
consecrated by the bishop of London in 1832; the South London, at
Norwood, was established 6 & 7 Wm. IV., 1836. There are four others in
the neighbourhood of London. There are large cemeteries also at
Manchester, Liverpool, Reading, and several other towns.
In 1850 was passed the act 13 & 14 Vict. c. 52, which gave to the
General Board of Health very extensive powers for abolishing existing
places of sepulture, whether in the neighbourhood of churches or not,
and for establishing public cemeteries. This very elaborate act,
containing seventy-seven sections and four schedules, has hitherto been
found impracticable, except in so far as it relates to the appointment
of a new commissioner of the Board of Health to work the act. In the
year 1852 was passed the 15 & 16 Vict. c. 85, making provision for
interments in the metropolis. In 1853, by 16 & 17 Vict. c. 134, most of
the provisions of the act of 1852 were extended to all England.
CENOBITES. A name formerly given to such as entered into a monastic
life, and lived in communities, to distinguish them from such as passed
their lives in wildernesses and alone, as hermits and anchorites. The
word is derived from κοινόβιον, _vitæ communis societas_.
CENOTAPH. (κενοτάφιον, from κενὸς and τάφος, _an empty tomb_.) A
memorial of a deceased person, not erected over his body. So far as
churches may be considered memorials of the saints whose name they bear,
they are analogous either to monuments, when the bodies of the saints
there repose, (as, for instance, St. Alban’s, and the ancient church at
Peransabulo,) or to cenotaphs, when, as is far more generally the case,
the saint is buried far off. A great part of the monuments which
disfigure Westminster Abbey and St. Paul’s are cenotaphs.
CENSURES ECCLESIASTICAL. The penalties by which, for some remarkable
misbehaviour, Christians are deprived of the communion of the Church, or
clergymen are prohibited to execute the sacerdotal office. These
censures are, excommunication, suspension, and interdict; or else,
irregularity, which hinders a man from being admitted into holy orders.
The canonists define an ecclesiastical censure to be a spiritual
punishment, inflicted by some ecclesiastical judge, whereby he deprives
a person baptized of the use of some spiritual things, which conduce,
not only to his present welfare in the Church, but likewise to his
future and eternal salvation. It differs from civil punishments, which
consist only in things temporal; as confiscation of goods, pecuniary
mulcts or fines, and the like; but the Church, by its censures, does not
deprive a man of all spirituals, but only of some in particular. This
definition speaks of such things as conduce to eternal salvation, in
order to manifest the end of this censure; for the Church, by censures,
does not intend the destroying of men’s souls, but only the _saving_
them; by enjoining repentance for past errors, a return from contumacy,
and an abstaining from future sins.
CENTURIES, MAGDEBURG. A celebrated and extraordinary ecclesiastical
history, projected by Flacius Illyricus, and prosecuted by him, in
conjunction with several others, many of them divines of Magdeburg.
Their names were, Nicolaus Gallus, Johannes Wigandus, and Matthias
Judex, all ministers of Magdeburg, assisted by Caspar Nidpruckius, an
Imperial Counsellor, Johannes Baptista Heincelius, an Augustinian, Basil
Faber, and others. The centuriators thus describe the process employed
in the composition of their work. Five directors were appointed to
manage the whole design; and ten paid agents supplied the necessary
labour. Seven of these were well-informed students, who were employed in
making collections from the various pieces set before them. Two others,
more advanced in years, and of greater learning and judgment, arranged
the matter thus collected, submitted it to the directors, and, if it
were approved, employed it in the composition of the work. As fast as
the various chapters were composed, they were laid before certain
inspectors, selected from the directors, who carefully examined what had
been done, and made the necessary alterations; and, finally, a regular
amanuensis made a fair copy of the whole.
At length, in the year 1560, (though probably printed in 1559,) appeared
the first volume of their laborious undertaking. It was printed at
Basle. But the city in which the first part of it was composed has given
it a distinctive title; and the first great Protestant work on Church
history has been always commonly known as the _Magdeburg Centuries_.
It was in every point of view an extraordinary production. Though the
first modern attempt to illustrate the history of the Church, it was
written upon a scale which has scarcely been exceeded. It brought to
light a large quantity of unpublished materials; and cast the whole
subject into a fixed and regular form. One of its most remarkable
features is the elaborate classification. This was strictly original,
and, with all its inconveniences, undoubtedly tended to introduce
scientific arrangement and minute accuracy into the study of Church
history. Each century is treated separately, in sixteen heads or
chapters. The first of these gives a general view of the history of the
century; then follow, 2. The extent and propagation of the Church. 3.
Persecution and tranquillity of the Church. 4. Doctrine. 5. Heresies. 6.
Rites and Ceremonies. 7. Government. 8. Schisms. 9. Councils. 10. Lives
of Bishops and Doctors. 11. Heretics. 12. Martyrs. 13. Miracles. 14.
Condition of the Jews. 15. Other religions not Christian. 16. Political
condition of the world.
Mr. Dowling (from whose excellent work on the study of Ecclesiastical
History this article is taken) adds, that this peculiarity of form
rendered the work of the centuriators rather a collection of separate
treatises, than a compact and connected history; while, their object
being to support a certain form of polemical theology, their relations
are often twisted to suit their particular views.
CERDONIANS. Heretics of the second century, followers of Cerdon. The
heresy consisted chiefly in laying down the existence of two contrary
principles; in rejecting the law, and the prophets as ministers of a bad
GOD; in ascribing, not a true body, but only the phantasm of a body, to
our blessed LORD, and in denying the resurrection.—_Tertullian.
Epiphanius._
CEREMONY. This word is of Latin origin, though some of the best
critics in antiquity are divided in their opinions, in assigning from
what original it is derived. Joseph Scaliger proves by analogy, that
as _sanctimonia_ comes from _sanctus_, so does _ceremonia_ from the
old Latin word _cerus_, which signifies sacred or holy. The Christian
writers have adapted the word to signify external rites and customs in
the worship of GOD; which, though they are not of the essence of
religion, yet contribute much to good order and uniformity in the
church. If there were no ornaments in the church, and no prescribed
order of administration, the common people would hardly be persuaded
to show more reverence in the sacred assemblies than in other ordinary
places, where they meet only for business or diversion. Upon this
account St. Augustine says, “No religion, either true or false, can
subsist without some ceremonies.” Notwithstanding this, some persons
have laid it down, as a fundamental principle of religion, that no
ceremony, or human constitution, is justifiable, but what is expressly
warranted in the word of GOD. This dogma Mr. Cartwright has reduced
into a syllogistical demonstration. “Wheresoever faith is wanting,
there is sin. In every action not commanded, faith is wanting; ergo,
in every action not commanded, there is sin.” But the falsity of this
syllogism is shown at large by Hooker, in his second book of
Ecclesiastical Polity, by arguments drawn from the indifference of
many human actions—from the natural liberty GOD has afforded us—from
the examples of holy men in Scripture, who have differently used this
liberty—and from the power which the Church by Divine authority is
vested with. That apostolical injunction, “Let all things be done with
decency, and in order,” (1 Cor. xiv. 40,) is a much better
demonstration, that the Church has a power to enjoin proper
ceremonies, for the good order and comeliness of ecclesiastical
conventions, than Mr. Cartwright’s syllogism is for the people’s
contempt of them when enjoined.—_Nicholls._
We still keep, and esteem, not only those ceremonies which we are sure
were delivered us from the apostles, but some others too besides, which
we thought might be suffered without hurt to the Church of God; for that
we had a desire that all things in the holy congregation might, as St.
Paul commandeth, be done with comeliness, and in good order. But as for
all those things which we saw were either very superstitious, or utterly
unprofitable, or noisome, or mockeries, or contrary to the Holy
Scriptures, or else unseemly for sober and discreet people, whereof
there be infinite numbers now-a-days, where the Roman religion is used;
these, I say, we have utterly refused without all manner of exception,
because we would not have the right worshipping of God to be defiled any
longer with such follies.—_Bp. Jewell._
Wise Christians sit down in the mean now under the gospel, avoiding a
careless and parsimonious neglect on the one side, and a superstitious
slovenliness on the other: the painted looks and lascivious gaudiness of
the Church upon the hills, and the careless, neglected dress of some
Churches in the valley.—_Bp. Hall._
Far be it from me to be a patron of idolatry or superstition in the
least degree, yet I am afraid lest we, who have reformed the worship of
GOD from that pollution, (and blessed be his name therefor!) by bending
the crooked stick too much the other way, have run too far into the
other extreme.—_Mede._
It may be objected, that my superior may enjoin me such a law, as my
conscience tells me is scandalous to my brother, not convenient, not
edifying, &c.; what shall I do in this condition? If I conform, I sin
against my conscience (Rom. xiv. 23); if I do not, I sin against his
authority. Answer, that text of Rom. xiv. 23, hath only reference to
things not only indifferent in their own nature, but left free from any
superior command interposing, and therefore the text is not _ad idem_;
for though such laws may be of things indifferent, yet being commanded
by just authority, the indifference by that command determineth, and
they become necessary.—_L’Estrange._
The Reformation gave such a turn to weak heads, that had not weight
enough to poise themselves between the extremes of Popery and
fanaticism, that everything older than yesterday was looked upon to be
Popish and anti-Christian. The meanest of the people aspired to the
priesthood, and were readier to frame new laws for the Church, than obey
the old.—_Sherlock._
It is a rule in prudence, not to remove an ill custom when it is well
settled, unless it bring great prejudices, and then it is better to give
one account why we have taken it away, than to be always making excuses
why we do it not. Needless alteration doth diminish the venerable esteem
of religion, and lessen the credit of ancient truths. Break ice in one
place, and it will crack in more.—_Archbishop Bramhall._
Our SAVIOUR and his apostles did use indifferent things, which were not
prescribed in Divine worship. Thus he joined in the synagogue worship,
(John xviii. 20, &c.,) though (if the place itself were at all
prescribed) the manner of that service was not so much as hinted at.
Thus he used the cup of charity in the Passover, though it was not
instituted. (Luke xxii. 17.) The feast of dedication was a human
institution, yet he vouchsafed to be present at it. Nay, he complied
with the Jews in the very posture of the Passover, which they changed to
sitting, though GOD had prescribed standing. The apostles also observed
the hours of prayer, which were of human institution. (Acts iii. 1.) Now
if CHRIST and his apostles did thus under the Jewish law, which was so
exact in prescribing outward ceremonies, certainly we may do the same
under the gospel. I may add, that the primitive Christians not only
complied with the Jews in such rites as were not forbidden, but also had
some ritual observations taken up by themselves. Thus they washed the
disciples’ feet in imitation of CHRIST, and used love-feasts, till they
thought it convenient to lay them aside. From whence it appears, that
prescription is not necessary to make a rite lawful; it is enough if it
be not forbidden.—_Bennet._
Calvin, in his book of the True Way of Reformation, saith, he would not
contend about ceremonies, not only those which are for decency, but
those that are symbolical. Œcolampadius looked on the gesture at the
sacrament as indifferent. Bucer thought the use of the sign of the cross
after baptism neither indecent nor unprofitable. Crocius says, that the
nature of ceremonies is to be taken from the doctrine which goes along
with them; if the doctrine be good, the rites are so, or, at least, are
tolerable; if it be false, then they are troublesome, and not to be
borne; if it be impure, and lead to idolatry, then the ceremonies are
tainted with the poison of it.—_Stillingfleet._
No abuse of any gesture, though it be in the most manifest idolatry,
doth render that gesture simply evil, and for ever after unlawful to be
used in the worship of GOD upon that account. For the abuse of a thing
supposes the lawful use of it; and if anything otherwise lawful becomes
sinful by an abuse of it, then it is plain that it is not in its own
nature sinful, but by accident, and with respect to somewhat else. This
is clear from Scripture; for if rites and ceremonies, after they have
been abused by idolaters, become absolutely evil, and unlawful to be
used at all, then the Jews sinned in offering sacrifices—erecting
altars—burning incense to the GOD of heaven—bowing down themselves
before him—wearing a linen garment in the time of Divine worship—and
observing other things and rites which the heathens observe in the
worship of false gods. Kneeling at prayers, and standing, and sitting,
and lifting up the hands and eyes to heaven, and bowing of the body,
together with prayer, and praise, and singing, have been all notoriously
abused to idolatry, and are so to this day.—_Bennet._ Nay, this
principle would render Christianity impracticable; because there is no
circumstance, no instrument, no ministry in worship, but may have been
in some way or other abused by Pagan or Romish idolatries.—_Bennet._
Bucer, in a letter to Johannes a Lasco, says, “If you will not admit
such liberty and use of vesture to this pure and holy Church, because
they have no commandment of the LORD, nor no example for it, I do not
see how you can grant to any Church, that it may celebrate the LORD’S
supper in the morning, &c.; for we have received for these things no
commandment of the LORD, nor any example; yea, rather, the LORD gave a
contrary example.”
The word ceremony occurs in the title page of the Prayer Book, in the
prefatory section, (_of Ceremonies_,) in the 34th Article, and the vi.,
xiv., xviii., and xxx. Canons, &c. It is plainly a different thing from
Common Prayer, (i. e. the ordinary public service as contrasted with the
occasional services,) the administration of sacraments, or rites.
Dr. Nicholls says that the cross in baptism, and, it may be, the
marriage ring, are perhaps the only ceremonies enjoined in the Book of
1662, which can in a strict and proper sense be called so. But, as is
observed in a note to _Stephens’s Common Prayer Book with notes_, (vol.
i. p. 139,) “Dr. Nicholls uses ceremony in a limited sense, which is by
no means sanctioned by our best writers and divines. _Ceremonia_ in its
classical sense was a general term for worship. Johnson’s definition,
_outward rite, external form in religion_, is fully supported by his
references, and especially Hooker, who, throughout his book, applies it
to all that is external in worship. It seems that _rite_ and _ceremony_
are thus to be distinguished. A _rite_ is an act of religious worship,
whether including ceremonies or not. A _ceremony_ is any particular of
religious worship, (included in a rite,) which prescribes action,
position, or even the _assumption_ of any particular vesture. The latter
sense is plainly recognised by Hooker. (_Eccl. Pol._ book iv. sect. i.;
book v. sect. 29.) The Preface to the Book of Common Prayer speaks first
of _common prayer_, viz. the offices intended for the common and
periodical use of _all_ at stated times; next, the administration of the
sacraments; next, of _other_ rites and ceremonies; i. e. the occasional
services, whether public or private, and all the methods of
administration which these involve. Now among ceremonies, the prescribed
procession in the Marriage and Burial Services, the standing at certain
parts of the service, the bowing at the name of Jesus, as prescribed by
the 18th canon, ought to be included.” It may be observed, that the 18th
canon expressly calls the bowing just mentioned, a ceremony, as also in
the 30th canon, the sign of the cross.—See _Hooker_, book iii. sect. 11,
and book v. sect. 6.
CERINTHIANS. Ancient heretics, the followers of Cerinthus. This man, who
was a Jew by birth, attempted to form a new and singular system of
doctrine and discipline, by combining the doctrines of CHRIST with the
opinions and errors of the Jews and Gnostics. He taught that the Creator
of the world, whom he considered also as the Sovereign and Lawgiver of
the Jews, was a Being endued with the greatest virtues, and derived his
birth from the Supreme GOD; that this Being gradually degenerated from
his former virtue; that, in consequence of this, the Supreme Being
determined to destroy his empire, and, for that purpose, sent upon earth
one of the ever happy and glorious æons whose name was CHRIST; that this
CHRIST chose for his habitation the person of JESUS, into whom he
entered in the form of a dove, whilst JESUS was receiving baptism of
John in the waters of Jordan; that JESUS, after this union with CHRIST,
opposed the God of the Jews, at whose instigation he was seized and
crucified by the Hebrew chiefs; that when JESUS was taken captive,
CHRIST ascended on high, and the man JESUS alone was subjected to the
pain of an ignominious death.
CESSION. This is where the incumbent of any living is promoted to a
bishopric; the church in that case is void by cession.
CHALDEANS. A modern sect of Christians in the East, in obedience to the
see of Rome. Dr. Grant, in his _Nestorians_, quotes with approval the
following passage from _Smith and Dwight’s Researches in Armenia_: which
is also confirmed by Mr. Badger, in his _Nestorians and their Rituals_
(vol. i. p. 177–181). “In 1681, the Nestorian metropolitan of Diarbekir,
having quarrelled with his patriarch, was first consecrated by the pope
Patriarch of the Chaldeans. The sect was as new as the office, and
created for it. Converts to Papacy from the Nestorians” [not from the
Jacobites, as Mr. Badger corrects Dr. Grant] “were dignified with the
name of the Chaldean Church. It means no more than Papal Syrians, as we
have in other parts Papal Armenians and Papal Greeks.” (See
_Nestorians._)
CHALDEE LANGUAGE. This was a dialect of the Hebrew, almost identical
with the old Syriac, spoken formerly in Assyria, and the vernacular
language of the Jews after the Babylonish captivity. The following parts
of the Old Testament are written in Chaldee: Jer. x., xi.; Dan. ii. 4 to
the end of chap. vii.; Ezra iv. 8 to vi. 19, and vii. 12–17.—_Jebb._
CHALDEE PARAPHRASE, in the Rabbinical style, is called Targum. There are
three Chaldee paraphrases in Walton’s Polyglot, viz. 1. Of Onkelos. 2.
Of Jonathan, son of Uzziel. 3. Of Jerusalem. The first of these is
supposed to have been composed about the time that our blessed Lord was
on earth. It comprises the Pentateuch. The second, comprising the
Prophets and Historical Books, is supposed to have been composed about
the same time as the former. The Jerusalem Targum is considered a
compilation not earlier than the eighth century. It comprises the
Pentateuch.—Another Targum, falsely ascribed to Jonathan Ben Uzziel, was
probably written two centuries after Christ, if not later. There are
other inferior Targums.—See _Horne on the Scriptures_.
CHALICE. (Lat. _calix_.) This word was formerly (as by Shakspeare) used
to denote any sort of cup, but is now usually restricted to the cup in
which the consecrated wine for the eucharist is administered. The
primitive Christians, desirous of honouring the holy purpose for which
it was used, had it made of the most costly substances their
circumstances would allow—of glass, crystal, onyx, sardonyx, and gold.
By a canon of the Council of Rheims, in Charles the Great’s time, all
churches were obliged to have chalices of some purer metal. The ancient
chalices were of two kinds: the greater, which were in the nature of our
flagons, containing a large quantity of wine, which was all consecrated
in them together; and the lesser, which were otherwise called
“ministeriales,” because the priest delivered the wine to be drunk out
of them; for communion in one kind was not then invented by the Romish
Church.—_Dr. Nicholls._ (See _Cup_.)
CHAMFER. The flat slope formed by cutting away an angle in timber, or
masonry. The _chamfer_ is the first approach to a moulding, though it
can hardly itself be called one. The _chamfer plane_, in speaking of
mouldings, is used for the plane at an angle of 45°, or thereabouts,
with the face of the wall, in which some of the mouldings often, and
sometimes all of them, lie. The resolution of the chamfer into the
square is called a _stop-chamfer_; it is often of considerable elegance.
CHANCEL. The upper part of the church, containing the holy table, and
the stalls for the clergy. It is called the _Chori_ in cathedrals,
college chapels, and large churches: and in many of the ancient English
parish churches is inferior in height and width to the nave. (See
_Choir_.)—_Jebb._ (_Cancellus._) So called _a Cancellis_, from the
lattice-work partition betwixt the choir and the body of the church, so
framed as to separate the one from the other, but not to intercept the
sight. By the rubric before the Common Prayer, it is ordained that “the
chancels shall remain as they have done in times past,” that is to say,
distinguished from the body of the church in manner aforesaid; against
which distinction Bucer (at the time of the Reformation) inveighed
vehemently, as tending only to magnify the priesthood; but though the
king and the parliament yielded so far as to allow the daily service to
be read in the body of the church, if the ordinary thought fit, yet they
would not suffer the chancel to be taken away or altered.
The chancel is the freehold of the rector, and part of his glebe, and
therefore he ought to repair it: but if the rectory is impropriate, then
the impropriator must do it: and this he is enjoined to do, not only by
the common law, but by the canons of the Church; for in the gloss upon
the Constitutions of Othobon it is said, that chancels must be repaired
by those who are thereunto obliged; which words must refer to the common
custom of England, by which rectors are obliged to repair the chancels.
As to seats in the chancel, it has been made a question, whether the
ordinary may place any person there? The objections against it are,—1.
Because it is the freehold of the rector. 2. Because he is to repair it.
But these are not sufficient reasons to divest the ordinary of that
jurisdiction; for the freehold of the church is in the parson, and yet
the bishop hath a power of placing persons there.
Unhappy disputes have arisen concerning the situation of the LORD’S
table in the chancels. The first, in the beginning of the Reformation,
was, whether those of the altar fashion, which had been used in the
Popish times, and on which the masses were celebrated, should be kept
up. This point was first started by Bishop Hooper, in a sermon before
King Edward VI.; and, after this, altars were ordered to be taken down;
and, instead of them, a table to be set up, in some convenient place of
the chancel. In the first liturgy it was directed, that the priest
officiating should stand before the midst of the altar. In the second,
that the priest shall stand on the north side of the table. And thus the
first dispute was at an end. But then there followed another
controversy, whether the table, placed in the room of the altar, ought
to stand altar-wise? i. e. in the same place and situation of the altar.
In some churches the tables were placed in the middle of the chancels;
in others, at the east part thereof, next to the wall. Bishop Ridley
endeavoured to make a compromise in his church of St. Paul’s, suffering
the table to stand in the place of the old altar; but, beating down the
wainscot partition behind, laid all the choir open to the east, leaving
the table then to stand in the middle of the chancel. Under this
diversity of usage matters continued during this king’s reign; but when
Queen Elizabeth came to the crown, and a new review of the liturgy was
made, the present clause was added—“and the chancels shall remain as
they have done in times past.” Whereby an indulgence is given to those
cathedral or collegiate churches, where the table stood altar-wise, and
fastened to the east part of the chancel, to retain their ancient
practice; but the general rule is otherwise, especially as to parish
churches; as in the rubric before the Communion, “the table having, at
the communion time, a fair white linen cloth upon it, shall stand in the
body of the church, or in the chancel, where morning or evening prayer
shall be appointed to be said.” So that, by these authorities, where
tables were fixed, they ought to remain as they were; and, at the time
of the communion, they might either stand at the east wall of the
church, or in other place more convenient. But this latitude being
granted, several inconveniences arose. Great irreverence was used
towards the holy table, hats and gloves were thrown upon it, and the
churchwardens and overseers were frequently writing their accounts
thereon, the processioning boys eating their loaves and cakes, and dogs
leaping up at the bread, to the great scandal of our reformation, not
only among the Papists, but also among the Protestant churches abroad.
Archbishop Laud, out of zeal to reform these abuses, endeavoured to have
the communion table set altar-wise, at the east end of the chancel, and
to be railed in, engaging many of the bishops to press this in their
visitation articles: and it is one of the injunctions of Queen
Elizabeth, “that the holy table in every church be decently made, and
set in the place where the altar stood; and there commonly covered, as
thereto belongeth, and so stand, saving when the communion of the
sacrament is to be distributed; at which time, the same shall be so
placed in good sort within the chancel,” &c. Great contentions were for
many years kept up in this controversy, till the civil war came on, and
all things, civil and sacred, were overwhelmed with confusion. Since the
Restoration, no positive determination therein being made, the dispute
has happily died, and the tables have generally been settled altar-wise,
and railed in; the generality of parishioners esteeming it a decent
situation.—_Nicholls._
CHANCELLOR. In ancient times, emperors and kings esteemed so highly the
piety of bishops, that they gave them jurisdiction in particular causes,
as in marriages, adultery, last wills, &c., which were determined by
them in their consistory courts. But when many controversies arose in
these and other causes, it was not consistent with the character of a
bishop to interpose in every litigious matter, neither could he despatch
it himself; and therefore it was necessary for the bishop to depute some
subordinate officer, experienced both in the civil and canon law, to
determine those ecclesiastical causes: and this was the original of
diocesan chancellors. For, in the first ages of the Church, the bishops
had officers who were called _ecclesiecdici_, that is, church lawyers,
who were bred up in the knowledge of the civil and canon law, and their
business was to assist the bishop in his jurisdiction throughout the
whole diocese. But probably they were not judges of ecclesiastical
courts, as chancellors are at this day, but only advised and assisted
the bishops themselves in giving judgment; for we read of no chancellors
here in all the Saxon reigns, nor after the Conquest, before the time of
Henry II. That king, requiring the attendance of bishops in his state
councils, and other public affairs, it was thought necessary to
substitute chancellors in their room, to despatch those causes which
were proper for the bishop’s jurisdiction.
In a few years a chancellor became such a necessary officer to the
bishop, that he was not to be without him; for if he would have none,
the archbishop of the province might enjoin him to depute one, and if he
refuse, the archbishop might appoint one himself; because it is presumed
that a bishop alone cannot decide so many spiritual causes as arise
within his diocese. The person thus deputed by the bishop has his
authority from the law; and his jurisdiction is not, like that of a
commissary, limited to a certain place and certain causes, but extends
throughout the whole diocese, and to all ecclesiastical matters; not
only for reformation of manners, in punishment of criminals, but in all
causes concerning marriages, last wills, administrations, &c.—_Burn._
The chancellor in cathedral churches, and anciently in some colleges,
was a canon, who had the general care of the literature of the church.
He was the secretary of the chapter, the librarian, the superintendent
of schools connected with the church, sometimes of the greater schools
in the diocese; sometimes, as in Paris, had an academical jurisdiction
in the university of the place. He also had the supervision of readers
in the choirs, the regulation of preachers in the cathedral, and in many
places the more frequent delivery of sermons and of theological lectures
than fell to the turn of the other canons. All these offices were not
always combined; but one or more of them always belonged to the
chancellor. Every cathedral of old foundation in England, and most in
Ireland, had originally a chancellor. The title was not so common in
France or Italy, where the above-named offices were frequently divided
among canons with other official titles. The chancellor _of the church_
(the above-named officer) is not to be confounded with the chancellor of
the diocese.—_Jebb._
CHANT. This word, derived from the Latin _cantus_, “a song,” applies, in
its most extended sense, to the musical performance of all those parts
of the liturgy which, by the rubric, are permitted to be sung. A
distinction, however, is to be made between _singing_ and chanting.
Chanting does not apply to the performance of those metrical versions of
the Psalms, the use of which in parish churches, though legitimate, as
sanctioned by authority, is not contemplated by the rubric. Neither does
it apply to those musical arrangements of the canticles, hymns, and of
the Nicene Creed, used in collegiate churches, and technically called
“services,” which though originally derived from chants, have long found
a distinct feature in the choral service. The chant properly signifies
that plain tune to which the prayers, the litany, the versicles, and
responses, and the psalms, and (where services are not in use) the
canticles, are set, in choirs and places where they sing. In the chant,
when properly and fully performed, both the minister and the choir bear
their respective parts. The minister recites the prayers, and all the
parts of the service which he is enjoined to say alone, (except the
lessons,) in one sustained note, occasionally varied at the close of a
cadence: and the choir makes the responses in harmony, sometimes in
unison. But in the psalms and canticles both the minister and choir join
together in the chant, without distinction, each verse being sung in
full harmony.
The chanting of the prayers has always been observed in our principal
cathedrals; and till recent times, it was universal in all those places
within the reformed Church of England where choral foundations existed;
and therefore the disuse of this custom, in any such establishments, is
a plain contradiction to the spirit of our liturgy. It is an usage so
very ancient, that some learned men have derived it, with every
appearance of probability, from the practice of the Jewish Church;
whence we have unquestionably derived the chanting of the psalms. It has
prevailed in every portion of the Church, eastern or western, reformed
or unreformed, since a liturgy has been used. And traces of this custom
are to be found in all places of the world.
Of the chants for the psalms, the most ancient which are used in our
Church are derived from some coeval, in all likelihood, with
Christianity itself. Of this, however, there is no proof: and it is a
mere baseless conjecture to refer them, as some do, to the strains of
the temple worship. According to present custom, the chant consists of
two kinds, single and double. The single chant, which is the most
ancient kind, is an air consisting of two parts; the first part
terminating with the point or colon (:), which uniformly divides each
verse of the psalms or canticles in the Prayer Book, the second part
terminating with the verse itself. The double chant is an air consisting
of four strains, and consequently extending to two verses. This kind of
chant does not appear to be older than the time of Charles II.; and is
peculiar to the Church of England.
In chanting, special heed should be taken to two things: first, to
observe _strictly_ the “pointing” of the psalms and hymns, “as they are
to be sung or said in churches.” We have no more right to alter the
rubric in this respect than in any other. Secondly, to chant
reverentially, which implies distinctness of utterance, clearness of
tone, and moderate slowness as to time. A rapid and confused mode of
singing the awful hymns of the Church, is not only utterly destructive
of musical effect, but, what is of much greater consequence, is hostile
to the promotion of the honour of GOD, and of the edification of
man.—_Jebb._
Persons who have heard extempore praying from the mouths of illiterate
characters, must have been struck by the rude modulated chant in which
it is delivered. Objectors to the cathedral mode of service sometimes
aver “intoning” to be unnatural. This is a misconception. “Intoning,”
musical or unmusical, is the natural key in which vent is given to a
large and important class of devotional feelings: cathedral intoning is
this voice correctly timed and tuned to harmony. Non-intoning, on the
other hand, or reading, is artificial. No one hears an uneducated person
attempt to read in the same tone as he speaks. Reading is an artificial
drill, the correction of natural, undisciplined locution.—_Morgan._
CHANTER. (See _Precentor_.) In foreign churches it is synonymous with
our lay clerks. The chanters in Dublin college are certain officers
selected from the foundation students, whose duty is to officiate as
chapel clerks. They are so called from formerly constituting the choir
of the chapel.
CHANTRY. A chapel, or other separated place in a church, for the
celebration of masses for the soul of some person departed this life.
Their ordinary places are mentioned under the head _Church_. The chantry
sometimes included the tomb of the person by whom it was founded, as in
the splendid examples in Winchester cathedral. It was sometimes an
entire aisle, as the golden choir at St. Mary’s, Stamford; and sometimes
a separate chapel, as the Beauchamp chapel, St. Mary’s, Warwick, and
Henry VII.’s chapel at Westminster.
In the reign of Henry VIII., when the belief of purgatory began to
decline, it was thought an unnecessary thing to continue the pensions
and endowments of chantry priests; therefore, in the 37 of Henry VIII.
cap. 4, those chantries were given to the king, who had power at any
time to issue commissions to seize their endowments, and take them into
his possession: but this being in the last year of his reign, there were
several of those endowments which were not seized by virtue of any such
commissions; therefore, in the first year of Edward VI. cap. 14, those
chantries which were in being five years before the session of that
parliament, and not in the actual possession of Henry VIII., were
adjudged to be, and were, vested in that king. Cranmer endeavoured to
obtain that the disposal of the chantries, &c., should be deferred until
the king should be of age—hoping that if they were saved from the hands
of the laity until that time, Edward might be persuaded to apply the
revenues to the relief of the poor parochial clergy; but the
archbishop’s exertions were unsuccessful.
CHAPEL. In former times, when the kings of France were engaged in wars,
they always carried St. Martin’s cope (_cappa_) into the field, which
was kept as a precious relic, in a _tent_ where mass was said, and
thence the place was called _capella_, the chapel. The word was
gradually applied to any consecrated place of prayer, not being the
parish church.
With us in England there are several sorts of chapels:
1. Royal chapels. (See _Chapel Royal_.) 2. Domestic chapels, built by
noblemen for private worship in their families. 3. College chapels,
attached to the different colleges of the universities. 4. Chapels of
ease, built for the ease of parishioners, who live at too great a
distance from the parish church, by the clergy of which the services of
the chapel are performed. 5. Parochial chapels, which differ from
chapels of ease on account of their having a permanent minister, or
incumbent, though they are in some degree dependent upon the mother
church. A parochial chapelry, with all parochial rites independent of
the mother church, as to sacraments, marriages, burials, repairs, &c.,
is called a _reputed parish_. 6. Free chapels; such as were founded by
kings of England, and made exempt from episcopal jurisdiction. 7.
Chapels which adjoin to any part of the church; such were formerly built
by persons of consideration as burial-places. To which may be added
chapels of corporation societies, and eleemosynary foundation; as the
mayor’s chapel at Bristol, &c., the chapels of the inns of court,
chapels of hospitals and almshouses.—_Burn._
The word chapel in foreign countries frequently means the choir or
chancel. This may possibly be the meaning intended in the rubric
preceding Morning Prayer, directing the Morning and Evening Prayers to
be used in the accustomed place of the church, chapel, or chancel. It
may allude to the college chapels, or such collegiate chapels as St.
George’s at Windsor, or to the usage of some cathedrals of having early
morning prayer (as at Gloucester, &c.) in the Lady chapel, or late
evening prayer (as at Durham) in the Galilee chapel. Henry VII.’s chapel
at Westminster was, at least in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, used for
this purpose.—_Jebb._
CHAPEL ROYAL. The chapel royal is under the government of the dean of
the chapel, and not within the jurisdiction of any bishop. But the
archbishop is the first chaplain and _parochus_ of the sovereign. The
deanery was an office of ancient standing in the court, but discontinued
in 1572, till King James’s accession, then it was revived in the person
of Dr. Montague.—_Heylin’s Life of Laud._ Next to the dean is the
subdean, who has the special care of the chapel service; a clerk of the
court, with his deputies, a prelate or clergyman, whose office it is to
attend the sovereign at Divine service, and to wait on her in her
private oratory.—There are forty-eight chaplains in ordinary, who wait
four in each month, and preach on Sundays and holidays; to read Divine
service when required on week days, and to say grace in the absence of
the clerk of the closet. The other officers are, a confessor of the
household, now called chaplain of the household, who has the pastoral
care of the royal household; ten priests in ordinary (whose duties are
like those of chaplains, or vicars in cathedrals); sixteen gentlemen of
the chapel, who with ten choristers now form the choir; and other
officers. The officiating members of the chapel royal were formerly much
more numerous than now; thus there were thirty-two gentlemen of the
chapel in King Edward VI.’s reign, and twenty-three in King James I.’s.
The priests in ordinary, properly speaking, form part of the choir. In
strictness this establishment is ambulatory, and ought to accompany the
sovereign, of which practice we have many proofs in ancient records.
The chapel royal in Dublin consists of a dean and twenty-four chaplains,
(who preach in turn,) and a choir of laymen. Before the legal
establishment of Presbyterianism in Scotland, the royal chapel of
Holyrood had a full establishment of chaplains, &c., and the liturgy was
then celebrated chorally, at least in the reign of King Charles I.
CHAPLAIN. A person authorized to officiate in the chapels of the queen,
or in the private oratories of noblemen. The name is derived from
_capella_; the priests who superintend the capella being called
_Capellani_. According to a statute of Henry VIII., the persons vested
with a power of retaining chaplains, together with the number each is
allowed to qualify, are as follow: “an archbishop, eight; a duke or
bishop, six; marquis or earl, five; viscount, four; baron, knight of the
garter, or lord chancellor, three; a duchess, marchioness, countess,
baroness, the treasurer or comptroller of the king’s household, clerk of
the closet, the king’s secretary, dean of the chapel, almoner, and
master of the rolls, each of them, two; chief justice of the King’s
Bench, and warden of the Cinque Ports, each, one.” In England there are
forty-eight chaplains to the queen, called chaplains in ordinary.
Clergymen who officiate in the army and navy, in the gaols, public
hospitals, and workhouses, are called chaplains. Chaplain is also a
comprehensive name, applied, more rarely in England than abroad, to the
members of cathedrals and collegiate churches and chapels, who are
responsible for the daily service. In a few instances it is applied to
the superior members. Thus at Lichfield, there were five _capellani
principales_, major canons, whose office it was to serve at the great
altar, rule the choir, &c., (_Dugd._ _Mon._ ed. 1830, vi. 1257,) and at
Winchester college the ten fellows are called, in the original charter,
“_capellani perpetui_;” in contradistinction to the _capellani
conductitii_, or _remotivi_;—and the principal duty of these
chaplain-fellows was to officiate in the chapel. But in general, a
chaplain signified a minister of the Church of inferior rank, a
substitute for and coadjutor of the canons in chanting, and in the
performance of the Divine offices. (See _Dictionnaire de droit
canonique, par Durand de Maillane_, Lyons, 1787.) They were so called
from serving in the _capella_ or choir, at the various offices, and in
the various side chapels, in contradistinction to the capitular canons,
whose peculiar privilege it was to serve at the great altar. Under the
name of chaplain, were included minor canons, vicars choral, and similar
officers, who had a variety of designations abroad, unknown to us, such
as porticuristi, demi-canons, semi-prebends, &c., &c.
The name of chaplain, in its choral sense, is retained with us only at
Christ Church Oxford, Manchester, and the colleges at the universities.
At the latter, they are frequently styled in the old charters,
_capellani conductitii_ or _remotivi_; by which is to be understood,
that they were originally, at least, intended to be mere stipendiaries,
adjuncts to the foundation; as contrasted with those who have a
permanent, corporate interest, or an endowment in fee; like the
_præbendati_ in the foreign cathedrals, or the incorporated vicars
choral in our own cathedrals. (See _College_, _Prebendary_, and _Vicars
Choral_.) The chaplains at Cambridge are commonly called _conducti_,
though originally they were designated, as at Oxford, _capellani
conductitii_; a designation which it were to be wished were changed for
the more proper name of chaplain. Before the Reformation the _capellani_
to be found in many of the old cathedrals, were exclusive of the vicars
choral, and were chanting priests. These sometimes formed corporations
or colleges. Abroad, the chaplains in many places discharged both the
duties of chanting priests and vicars choral, or minor canons; each
having his separate chapel for daily mass; but all being obliged to
unite in discharging the Divine offices, at least at matins and vespers
in the great choirs.—_Jebb._
CHAPTER. (See _Bible_.) The word is derived from the Latin _caput_,
head; and signifies one of the principal divisions of a book, and, in
reference to the Bible, one of the larger sections into which its books
are divided. This division, as well as that consisting of verses, was
introduced to facilitate reference, and not to indicate any natural or
accurate division of the subjects treated in the books. For its origin,
see _Bible_.
CHAPTER. (See _Dean and Chapter_.) A chapter of a cathedral church
consists of persons ecclesiastical, canons and prebendaries, whereof the
dean is chief, all subordinate to the bishop, to whom they are as
assistants in matters relating to the Church, for the better ordering
and disposing the things thereof, and for confirmation of such leases of
the temporalities and offices relating to the bishopric, as the bishop
from time to time shall happen to make.—_God._ 58.
And they are termed by the canonists, _capitulum_, being a kind of
_head_, instituted not only to assist the bishop in manner aforesaid,
but also anciently to rule and govern the diocese in the time of
vacation.—_God._ 56.
Of these chapters, some are ancient, some new: the new are those which
are founded or translated by King Henry VIII. in the places of abbots
and convents, or priors and convents, which were chapters whilst they
stood, and these are new chapters to old bishoprics; or they are those
which are annexed unto the new bishoprics founded by King Henry VIII.,
and are, therefore, new chapters to new bishoprics.—1 _Inst._ 95.
The chapter in the collegiate church is more properly called a
_college_; as at Westminster and Windsor, where there is no episcopal
see.—_Wood_, b. i. c. 3. But however this may originally have been, the
rule has long been disregarded throughout Europe.
There may be a chapter without any dean; as the chapter of the
collegiate church of Southwell: and grants by or to them are as
effectual as other grants by dean and chapter.—_Wats._ c. 38.
In the cathedral churches of St. David’s and Llandaff there never hath
been any dean, but the bishop in either is head of the chapter; and at
the former the chantor, at the latter the archdeacon presides, in the
absence of the bishop, or vacancy of the see.—_Johns._ 60. [St. David’s
and Llandaff are now placed on the same footing with other cathedrals in
this respect.]
One bishop may possibly have two chapters, and that by union or
consolidation: and it seemeth that if a bishop hath two chapters, both
must confirm his leases.—_God._ 58. In cathedrals of the old foundation
chapters are of two kinds, the greater and the lesser. The greater
chapter consists of all the major canons and prebendaries, whether
residentiary or not; and their privileges are now considered to be
limited to the election of a bishop, of proctors in convocation, and
possibly a few other rare occasions; the lesser chapter consists of the
dean and residentiaries, who have the management of the chapter
property, and the ordinary government of the cathedral. This however has
been the growth of later ages: as it is certain that all prebendal
members had a voice in matters which concerned the interests of the
cathedral church. In Ireland the distinction now mentioned is unknown,
except at Kildare.
In the statutes of the old cathedrals, by _chapter_ is also understood,
a sort of court held by one or more of the canons, sometimes even by the
non-capitular officers, for the administering the ordinary discipline of
the church, fining absentees, &c.
The word _chapter_ is occasionally applied abroad to boards of
universities or other corporations.
The assemblies of the knights of the orders of chivalry, (as of the
Garter, Bath, &c.,) are also called chapters.
CHAPTER HOUSE. The part of a cathedral in which the dean and chapter
meet for business. Until the thirteenth century, the chapter house was
always rectangular. Early in that century it became multagonal,
generally supported by a central shaft, and so continued to the latest
date at which any such building has been erected. The greatest cost was
expended on the decoration of the chapter house, and there is little
even in the choir of our cathedrals, of greater beauty than such chapter
houses as Lincoln, Salisbury, Southwell, York, and Howden. That of old
St. Paul’s in London, to judge by the plates in Dugdale’s History of St.
Paul’s, must have been very beautiful. It stood in an unique position,
in the _centre_ of a cloister. For the plan of the chapter house, in the
arrangement of the conventual buildings, see _Monastery_. Some have
imagined that the idea of the circular or polygonal chapter houses was
derived from the circular baptisteries abroad.
CHARGE. This is the address delivered by a bishop, or other prelate
called ordinary, at a visitation of the clergy under his jurisdiction. A
charge may be considered, in most instances, rather in the light of an
admonitory exhortation, than of a judgment or sentence; although the
ordinary has full power in the charge to issue authoritative commands,
and to cause them to be obeyed, by means of the other legal forms, for
the exercise of his ordinary jurisdiction. It appears also that the
clergy are legally bound by their oath of canonical obedience, and by
their ordination vows, reverently to obey their ordinary. It is
customary for archdeacons, and other ecclesiastics having peculiar
jurisdiction, to deliver charges. Archdeacons have a charge of the
parochial churches within the diocese to which they belong, and have
power to hold visitations when the bishop is not there.—_Burn._ (See
_Visitation_.)
CHARTREUX. (See _Carthusians_.)
CHASIBLE. (_Chasuble_, _Casula_.) The outermost dress formerly worn by
the priest in the service of the altar, but not now used in the English
Church, though prescribed under the title of _Vestment_, in the rubric
of King Edward VI.’s First Book, to be worn by the priest or bishop when
celebrating the communion, indifferently with the cope. In the time of
the primitive Church, the Roman toga was becoming disused, and the
pænula was taking its place. The pænula formed a perfect circle, with an
aperture to admit the head in the centre, while it fell down so as
completely to envelope the person of the wearer. A short pænula was more
common, and a longer for the higher orders; it was this last which was
used by the clergy in their services. The Romish Church has altered it
much by cutting it away laterally, so as to expose the arms, and leave
only a straight piece before and behind. The Greek Church retains it in
its primitive shape, under the title of φαινόλιον, or φινώλιον: the old
brasses in England also show the same form, some even since the
Reformation. And many tombs of bishops in the 13th century, and later,
show it in a graceful and flowing form.
CHERUB, or (_the plural_) CHERUBIM, a particular order of angels. When
GOD drove Adam and Eve out of Paradise, “he placed at the east of the
garden of Eden cherubims, and a flaming sword which turned every way, to
keep the way of the tree of life.” (Gen. iii. 24.) When Moses was
commanded by GOD to make the ark of the covenant with the propitiatory,
or mercy-seat, he was (Exod. xxv. 19, 20) to make one cherub on the one
end, and another cherub on the other end; the cherubims were to stretch
forth their wings on high, and to cover the mercy-seat with them; and
their faces were to look one to the other. Moses has left us in the dark
as to the form of these cherubims. The Jews suppose them to have been in
the shape of young naked men, covered for the sake of decency with some
of their wings; and the generality of interpreters, both ancient and
modern, suppose them to have had human shapes. But it is certain that
the prophet Ezekiel (i. 10, and x. 14) represents them quite otherwise,
and speaks of the face of a cherub as synonymous with that of an ox or
calf; and in the Revelation (iv. 6) they are called ζῶα, _beasts_.
Josephus (_Antiq._ lib. iii.) says that they were a kind of winged
creatures, answering to the description of those which Moses saw about
the throne of GOD, but the like to which no man had ever seen before.
Grotius, Bochart, and other learned moderns, deriving the word from
_charab_, which in the Chaldee, Syriac, and Arabic, signifies to
_plough_, make no difficulty to suppose that the cherubim here spoken of
resembled an ox, either in whole or in part. The learned Spencer
supposes them to have had the face of a man, the wings of an eagle, the
back and mane of a lion, and the feet of a calf. This he collects from
the prophetical vision of Ezekiel (i.), in which the cherubims are said
to have four forms, those of a man, a lion, an ox, and an eagle. There
is something in this mixed form, according to that author, which is very
suitable to the regular character which GOD bore among the Jews, and the
peculiar circumstances of the time. The Israelites were then in the
wilderness, and encamped in four cohorts; and the Hebrews have a
tradition, that the standard of the tribe of Judah and the associated
tribes carried a lion, the tribe of Ephraim an ox, the tribe of Reuben a
man, and the tribe of Dan an eagle. GOD therefore would sit upon
cherubims bearing the forms of these animals, to signify that he was the
Leader and King of the four cohorts of the Israelites. The same writer,
in another place, makes the cherubims of the mercy-seat to be of
Egyptian extraction; for Porphyry, speaking of the priests of Egypt,
says, “Among these, one god is formed like a man as high as the neck,
and they give him the face of some bird, or of a lion, or of some other
animal; and again, another has the head of a man, and the other parts of
other animals.” Add to this, that the Apis of the Egyptians was
worshipped under the figure of an ox. Nor can any other reason, he
thinks, be assigned why GOD should order the cherubims to be fashioned
in the shape of different animals, particularly the ox, but that he did
it out of indulgence to the Israelites, who, being accustomed to such
kinds of representations, not only easily bore with them, but ardently
desired them. The cherubims of the mercy-seat, Bochart supposes to have
had a mystical and symbolical relation to GOD, the angels, the
tabernacle, and the people. As to GOD, they represented his great power
according to that of the Psalmist, (xcix. 1,) “The LORD reigneth, let
the people tremble; he sitteth between the cherubims, let the earth be
moved.” They represented likewise the nature and ministry of angels. By
the lion’s form is signified their strength, generosity, and majesty; by
that of the ox, their constancy and assiduity in executing the commands
of GOD; by the human shape, their humanity and kindness; and by that of
the eagle, their agility and speed. As to the tabernacle, the cherubims
denoted that the holy place was the habitation of the King of heaven,
whose immediate attendants the angels are supposed to be. Lastly, with
respect to the people, the cherubims might teach them that GOD, who sat
between them, was alone to be the object of their worship. Upon this
subject see the curious and interesting, though somewhat painful
dissertation of Mr. Parkhurst in his Hebrew and Greek Lexicons.
By many it has been considered that the four symbols, applied from very
ancient times to the four evangelists, are derived from the cherubic
figures. The cherubims are also described in Rev. iv. 7.
It is surely derogatory to right ideas of religion, to suppose that
these mysterious symbols were derived from the images of heathen
idolatry, in order to indulge the prejudices of the Israelites. This
would be to encourage idolatry, against which the Divine vengeance was
so markedly directed. It is much more consistent and probable to believe
that the corresponding symbols of Egyptians and Assyrians (the latter so
wonderfully illustrated by the late discoveries at Nineveh) were derived
from patriarchal traditions; distortions of that pure worship of God
which was derived to the whole world from Noah. This solution will
account for many of those extraordinary resemblances between heathen and
Jewish customs, which have been stumbling-blocks to neologists,
especially in our day.
CHERUBICAL HYMN. A title sometimes given to the Tersanctus or Trisagion.
(See _Tersanctus_.)
CHILIASTS, or MILLENARIANS. (See _Millennium_.) A school of Christians
who believe that, after the general or last judgment, the saints shall
live a thousand years upon earth, and enjoy all manner of innocent
satisfaction. It is thought Papias, bishop of Hierapolis, who lived in
the second century, and was disciple to St. John the evangelist, or, as
some others think, to John the Elder, was the first who maintained this
opinion. The authority of this bishop, supported by some passages in the
Revelation, brought a great many of the primitive fathers to embrace his
persuasion, as Irenæus, Justin Martyr, and Tertullian; and afterwards
Nepos, an Egyptian bishop, living in the third century, was so far
engaged in this belief, and maintained it with so much elocution, that
Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria, thought himself obliged to write
against him: upon which Coracion, one of the principal abettors of this
doctrine, renounced it publicly, which practice was followed by the
generality of the West. The Millenarians were in like manner condemned
by Pope Damasus, in a synod held at Rome against the Apollinarians. Some
of the modern Millenarians have refined the notion of Cerinthus, and
made the satisfactions rational and angelical, untainted with anything
of sensuality or Epicurism. As for the time of this thousand years,
those that hold this opinion are not perfectly agreed. Mr. Mede makes it
to commence and determine before the general conflagration; but Dr.
Thomas Burnet supposes that this world will be first destroyed, and that
a new paradisaical earth will be formed out of the ashes of the old one,
where the saints will converse together for a thousand years, and then
be translated to a higher station.
CHIMERE. The upper robe worn by a bishop, to which the lawn sleeves are
generally attached. Before and after the Reformation, till Queen
Elizabeth’s time, the bishops wore a scarlet chimere or garment over the
rochet, as they still do when assembled in convocation; and when the
sovereign attends parliament. But Bishop Hooper, having superstitiously
scrupled at this as too light a robe for episcopal gravity, it was in
her reign changed into a chimere of black satin.
The chimere seems to resemble the garment used by bishops during the
middle ages, and called _mantelletum_; which was a sort of cope, with
apertures for the arms to pass through.—See _Du Cange’s Glossary_. The
name of _chimere_ is probably derived from the Italian _zimarra_, which
is described as “vesta talare de’ sacerdoti et de’ chierici.”—_Palmer._
The scarlet chimere strongly resembles the scarlet habit worn in
congregation, and at St. Mary’s, by doctors at Oxford. Some have
supposed that our episcopal dress is in fact merely a _doctorial_ habit.
Perhaps, however, the origin of both the chimere, the Oxford habit, and
the Cambridge doctorial cope, and the episcopal _mantelletum_, may all
be derived from the _dalmatic_ or _tunicle_, (see _Dalmatic_,) which was
formerly a characteristic part of the dress of bishops and deacons; from
which the chimere differs in being open in front. The sewing of the lawn
sleeves (now of preposterous fulness) to the chimere, is a modern
innovation. They ought properly to be fastened to the rochet.—_Jebb._
CHOIR, or QUIRE. This word has two meanings. The first is identical with
chancel, (see _Chancel_,) signifying the place which the ministers of
Divine worship occupy, or ought to occupy. The word, according to
Isidore, is derived from _chorus circumstantium_, because the clergy
stood round the altar. Custom has usually restricted the name of chancel
to parish churches, that of choir to cathedrals, and such churches or
chapels as are collegiate. In the choirs of cathedrals, (see
_Cathedral_,) which are very large, the congregation also assemble; but
the clergy and other members of the foundation occupy the seats on each
side, (which are called _stalls_,) according to the immemorial custom of
all Christian countries.
The second, but more proper sense of the word, is, a body of men set
apart for the performance of all the services of the Church, in the most
solemn form. Properly speaking, the whole corporate body of a cathedral,
including capitular and lay members, forms the choir; and in this
extended sense ancient writers frequently used the word. Thus the
“glorious company of the apostles” is called in Latin “apostolorum
chorus.” The _choir_ is used in some very ancient documents for the
cathedral chapter. But, in its more restricted sense, we are to
understand that body of men and boys who form a part of the foundation
of these places, and whose special duty it is to perform the service to
music. The choir properly consists of clergymen, both capitular
(including the precentor) and non-capitular, laymen, and chorister boys;
and should have at least six men and six boys at every week-day service,
these being essential to the due performance of the chants, services,
and anthems. Every choir is divided into two parts, stationed on each
side of the chancel, in order to sing alternately the verses of the
psalms and hymns, one side answering the other. The alternate chanting
by one or a few voices and a chorus, in the _psalms_, now very general
abroad, is a corruption, and inconsistent with the true idea of
antiphonal singing. This alternate, or antiphonal, recitation is very
ancient, as old as the time of Miriam, who thus alternated her song with
the choir of Israel. (Exod. xv. 20.) And we know from Isaiah that the
angels in heaven thus sing. (Isaiah vi. 3.) So that while we chant, we
obey the practice of the Church in earth and heaven.
In the first Common Prayer Book of King Edward VI., the rubric, at the
beginning of the morning prayer, ordered the priests, “being in the
_quire_, to begin the Lord’s Prayer;” so that it was the custom of the
minister to perform Divine service at the upper end of the chancel near
the altar. Against this, Bucer, by the direction of Calvin, made a great
outcry, pretending “it was an antichristian practice for the priest to
say prayers only in the choir, a place peculiar to the clergy, and not
in the body of the church among the people, who had as much right to
Divine worship as the clergy.” This occasioned an alteration of the
rubric, when the Common Prayer Book was revised in the fifth year of
King Edward, and it was ordered, that prayers should be said in such
part of the church “where the people might best hear.” However, at the
accession of Queen Elizabeth to the throne, the ancient practice was
restored, with a dispensing power left in the ordinary, of determining
it otherwise if he saw just cause. Convenience at last prevailed, so
that the prayers are very commonly read in the body of the church, and
in those parish churches where the service is read in the chancel, the
minister’s place is at the lower end of it.—_Jebb._
CHOREPISCOPUS. (Country bishops, Χωρεπίσκοποι, _Episcopi rurales_, from
χώρα or χωρίον country.)
Some considerable difference of opinion has existed relative to the true
ministerial order of the chorepiscopi, some contending that they were
mere presbyters, others that they were a mixed body of presbyters and
bishops, and a third class that they were all invested with the
authority of the episcopal office. That the latter opinion, however, is
the correct one, is maintained by Bishop Barlow, Dr. Hammond, Beveridge,
Cave, and other eminent divines of the English Church, together with
Bingham, in his “Antiquities of the Christian Church.” Their origin
seems to have arisen from a desire on the part of the city or diocesan
bishops to supply the churches of the neighbouring country with more
episcopal services than _they_ could conveniently render. Some of the
best qualified presbyters were therefore consecrated bishops, and thus
empowered to act in the stead of the principal bishop, though in strict
subordination to his authority. Hence, we find them ordaining presbyters
and deacons under the licence of the city bishop; and confirmation was
one of their ordinary duties. Letters dimissory were also given to the
country clergy by the chorepiscopi, and they had the privilege of
sitting and voting in synods and councils. The difference between the
_chorepiscopus_ and what was, at a later period, denominated a
_suffragan_, is scarcely appreciable, both being under the jurisdiction
of a superior, and limited to the exercise of their powers within
certain boundaries, enjoying only a _delegated_ power.
The chorepiscopi were at first confined to the Eastern Church. In the
Western Church, and especially in France, they began to be known about
the fifth century. They have never been numerous in Spain and Italy. In
Germany they must have been frequent in the seventh and eighth
centuries. In the East, the order was abolished by the Council of
Laodicea, A. D. 361. But so little respect was entertained for this
decree, that the order continued until the tenth century. They were
first prohibited in the Western Church in the ninth century; but,
according to some writers, they continued in France until the twelfth
century, when the arrogance, insubordination, and injurious conduct of
this class of ecclesiastics became a subject of general complaint in
that country; and they are said to have existed in Ireland until the
thirteenth century. The functions of the chorepiscopi are now in great
part performed by archdeacons, rural deans, and vicars-general. (See
_Suffragans_.)
CHOREUTÆ. A sect of heretics, who, among other errors, persisted in
keeping the Sunday as a fast.
CHORISTER. A singer in a choir. It properly means a singing _boy_; and
so it is used in all old documents and statistics.
CHRISM. (Χρίσμα, oil.) Oil consecrated in the Romish and Greek Churches
by the bishop, and used in baptism, confirmation, orders, and extreme
unction. This chrism is consecrated with great ceremony upon Holy
Thursday. There are two sorts of it; the one is a composition of oil and
balsam, made use of in baptism, confirmation, and orders; the other is
only plain oil consecrated by the bishop, and used for catechumens and
extreme unction. Chrism has been discontinued in the Church of England
since the Reformation.
CHRISOME, in the office of baptism, was a white vesture, which in former
times the priest used to put upon the child, saying, “Take this white
vesture for a token of innocence.”
By a constitution of Edmund, archbishop of Canterbury, A. D. 736, the
chrisomes, after having served the purposes of baptism, were to be made
use of only for the making or mending of surplices, &c., or for the
wrapping of chalices.
The first Common Prayer Book of King Edward orders that the woman shall
offer the chrisome, when she comes to be churched; but, if the child
happens to die before her churching, she was excused from offering it;
and it was customary to use it as a shroud, and to wrap the child in it
when it was buried. Hence, by an abuse of words, the term is now used
not to denote children who die between the time of their baptism and the
churching of the mother, but to denote children who die before they are
baptized, and so are incapable of Christian burial.
CHRIST. From the Greek word (Χριστος) corresponding with the Hebrew word
Messiah, and signifying _the Anointed One_. It is given pre-eminently to
our blessed LORD and SAVIOUR JESUS CHRIST. As the holy unction was given
to kings, priests, and prophets, by describing the promised SAVIOUR of
the world under the name of CHRIST, ANOINTED, or MESSIAH, it was
sufficient evidence that the qualities of king, prophet, and high priest
would eminently centre in him; and that he would exercise them not only
over the Jews, but over all mankind, and particularly over those whom he
should elect into his Church. Our blessed SAVIOUR was not, indeed,
anointed to these offices by oil; but he was anointed by the power and
grace of the HOLY GHOST, who visibly descended upon him at his baptism.
Thus, (Acts x. 38,) “GOD anointed JESUS of Nazareth with the HOLY GHOST
and with power.”—See Matt. iii. 16, 17. John iii. 34. (See _Jesus_ and
_Messiah_.)
CHRISTEN, To. To baptize; because, at baptism, the person receiving that
sacrament is made, as the catechism teaches, a member of CHRIST.
CHRISTENDOM. All those regions in which the kingdom or Church of CHRIST
is planted.
CHRISTIAN. The title given to those who call upon the name of the LORD
JESUS. It was at Antioch, where St. Paul and St. Barnabas jointly
preached the Christian religion, that the disciples were first called
Christians, (Acts xi. 26,) in the year of our LORD 43. They were
generally called by one another _brethren_, _faithful_, _saints_, and
_believers_. The name of Nazarenes was, by way of reproach, given them
by the Jews. (Acts xxiv. 5.) Another name of reproach was that of
_Galilæans_, which was the emperor Julian’s style whenever he spoke of
the Christians. Epiphanius says, that they were called _Jesseans_,
either from Jesse, the father of David, or, which is more probable, from
the name of JESUS, whose disciples they were. The word is used but three
times in Holy Scripture: Acts xi. 26; xxvi. 28; 1 St. Pet. iv. 16.
CHRISTIAN NAME. (See _Name_.) The name given to us when we are made
Christians, i. e. at our baptism.
The Scripture history, both of the Old and New Testament, contains many
instances of the names of persons being changed, or of their receiving
an additional name, when they were admitted into covenant with GOD, or
into a new relation with our blessed LORD; and it was at circumcision,
which answered, in many respects, to baptism in the Christian Church,
that the Jews gave a name to their children. This custom was adopted
into the Christian Church, and we find very ancient instances of it
recorded. For example, Thascius Cyprian, at his baptism, changed his
first name to Cæcilius, out of respect for the presbyter who was his
spiritual father. The custom is still retained, a name being given by
the godfather and godmother of each child at baptism, by which name he
is addressed by the minister when he receives that holy sacrament. (See
_Baptismal Service_.)
Our Christian names serve to remind us of the duties and privileges on
which we entered at baptism. Our surname is a memorial of original sin,
or of the nature which we bring into the world.
CHRISTIANS OF ST. THOMAS. (See _Thomas, St., Christians of._)
CHRISTMAS DAY. The 25th December; the day on which the universal Church
celebrates the nativity or birthday of our LORD and SAVIOUR JESUS
CHRIST. The observance of this day in the Western Church is most
ancient, although we may not give much belief to the statement of the
forged decretal epistles, that Telesiphorus, who lived in the reign of
Antoninus Pius, ordered Divine service to be celebrated, and an
angelical hymn to be sung, the night before the nativity. While the
persecution raged under Diocletian, who kept his court at Nicomedia,
that tyrant, among other acts of cruelty, finding multitudes of
Christians assembled together to celebrate the nativity of CHRIST,
commanded the church doors to be shut, and fire put to the building,
which soon reduced them and the place to ashes. In the East it was for
some time confounded with the Epiphany; and St. Chrysostom mentions that
it was only about his time that it became a distinct festival at
Antioch.
The Athanasian Creed is ordered to be said or sung on this day. This is
one of the days for which the Church of England appoints special psalms,
and a special preface in the Communion Service; and if it fall on a
Friday, that Friday is not to be a fast day.—_Cave. Bingham._
It is one of the scarlet days at Oxford and Cambridge: and in cathedrals
and choirs the responses and litany (if to be used) ought to be solemnly
sung to the organ. In the First Book of King Edward, there were separate
Collects, Epistles, and Gospels appointed for the first and second
communion on this and on Easter day.
The chronological correctness of keeping the birthday of our LORD on the
25th of December, has been demonstrated in a most careful analysis, by
the late lamented _Dr. Jarvis_, in his _Chronological Introduction to
the History of the Church._—_Jebb._
CHRISTOLYTES. (Χριστολύται, _separators of Christ_.) A sect in the sixth
century, which held, that when CHRIST descended into hell, he left his
soul and body there, and only rose with his Divinity to heaven.
CHRISTOPHORI and THEOPHORI, (Χριστοφόροι και Θεοφόροι, _Christ-bearers_
and _God-bearers_,) names given to Christians in the earliest times, on
account of the communion between CHRIST, who is GOD, and the Church.
Ignatius commences his Epistles thus, Ἰγνάτιος ὁ καὶ Θεοφόρος: and it is
related in the acts of his martyrdom, that hearing him called
Theophorus, Trajan asked the meaning of the name; to which Ignatius
replied, it meant one that carries CHRIST in his heart. “Dost thou
then,” said Trajan, “carry him that was crucified in thy heart?” “Yes,”
said the holy martyr, “for it is written, I will dwell in them, and walk
in them.”
CHRONICLES. Two canonical books of the Old Testament. They contain the
history of about 3500 years, from the creation until after the return of
the Jews from Babylon. They are fuller and more comprehensive than the
Books of Kings. The Greek interpreters hence call them Παραλειπομένα,
supplements, additions. The Jews make but one book of the Chronicles,
under the title _Dibree hajamin_, i. e. journal or annals. Ezra is
generally supposed to be the author of these books. The Chronicles, or
Paraleipomena, are an abridgment, in fact, of the whole Scripture
history. St. Jerome so calls it, “_Omnis traditio Scripturarum in hoc
continetur_.” The First Book contains a genealogical account of the
descent of Israel from Adam, and of the reign of David. The Second Book
contains the history of Judah to the very year of the Jews’ return from
the Babylonish captivity—the decree of Cyrus granting them liberty being
in the last chapter of this Second Book.
CHURCH. (See _Catholic_.) The word _church_ is derived from the Greek
κυριακὸς (_belonging to the Lord_)—the Teutonic nations having, at their
first conversion, generally adopted the Greek ecclesiastical terms. The
truth of this etymology is confirmed by the fact, that in the Sclavonic
languages the names for the Church resemble the Teutonic, evidently
because derived from a common Greek original. The Church, meaning by the
word the Catholic or Universal Church, is that society which was
instituted by our blessed LORD, and completed by his apostles, acting
under the guidance of the HOLY SPIRIT, to be the depository of Divine
truth and the channel of Divine grace. Every society, or organized
community, may be distinguished from a mere multitude or accidental
concourse of people, by having a founder, a form of admission, a
constant badge of membership, peculiar duties, peculiar privileges, and
regularly appointed officers. Thus the Catholic Church has the LORD
CHRIST for its founder; its prescribed form of admission is the holy
sacrament of baptism; its constant badge of membership is the holy
sacrament of the eucharist; its peculiar duties are repentance, faith,
obedience; its peculiar privileges, union with GOD, through CHRIST its
Head, and hereby forgiveness of sins, present grace, and future glory;
its officers are bishops and priests, assisted by deacons, in regular
succession from the apostles, the first constituted officers of this
body corporate. It has the Bible for its code of laws, and tradition for
precedents, to aid its officers in the interpretation of that code on
disputed points. It is through the ordinances and sacraments of the
Church, administered by its divinely appointed officers, that we are
brought into union and communion with the invisible SAVIOUR; it is
through the visible body that we are to receive communications from the
invisible SPIRIT; and, says the apostle, in the fourth chapter to the
Ephesians, “There is,” not merely one SPIRIT, “there is one body _and_
one SPIRIT, even as ye are called in one hope of your calling.” Again,
(1 Cor. x. 17,) “We being many are one bread and one body.” And in the
first chapter to the Colossians, the same apostle tells us that this
body is the Church. And thus we must, if we are scriptural Christians,
believe that there is one holy Catholic and Apostolic Church.
Of this one Church there are many branches existing in various parts of
the world, (not to mention the great division of militant and
triumphant,) just as there is one ocean, of which portions receive a
particular designation from the shores which they lave. But of this one
society there cannot be two branches in one and the same place opposed
to each other, either in discipline or in doctrine. Although there be
two opposing societies or more in one place, both or all claiming to be
CHRIST’S Church in that place, yet we are quite sure that only one of
them can be the real Church. So here, in this realm of England, speaking
_nationally_, there is but one Church, over which the archbishops of
Canterbury and York, with their suffragans, preside: and in each diocese
there is only that one Church, over which the diocesan presides, a
branch of the national Church, as the national is a branch of the
universal Church: and again, in each parish there is but one Church,
forming a branch of the diocesan Church, over which the parochial
minister presides.
“Religion being, therefore, a matter partly of _contemplation_, partly
of _action_, we must define the Church, which is a religious society, by
such differences as do properly explain the essence of such things; that
is to say, by the object or matter whereabout the contemplation and
actions of the Church are properly conversant; for so all knowledge and
all virtues are defined. Whereupon, because the _only object_ which
separateth ours from other religions is JESUS CHRIST, in whom none but
the Church doth believe, and whom none but the Church doth worship, we
find that accordingly the apostles do everywhere distinguish hereby the
Church from infidels and from Jews, accounting them which call upon the
name of our LORD JESUS CHRIST to be his Church.”—_Hooker’s Eccl. Pol._
Hooker’s assertion as to the Church in this country must be so far
modified, that now, by change of political circumstances, the Churches
of England and Ireland are politically united, and form but one Church,
over which two primates, that of Canterbury and Armagh, of co-ordinate
jurisdiction, preside, with other archbishops and suffragans,
&c.—_Jebb._
CHURCH IN NORTH AMERICA. It is not possible, in such a publication as
this, to give an account of the various branches of the one Catholic
Church, which are to be found in the various parts of the world; but it
would be improper not to notice the Church in the United States of
America, since it is indebted for its existence, under the blessing of
the GREAT HEAD OF THE CHURCH UNIVERSAL, to the missionary labours of the
Church of England; or rather we should say, of members of that Church
acting under the sanction of their bishops, and formed into the Society
for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. Before the American
Revolution it can scarcely be said that the Church existed in our
American colonies. There were congregations formed chiefly through the
Society just mentioned, and the clergy who ministered in these
congregations were under the superintendence of the bishop of London. We
may say that the first step taken for the organization of the Church was
after the termination of the revolutionary war, at a meeting of a few of
the clergy of New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, at New Brunswick,
N. Y., in May, 1784. Though this meeting was called on other business,
yet the project of a general union of the churches throughout the States
became a topic of sufficient interest to lead to the calling of another
meeting, to be held in October following, in the city of New York. At
this latter meeting, “although the members composing it were not vested
with powers adequate to the present exigencies of the Church, they
happily, and with great unanimity, laid down a few general principles to
be recommended in the respective States, as the ground on which a future
ecclesiastical government should be established.” It was also
recommended that the several States should send clerical and lay
deputies to a future meeting in Philadelphia, on September the
twenty-seventh, of the following year. In the interim, the churches of
Connecticut, having made choice of the Rev. Dr. Seabury for a bishop, he
had proceeded to England with a view to consecration. In this
application he was not successful, the English bishops having scruples,
partly of a political nature, and partly relative to the reception with
which a bishop might meet, under the then imperfect organization of the
Church in America. Resort was therefore had to the Church in Scotland,
where Dr. Seabury received consecration in November, 1784.
According to appointment, the first general convention assembled in
1785, in Philadelphia, with delegates from seven of the thirteen States.
At this convention measures were taken for a revisal of the Prayer Book,
to adapt it to the political changes which had recently taken place;
articles of union were adopted; an ecclesiastical constitution was
framed; and the first steps taken for the obtaining of an episcopate
direct from the Church of England.
In June, 1786, the convention again met in Philadelphia. A
correspondence having meanwhile been carried on with the archbishops and
bishops of the English Church, considerable dissatisfaction was
expressed on their part relative to some changes in the liturgy, and to
one point of importance in the constitution. The latter of these was
satisfied by the proceeding of the then session, and the former were
removed by reconsideration in a special convention summoned in October
in the same year. It soon appearing that Dr. Provoost had been elected
to the episcopate of New York, Dr. White to that of Pennsylvania, and
Dr. Griffith for Virginia, testimonials in their favour were signed by
the convention. The two former sailed for England in November, 1786, and
were consecrated at Lambeth on the 4th of February in the following
year, by the Most Reverend John Moore, archbishop of Canterbury. Before
the end of the same month they sailed for New York, where they arrived
on Easter Sunday, April 7th, 1787.
In July, 1789, the general convention again assembled. The episcopacy of
Bishops White and Provoost was recognised; the resignation of Dr.
Griffith, as bishop elect of Virginia, was received; and in this and an
adjourned meeting of the body, in the same year, the constitution of
1786 was remodelled; union was happily effected with Bishop Seabury and
the northern clergy; the revision of the Prayer Book was completed; and
the Church already gave promise of great future prosperity. In
September, 1790, Dr. Madison was consecrated bishop of Virginia at
Lambeth in England, by the same archbishop, who, a few years before, had
imparted the apostolic commission to Drs. White and Provoost. There
being now three bishops of the English succession, besides one of the
Scotch, everything requisite for the continuation and extension of the
episcopacy was complete. Accordingly the line of American consecration
opened in 1792, with that of Dr. Claggett, bishop elect of Maryland. In
1795 Dr. Smith was consecrated for South Carolina; in 1797 the Rev.
Edward Bass, for Massachusetts, and in the same year Dr. Jarvis, for
Connecticut, that diocese having become vacant by the death of Bishop
Seabury. From that time the consecration of bishops has proceeded
according to the wants of the Church, without impediment, to the present
day. At the beginning of the present century the Church had become
permanently settled in its organization, and its stability and peace
were placed on a secure footing. In 1811 there were already eight
bishops and about two hundred and thirty other clergymen distributed
through thirteen States. A spirit of holy enterprise began to manifest
itself in measures for the building up of the Church west of the
Alleghany Mountains, and in other portions of the country, where
heretofore it had maintained but a feeble existence. The ministry
numbers in its ranks men of the first intellectual endowments, and of
admirable self-devotion to the cause of the gospel. With a steady
progress, unawed by the assaults of sectarianism and the reproaches of
the fanatic, the Church gradually established itself in the affections
of all who came with a spirit of candour to the examination of her
claims. The blessing of her GREAT HEAD was apparent, not only in the
peace which adorned her councils, but in the demands which were
continually made for a wider extension of her influence. Hence the
establishment of the General Theological Seminary by Bishop Hobart
(1817–1821), and afterwards of the Domestic and Foreign Missionary
Society (1835); both of which institutions were instrumental in
providing heralds of the gospel for the distant places of the West.
These were followed by the diocesan seminaries of Virginia, Ohio, and
Kentucky, and efforts for the founding of several in other dioceses. At
the general convention of 1835, the whole Church assumed the position of
one grand missionary organization, and has already her bands of
missionaries labouring in the cause of the Church in the remotest
districts of the country; and her banner has been lifted up in Africa,
China, Greece, and other foreign parts. The year 1852 was distinguished
by remarkable demonstrations of communion between the Churches of
England and America. The American Church, in token of her connexion with
the mother Church, and of gratitude for benefits received from the
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel while the American States were
part of the British dominions, deputed Bishop M’Coskry, of Michigan, and
Bishop De Lancey, of Western New York, to attend the third Jubilee of
the Society. These bishops were received in England with cordial
affection, and the bishop of Michigan preached the Jubilee Sermon at St.
Paul’s cathedral. A few months later the English bishop Fulford, of
Montreal, shared in consecrating Dr. Wainwright, who had been a member
of the deputation to England, coadjutor bishop of Eastern New York. In
1853 Bishop Spenser, Archdeacon Sinclair, and the Rev. Ernest Hawkins,
were deputed by the Society for Propagating the Gospel to return the
visit of the American prelates, and were received with great cordiality
by the general convention of the American Church. An attempt to excite a
Romanizing spirit on the part of a few half-educated persons has
signally failed, by the suppression, for want of support, of the Journal
they established. With her 37 bishops, 2000 clergy, and more than
2,000,000 of lay members; with her numerous societies for the spread of
the Bible and the Liturgy; and with her institutions of learning, and
presses constantly pouring out the light of the truth, may we not
predict, under the Divine protection, a day of coming prosperity, when
Zion shall be a praise in all the earth; when her temples and her altars
shall be seen on the far-off shores of the Pacific; when even “the
wilderness and the solitary place shall be glad for them, and the desert
shall rejoice and blossom as the rose?”
For a more detailed history of the Church in America, the reader may
consult _Bishop White’s Memoirs of the Protestant and Episcopal Church
in America_; _Caswall’s America and the American Church_; the _History
of the Church in America_ in the _Christian’s Miscellany_: and the more
recent _History by Bishop Wilberforce_, published in the _Englishman’s
Library_.
CHURCH OF ENGLAND. (See _Anglo-Catholic Church_.) By the Church of
England we mean that branch of the Catholic Church which is established
under its canonical bishops in England. Properly speaking, at present it
forms only a branch of the united Church of England and Ireland. When
and by whom the Church was first introduced into Britain is not exactly
ascertained, but it has been inferred from Eusebius that it was first
established here by the apostles and their disciples; some have
supposed, by St. Paul. According to Archbishop Usher, there was a school
of learning to provide the British churches with proper teachers in the
year 182. But when the Britons were conquered by the Anglo-Saxons, who
were heathens, the Church was persecuted, and the professors of
Christianity were either driven to the mountains of Wales, or reduced to
a state of slavery. The latter circumstances prepared the way for the
conversion of the conquerors, who, seeing the pious and regular
deportment of their slaves, soon learned to respect their religion. We
may gather this fact from a letter written by Gregory, the bishop of
Rome, in the sixth century, to two of the kings of France, in which he
states that the English nation was desirous of becoming Christian; and
in which he, at the same time, complains to those monarchs of the
remissness of their clergy in not seeking the conversion of their
neighbours. And hence it was that Gregory, with that piety and zeal for
which he was pre-eminently distinguished, sent over Augustine, and about
forty missionaries, to England, to labour in the good work. The success
of these missionaries, the way having thus been paved before them, was
most satisfactory. They converted Ethelbert, who was not only king of
Kent, but Brætwalda, or chief of the Saxon monarchs. His example was
soon followed by the kings of Essex and East Anglia, and gradually by
the other sovereigns of England.
The successful Augustine then went over to Arles in France, where he was
consecrated by the prelate of that see; and, returning, became the first
archbishop of Canterbury, the patriarch and metropolitan of the Church
of England. His see was immediately endowed with large revenues by King
Ethelbert, who likewise established, at the instance of the archbishop,
the dioceses of Rochester and London. Another portion of the
Anglo-Saxons were converted by the Scottish bishops. And thus gradually
the Anglo-Saxon kings created bishoprics equal in size to their
kingdoms. And the example was followed by their nobles, who converted
their estates into parishes, erecting fit places of worship, and
endowing them with tithes.
It is a great mistake to suppose, as some do, that the old churches in
England were built or endowed by laws of the state or acts of
parliament. They were the fruit of the piety of individuals of all
ranks, princes and nobles, and private citizens. This fact accounts for
the unequal sizes of our dioceses and parishes: the dioceses were
(though subsequently subdivided) of the same extent as the dominions of
the respective kings; the parishes corresponded with the estate of the
patrons of particular churches. Nor was the regard of those by whom the
Church was established and endowed, confined to the spiritual
edification of the poor; no, they knew that _righteousness exalteth a
nation_, and estimating properly the advantages of infusing a Christian
spirit into the legislature, they summoned the higher order of the
clergy to take part in the national councils.
From those times to these, an uninterrupted series of valid ordinations
has carried down the apostolical succession in our Church.
That in the Church of England purity of doctrine was not always retained
may be readily admitted. In the dark ages, when all around was dark, the
Church itself suffered from the universal gloom: this neither our love
of truth, nor our wishes, will permit us to deny. About the seventh
century the pope of Rome began to establish an interest in our Church.
The interference of the prelate of that great see, before he laid claim
to any dominion of right, was at first justifiable, and did not exceed
just bounds, while it contributed much to the propagation of the gospel.
That the bishop of Rome was justified as a Christian bishop, of high
influence and position, in endeavouring to aid the cause of Christianity
here in England, while England was a heathen nation, will not be
disputed by those who recognise the same right in the archbishop of
Canterbury with respect to foreign heathens. But, in after ages, what
was at first a justifiable interference was so increased as to become an
intolerable usurpation. This interference was an usurpation because it
was expressly contrary to the decisions of a general council of the
Church, and such as the Scripture condemns, in that the Scripture places
all bishops on an equality; and so they ought to continue to be, except
where, for the sake of order, they voluntarily consent to the
appointment of a president or archbishop, who is nothing more than a
_primus inter pares, a first among equals_. This usurpation for a time
continued, and with it were introduced various corruptions, in doctrine
as well as in discipline.
At length, in the reign of Henry VIII., the bishops and clergy accorded
with the laity and government of England, and threw off the yoke of the
usurping pope of Rome. They, at the same time, corrected and reformed
all the errors of doctrine, and most of the errors of discipline, which
had crept into our Church during the reign of intellectual darkness and
papal domination. They condemned the monstrous doctrine of
transubstantiation, the worship of saints and images, communion in one
kind, and the constrained celibacy of the clergy; having first
ascertained that these and similar errors were obtruded into the Church
in the middle ages. Thus restoring the Church to its ancient state of
purity and perfection, they left it to us, their children, as we now
find it. They did not attempt to _make new_, their object was to
_reform_, the Church. They stripped their venerable mother of the
meretricious gear in which superstition had arrayed her, and left her in
that plain and decorous attire with which, in the simple dignity of a
matron, she had been adorned by apostolic hands.
Thus, then, it seems that _ours_ is the _old_ Church of England, tracing
its origin, not to Cranmer and Ridley, who only _reformed_ it; but that
it is the _only_ Church of England, which traces its origin up through
the apostles to our SAVIOUR HIMSELF. To adopt the words of a learned and
pious writer: “The orthodox and undoubted bishops of Great Britain are
the _only_ persons who, in any manner, whether by ordination or
possession, can prove their descent from the ancient saints and bishops
of these isles. It is a positive fact that they, and they _alone_, can
trace their ordinations from Peter and Paul, through Patrick, Augustine,
Theodore, Colman, Columba, David, Cuthbert, Chad, Anselm, Osmund, and
all the other worthies of our Church.” “It is true that there are some
schismatical Romish bishops in these realms, but they are of a recent
origin, and cannot show the prescription and possession that we can.
Some of these teachers do not profess to be bishops of our churches, but
are titular bishops of places we know not. Others usurp the titles of
various churches in these islands, but are neither in possession
themselves, nor can prove that their predecessors ever occupied them.
The sect (the sect of English Papists or Roman Catholics) arose in the
reign of Queen Elizabeth, when certain persons, unhappily and blindly
devoted to the see of Rome, refused to obey and communicate with their
lawful pastors, who, in accordance with the laws of GOD and the canons,
asserted the ancient independence of the British and Irish Church; and
the Roman patriarch then ordained a few bishops to sees in Ireland,
which were already occupied by legitimate pastors. In England this
ministry is of later origin; for the first bishop of that communion was
a titular bishop of Chalcedon in the seventeenth century.
The ecclesiastical state of England, as it stands at this day, is
divided into two provinces or archbishoprics, of Canterbury and York,
which are again subdivided into several dioceses. (See _Archbishop_.)
For the safeguard of the doctrine and discipline of the Church of
England, many provisions are made both by the civil and canon law.
Whoever shall come to the possession of the crown of England shall join
in communion with the Church of England, as by law established. (12 & 13
Will. III. c. 2, s. 3.)
By the 1 Will. III. c. 6, an oath shall be administered to every king or
queen who shall succeed to the imperial crown of this realm, at their
coronation; to be administered by one of the archbishops or bishops, to
be thereunto appointed by such king or queen; that they will do the
utmost in their power to maintain the laws of GOD, the true profession
of the gospel, and Protestant reformed religion established by law; and
will preserve unto the bishops and clergy of this realm, and to the
churches committed to their charge, all such rights and privileges as by
law do or shall appertain unto them, or any of them.
And by the 5 Anne, c. 5, the king, at his coronation, shall take and
subscribe an oath to maintain and preserve inviolably the settlement of
the Church of England, and the doctrine, worship, discipline, and
government thereof, as by law established. (s. 2.)
By Canon 3, whoever shall affirm that the Church of England, by law
established, is not a true and apostolical Church, teaching and
maintaining the doctrine of the apostles, let him be excommunicated
_ipso facto_, and not restored but only by the archbishop, after his
repentance and public revocation of this his wicked error.
And by Canon 7, whoever shall affirm that the government of the Church
of England under Her Majesty, by archbishops, bishops, deans,
archdeacons, and the rest that bear office in the same, is
antichristian, or repugnant to the word of GOD, let him be
excommunicated _ipso facto_, and so continue until he repent, and
publicly revoke such his wicked errors.
And moreover, seditious words, in derogation of the established
religion, are indictable, as tending to a breach of the peace.
CHURCH OF IRELAND. Of the first introduction of the Church into Ireland
we have no authentic records; nor is it necessary to search for them,
since, of the present Church, the founder, under GOD, was St. Patrick,
in the fifth century. From him it is that the present clergy, the
reformed clergy, and they _only_, have their succession, and through him
from the apostles themselves. That, by a regular series of consecrations
and ordinations, the succession from Patrick and Palladius, and the
first Irish missionaries, was kept up until the reign of Queen
Elizabeth, our opponents, the Irish Papists, will allow. The question,
therefore, is whether that succession was at that time lost. The _onus
probandi_ rests with our opponents, and we defy them to prove that such
was the case. It is a well-known fact, that of all the countries of
Europe, there was not one in which the process of the Reformation was
carried on so regularly, so canonically, so quietly, as it was in
Ireland. Carte, the biographer of Ormond, having observed that the
Popish schism did not commence in England until the twelfth year of
Queen Elizabeth’s reign, but that for eleven years those who most
favoured the pretensions of the pope conformed to the reformed Catholic
Church of England, remarks, “The case was much the same in Ireland,
_where the bishops complied with the_ Reformation, and the _Roman
Catholics_ (meaning those who afterwards became _Roman_, instead of
remaining _reformed_ Catholics) resorted in general to the parish
churches in which the English service was used, until the _end_ of Queen
Elizabeth’s reign.” It is here stated that the bishops of the Church of
Ireland, that is, as the Papists will admit, the then successors of St.
Patrick and his suffragans, those who had a right to reform the Church
of Ireland, consented to the Reformation; and that, until the end of
Queen Elizabeth’s reign, (and she reigned above forty-four years,) there
was no pretended Church, under the dominion of the pope, opposed to the
true Catholic Church, as is unfortunately now the case. The existing
clergy of the Church of Ireland, whether we regard their order or their
mission, and consequently the Church itself, are the only legitimate
successors of those by whom that Church was founded. That in the Church
of Ireland, as well as in the Church of England, corruptions in doctrine
as well as in practice prevailed before the Reformation, and that the
pope of Rome gradually usurped over it an authority directly contrary to
one of the canons of a general council of the Church Universal, (that of
Ephesus,) we fully admit. But that usurpation was resisted and
renounced, and those corruptions removed and provided against at the
Reformation. After the English Reformation the Irish Church received the
English liturgy, in conformity with the principle now professed by the
English government, though not always consistently or fairly carried
out, of promoting a close ecclesiastical unity between the two
countries. Articles of Religion, of a Calvinistic tendency, were passed
by the Irish convocation of 1615, but in 1635 the English Articles were
received and approved by a canon of convocation, and have ever since
been subscribed by Irish clergymen. In 1662 the revised Prayer Book of
England was adopted by the Irish convocation. At the time of the union
of the two kingdoms, the two Churches were united under the title of the
United Church of England and Ireland. Doubts have been expressed as to
what this union means. It does not mean union in doctrine. The Churches
were in full communion in every respect before; and still are, except in
a few particulars, merely circumstantial. It does not mean distinct
synodical rights, for the two English provinces have their convocations
distinct one from the other, and the decrees of the one do not, of
necessity, bind the other. The union is national and political. When the
two kingdoms became politically and legislatively one, the two Churches,
in conformity with the ancient and avowed principles of English
government, were declared to be identified. This identification was
solemnly declared by the sovereign and parliament of both countries, _as
an indispensable and fundamental article_ of union, asserted by the
spiritual lords of each; without the slightest reclamation on the part
of the clergy or laity. Now this declaration of legislative union is in
fact a solemn declaration on the part of the state of identification of
interests. If each of the English provinces of the United Church claim
synodical rights, a right of advising when the great interests of the
Church are concerned, the claim of the Irish provinces of the same
Church are equally strong, are strictly parallel. If the property and
rights of the English clergy are to be protected, the Irish clergy have
as strong a claim to protection. How far the avowed principle has been
acted upon, it is not difficult to determine. The property of the Irish
clergy has been dealt with upon principles altogether different from
those which still protected the property of their English brethren. No
provision whatever was made for perpetuating the Irish convocations,
which are still in abeyance, even as to outward form, though formerly
they had as defined a system as in England. (See _Convocation_.) In an
age, when the multiplication of bishops has been urged, and generally
admitted as necessary, the Church in Ireland has been disheartened by a
retrograde movement. For, in opposition to the earnest reclamation of
her clergy, ten of her bishops were, by a very tyrannical act of the
state, suppressed; and two of her archiepiscopal sees (Cashel and Tuam)
reduced to the rank of suffragans; and this to meet a mere fiscal
exigency, to provide for the Church Rates; for which, be it observed,
the clergy of Ireland, whose revenues have been in many other ways
legislatively curtailed, are now taxed.
The words of the fifth article of the Union with Ireland are these:
“That it be the fifth article of Union, that the Churches of England and
Ireland, as now by law established, be united into one Protestant
Episcopal Church, to be called, _The United Church of England and
Ireland_; and that the doctrine, worship, discipline, and government of
the said United Church shall be, and shall remain in full force for
ever, as the same are now by law established for the Church of England;
and that the continuance and preservation of the said United Church, as
the established Church of England and Ireland, shall be deemed and taken
to be an essential and fundamental part of the Union.”
The Church in Ireland had till lately four archbishops: 1. Armagh, with
seven suffragans, viz. Meath, Down, ‡Dromore, Derry, Kilmore, ‡Raphoe,
and ‡Clogher. 2. Dublin, with three suffragans, viz. ‡Kildare, ‡Ferns,
and Ossory. 3. Cashel, with five suffragans, viz. Limerick, Cork,
‡Cloyne, Killaloe, and ‡Waterford. 4. Tuam, with three suffragans, viz.
‡Clonfert, ‡Elphin, and ‡Killala. [Those which are marked thus ‡ are now
suppressed.] Formerly there had been 32 bishops in all; but the sees had
become so impoverished that it became necessary from time to time to
unite some of these to others, (but for reason and under sanction far
different from those which influenced the late innovations,) so that in
the 17th century they were much the same as stated above. The bishops of
Meath and Kildare had precedence over the other bishops.—See _Jebb’s
Charge to the Clergy of Limerick_.
CHURCH OF ROME. (See _Pope_, _Popery_, _Council of Trent_, _Romanism_.)
The Church of Rome is properly that particular Church over which the
bishop of Rome presides, as the Church of England is that Church over
which the bishop of Canterbury presides. To enter into the history of
that foreign Church, to describe its boundaries, to explain those
peculiar doctrines, which are contrary to Catholic doctrines, but which
are retained in it, to discuss its merits or its corruptions, would be
beside the purpose of this Dictionary. But there are certain
schismatical communities in these kingdoms which have set up an altar
against our altar, and which are designated as the Church of Rome in
England, and the Church of Rome in Ireland; and with the claims of these
schismatical sects, in which the obnoxious doctrines of the Church of
Rome, as asserted in the so-called general Council of Trent, are
maintained, and in which the supremacy of the pope of Rome is
acknowledged, we are nearly concerned. It will be proper, therefore, to
give an account of the introduction of Romanism or Popery into this
country and into Ireland, subsequently to the Reformation. From the
preceding articles it will have been seen that the Churches of England
and Ireland were canonically reformed. The old Catholic Church of
England, in accordance with the law of GOD and the canons, asserted its
ancient independence. That many members of the Church were in their
hearts opposed to this great movement, is not only probable, but
certain; yet they did not incur the sin of schism by establishing a sect
in opposition to the Church of England, until the twelfth year of
Elizabeth’s reign, when they were hurried into this sin by foreign
emissaries from the pope of Rome, and certain sovereigns hostile to the
queen. Mr. Butler, himself a Romanist, observes, that “Many of them
conformed for a while, in hopes that the queen would relent, and things
come round again.”—_Memoirs_, ii. p. 280. “He may be right,” says Dr.
Phelan, “in complimenting their orthodoxy at the expense of their truth;
yet it is a curious circumstance, that their hypocrisy, while it
deceived a vigilant and justly suspicious Protestant government, should
be disclosed by the tardy candour of their own historians.” The
admission, however, is important; the admission of a Romanist that
Romanism was for a season extinct, as a community, in these realms. The
present Romish sect cannot, therefore, consistently claim to be what the
clergy of the Church of England really and truly are, the
representatives of the founders of the English Church. The Romish clergy
in England, though they have _orders_, have no _mission_, on their own
showing, and are consequently schismatics. The Romanists began to fall
away from the Catholic Church of England, and to constitute themselves
into a distinct community or sect, about the year 1570, that is, about
forty years after the Church of England had suppressed the papal
usurpation. This act was entirely voluntary on the part of the
Romanists. They refused any longer to obey their bishops; and, departing
from our communion, they established a rival worship, and set up altar
against altar. This sect was at first governed by Jesuits and missionary
priests, under the superintendence of Allen, a Roman cardinal, who lived
in Flanders, and founded the colleges at Douay and Rheims. In 1598, Mr.
George Blackwell was appointed archpriest of the English Romanists, (see
_Archpriest_,) and this form of ecclesiastical government prevailed
among them till 1623, when Dr. Bishop was ordained titular bishop of
Chalcedon, and sent from Rome to govern the Romish sect in England. Dr.
Smith, the next bishop of Chalcedon, was banished in 1628, and the
Romanists were without bishops till the reign of James II.—_Palmer_, ii.
252. During the whole of the reign of James I., and part of the
following reign, the Romish priesthood, both in England and in Ireland,
were in the interest, and many of them in the pay, of the Spanish
monarchy. The titulars of Dublin and Cashel are particularly mentioned
as pensioners of Spain. The general memorial of the Romish hierarchy in
Ireland, in 1617, was addressed to the Spanish court, and we are told by
Berrington, himself a Romanist, that the English Jesuits, 300 in number,
were all of the Spanish faction. In Ireland, as we have seen before, the
bishops almost unanimously consented, in the beginning of Queen
Elizabeth’s reign, to remove the usurped jurisdiction of the Roman
pontiff, and consequently there, as in England, for a great length of
time there were scarcely any Popish bishops. But “Swarms of Jesuits,”
says Carte, “and Romish priests, educated in the seminaries founded by
King Philip II., in Spain and the Netherlands, and by the cardinal of
Lorraine in Champagne, (where, pursuant to the vows of the founders,
they sucked in, as well the principles of rebellion, as of what _they_
call catholicity,) coming over to that kingdom, as full of secular as of
religious views, they soon prevailed with an ignorant and credulous
people to withdraw from the public service of the Church.” Macgauran,
titular archbishop of Armagh, was sent over from Spain, and slain in an
act of rebellion against his sovereign. In 1621 there were two Popish
bishops in Ireland, and two others resided in Spain. These persons were
ordained in foreign countries, and could not trace their ordinations to
the ancient Irish Church. The audacity of the Romish hierarchy in
Ireland has of late years been only equalled by their mendacity. But we
know them who they are; the successors, not of St. Patrick, but of
certain Spanish and Italian prelates, who, in the reign of James I.,
originated, contrary to the canons of the Church, the Romish sect—a sect
it truly is in that country, since there can be but one Church, and that
is the Catholic, in the same place, (see article on the _Church_,) and
all that they can pretend to is, that without having any mission, being
therefore in a state of schism, they hold peculiar doctrines and
practices which the Church of Ireland may have practised and held for
one, two, three, or at the very most four hundred out of the fourteen
hundred years during which it has been established; while even as a
counterpoise to this, we may place the three hundred years which have
elapsed between the Reformation and the present time. Since the above
article was written, the Romish sect has assumed a new character in
England. The pope of Rome has added to his iniquities by sending here,
in 1850, schismatical prelates, with a view of superseding the orthodox
and catholic bishops of the English Church; an act which has increased
the abhorrence of Popery in every true Englishman’s heart, and which
should lead to greater union among all who repudiate idolatry, and love
the LORD JESUS.
CHURCH IN SCOTLAND. The early history of the ancient Church of Scotland,
like that of Ireland, is involved in much obscurity; nor is it necessary
to investigate it, since, at the period of our Reformation, it was
annihilated; it was entirely subverted; not a vestige of the ancient
Christian Church of that kingdom remained. Meantime the Scottish nation
was torn by the fiercest religious factions. The history of what
occurred at the so-called Reformation of Scotland—the fierceness, the
fury, the madness of the people, who murdered with Scripture on their
lips—would make an infidel smile, and a pious Christian weep. It is
probable that a sense of the danger to his throne may have led King
James I. to his first measures, taken before his accession to the
English crown, for the restoration of episcopacy in his own dominion.
His first step was to obtain, in December, 1597, an act of the Scottish
parliament, “that such pastors and ministers as the king should please
to provide to the place, title, and dignity of a bishop, abbot, or other
prelate, should have voice in parliament as freely as any ecclesiastical
prelate had at any time by-past.” This act was followed by the
appointment of certain ministers, with the temporal title of bishops, in
the next year.—_Abp. Spottiswood’s Hist._ 449, 456. But the assembly of
ministers at Montrose, in March, 1599, jealous of the king’s intention,
passed a resolution of their own, “that they who had a voice in
parliament should have no place in the general assembly, unless they
were authorized by a commission from the presbyters.” The bishops,
however, took their seats in parliament, and voted in the articles of
union for the two kingdoms, A. D. 1601. At length, in A. D. 1610, the
bishops were admitted as presidents or moderators in the diocesan
assemblies; and, in 1612, “after fifty years of confusion, and a
multiplicity of windings and turnings, either to improve or set aside
the plan adopted in 1560,” (to use Bishop Skinner’s words,) “we see an
episcopal Church once more settled in Scotland, and a regular
apostolical succession of episcopacy introduced, upon the extinction of
the old line which had long before failed, without any attempt, real or
pretended, to keep it up.” For in this year the king caused three of
them to be consecrated in London; “and that,” says Bishop Guthrie, “not
without the consent and furtherance of many of the wisest amongst the
ministry.” Now in common justice to Episcopalians it must be remembered,
as Bishop Skinner observes, that the restoration of the primitive order
was strictly legal. “A regular episcopacy by canonical consecration had
been adopted by the general assemblies of the Church, and confirmed by
unquestionable acts of parliament.” King Charles I. endeavoured to
complete the good work which his father had begun, but, for the sins of
the Scottish people, he was not permitted to succeed in his labour of
love; nay, rather, the attempt to introduce the English Prayer Book so
exasperated the Scots against him, that they finally proved their
ignorance of Scripture, and their want of true Christian principles, by
assenting to the parricide of their sovereign, when it was effected by
their disciples in England. The general assembly of 1638 was held in
opposition to the _sovereign, and to the law_; it declared all
assemblies since 1605 void; proscribed the service book; and abjured
Episcopacy, condemning it as _antichristian_, and the bishops were
excommunicated and deposed. In 1613, the Scotch general assembly passed
the Solemn League and Covenant, adopted by that assembly of divines at
Westminster, who drew up the Confession, which afterwards was
established by law as the Faith of the Kirk of Scotland. The Catholic
Church, after the martyrdom of Charles, became extinct in Scotland; but
it was once more restored at the restoration of his son. By the solemn
act of parliament, Episcopacy was reestablished, and declared to be most
agreeable to the word of GOD; and synods were constituted, very much
upon the system of the English convocation. Four Scottish divines were
again consecrated in London in 1661. These prelates took possession of
the several sees to which they had been appointed, and the other ten
sees were soon canonically filled by men duly invested with the
episcopal character and function. So things remained until the
Revolution of 1688. The bishops of Scotland, mindful of their oaths,
refused to withdraw their allegiance from the king, and to give it to
the Prince of Orange, who had been elected by a portion of the people to
sovereignty, under the title of William III. The Prince of Orange
offered to protect them, and to preserve the civil establishment of the
Church, provided that they would come over to his interest, and support
his pretensions to the throne. This they steadily refused to do; and
consequently, by the prince and parliament, the bishops and the clergy
were ordered either to conform to the new government, or to quit their
livings. There were then fourteen bishops in Scotland, and nine hundred
clergy of the other two orders. All the bishops, and by far the greater
number of the other clergy, refused to take the oaths; and in the
livings they were thus compelled to relinquish, Presbyterian ministers
were in general placed. And thus the Presbyterian sect was established
(so far as it can be established by the authority of man) instead of the
Church in Scotland. It was stated that this was done, not because
bishops were illegal and unscriptural, but because the establishment of
the Church was contrary to the will of the people, who, as they had
elected a king, ought, as it was supposed, to be indulged in the still
greater privilege of selecting a religion. And yet it is said, in the
Life of Bishop Sage, “it was certain, that not one of three parts of the
common people were then for the presbytery, and not one in ten among the
gentlemen and people of education.” The system of doctrine to which the
established Kirk of Scotland subscribes is the Westminster Confession of
Faith, and to the Kirk (for it was passed in 1643 by the general
assembly of the Kirk) belongs the national and solemn League and
Covenant, (a formulary more tremendous in its anathemas than any bull of
Rome,) to “endeavour the extirpation of Popery and prelacy,” i. e.
“Church government by archbishops, bishops, and all ecclesiastical
officers dependent upon the hierarchy.” This League was approved by that
very assembly at Westminster, whose Confession was now nationally
adopted. And certainly, during their political ascendency, the members
of that establishment have done their best to accomplish this, so far as
Scotland is concerned, although, contrary to their principles, there are
some among them who would make an exception in favour of England, if the
Church of England would be base enough to forsake her sister Church in
Scotland. That Church is now just in the position in which our Church
would be, if it pleased parliament, in what is profanely called its
omnipotence, to drive us from our sanctuaries, and to establish the
Independents, or the Wesleyans, in our place.
The bishops of the Scottish Church, thus deprived of their property and
their civil rights, did not attempt to keep up the same number of
bishops as before the Revolution, nor did they continue the division of
the country into the same dioceses, as there was no occasion for that
accuracy, by reason of the diminution which their clergy and
congregations had suffered, owing to the persecutions they had to
endure. They have also dropped the designation of archbishops, now only
making use of that of _Primus_, (a name formerly given to the presiding
bishop,) who being elected by the other bishops, six in number, is
invested thereby with the authority of calling and presiding in such
meetings as may be necessary for regulating the affairs of the Church.
The true Church of Scotland has thus continued to exist from the
Revolution to the present time, notwithstanding those penal statutes, of
the severity of which some opinion may be formed when it is stated, that
the grandfather of the present venerable bishop of Aberdeen, although he
had taken the oaths to the government, was committed to prison for six
months; and why? for the heinous offence of celebrating Divine service
_according to the forms of the English Book of Common Prayer_, in the
presence of more than four persons! But in vain has the Scottish
establishment thus persecuted the Scottish Church; as we have said, she
still exists, perhaps, amidst the dissensions of the establishment, to
be called back again to her own. The penal statutes were repealed in the
year 1792. But even then the clergy of that Church were so far
prohibited from officiating in the Church of England, that the
clergyman, in whose church they should perform any ministerial act, was
liable to the penalties of a premunire. Although a clergyman of any of
the Greek churches, although even a clergyman of the Church of Rome,
upon his renouncing those Romish peculiarities and errors, which are not
held by our Scottish brethren, could serve at our altars, and preach
from our pulpits, our brethren in Scotland and America were prevented
from doing so. This disgrace however has now been removed by the piety
of the late archbishop of Canterbury, who has obtained an act which
restores to the Church one of her lost liberties. At the end of the last
century, the Catholic Church in Scotland adopted those Thirty-nine
Articles which were drawn up by the Church of England in the reign of
Queen Elizabeth. They, for the most part, make use of our liturgy,
though in some congregations the old Scotch liturgy is used, and it is
expressly appointed that it shall always be used at the consecration of
a bishop.
The Church of Scotland, before the political recognition of
Presbyterianism, had fourteen bishops: viz. The archbishop of St.
Andrew’s, primate of Scotland, with nine suffragans; viz. Edinburgh,
Aberdeen, Moray, Dunkeld, Brechin, Caithness, Dunblane, Orkney, and
Ross. The archbishop of Glasgow, with three suffragans; viz. Galloway,
Argyle, and the Isles. The bishops of Edinburgh and Galloway had
precedence over the others. All the bishops sat in the Scottish
parliament, but they had no convocation, like those of the Church of
England in ancient times, their synods being episcopal. After the
Reformation, their assemblies were long of an anomalous kind, and bore
witness to a continual struggle between the episcopal and presbyterian,
or rather democratic, principle, which finally prevailed. In 1663,
however, an act of parliament was passed regulating their national
synod. (See _Convocation_.)
CHURCH, GALLICAN, or THE CHURCH OF FRANCE, although in communion with
the see of Rome, maintained in many respects an independent position.
(See _Concordat_ and _Pragmatic Sanction_.) This term is very ancient,
for we find it used in the Council of Paris, held in the year 362, and
the Council of Illyria, in 367.
This Church all along preserved certain ancient rites, which she
possessed time out of mind; neither were these privileges any grants of
popes, but certain franchises and immunities, derived to her from her
first original, and which she will take care never to relinquish. These
liberties depended upon two maxims, which were always looked upon in
France as indisputable. The first is, that the pope had no authority or
right to command or order anything, either in general or particular, in
which the temporalities or civil rights of the kingdom were concerned.
The second was, that, notwithstanding the pope’s supremacy was owned in
cases purely spiritual, yet, in France, his power was limited and
regulated by the decrees and canons of ancient councils received in that
realm. The liberties or privileges of the Gallican Church were founded
upon these two maxims, and the most considerable of them are as follows:
I. The king of France has a right to convene synods, or provincial and
national councils, in which, amongst other important matters relating to
the preservation of the state, cases of ecclesiastical discipline are
likewise debated.
II. The pope’s legates _à latere_, who are empowered to reform abuses,
and to exercise the other parts of their legantine office, are never
admitted into France unless at the desire, or with the consent, of the
king: and whatever the legates do there, is with the approbation and
allowance of the king.
III. The legate of Avignon cannot exercise his commission in any of the
king’s dominions, till after he hath obtained his Majesty’s leave for
that purpose.
IV. The prelates of the Gallican Church, being summoned by the pope,
cannot depart the realm upon any pretence whatever, without the king’s
permission.
V. The pope has no authority to levy any tax or imposition upon the
temporalities of the ecclesiastical preferments, upon any pretence,
either of loan, vacancy, annates, tithes, procurations, or otherwise,
without the king’s order, and the consent of the clergy.
VI. The pope has no authority to depose the king, or grant away his
dominions to any person whatever. His Holiness can neither excommunicate
the king, nor absolve his subjects from their allegiance.
VII. The pope likewise has no authority to excommunicate the king’s
officers for their executing and discharging their respective offices
and functions.
VIII. The pope has no right to take cognizance, either by himself or his
delegates, of any pre-eminencies or privileges belonging to the crown of
France, the king being not obliged to argue his prerogatives in any
court but his own.
IX. Counts palatine, made by the pope, are not acknowledged as such in
France, nor allowed to make use of their privileges and powers, any more
than those created by the emperor.
X. It is not lawful for the pope to grant licences to churchmen, the
king’s subjects, or to any others holding benefices in the realm of
France, to bequeath the titles and profits of their respective
preferments, contrary to any branch of the king’s laws, or the customs
of the realm, nor to hinder the relations of the beneficed clergy, or
monks, to succeed to their estates, when they enter into religious
orders, and are professed.
XI. The pope cannot grant to any person a dispensation to enjoy any
estate or revenues, in France, without the king’s consent.
XII. The pope cannot grant a licence to ecclesiastics to alienate church
lands, situate and lying in France, without the king’s consent, upon any
pretence whatever.
XIII. The king may punish his ecclesiastical officers for misbehaviour
in their respective charges, notwithstanding the privileges of their
orders.
XIV. No person has any right to hold any benefice in France, unless he
be either a native of the country, naturalized by the king, or has royal
dispensation for that purpose.
XV. The pope is not superior to an œcumenical or general council.
XVI. The Gallican Church does not receive, without distinction, all the
canons, and all the decretal epistles, but keeps principally to that
ancient collection called _Corpus Canonicum_, the same which Pope Adrian
sent to Charlemagne towards the end of the eighth century, and which, in
the year 860, under the pontificate of Nicolas I., the French bishops
declared to be the only canon law they were obliged to acknowledge,
maintaining that in this body the liberties of the Gallican Church
consisted.
XVII. The pope has no power, for any cause whatsoever, to dispense with
the law of God, the law of nature, or the decrees of the ancient canons.
XVIII. The regulations of the apostolic chamber, or court, are not
obligatory to the Gallican Church, unless confirmed by the king’s
edicts.
XIX. If the primates or metropolitans appeal to the pope, his Holiness
is obliged to try the cause, by commissioners or delegates, in the same
diocese from which the appeal was made.
XX. When a Frenchman desires the pope to give him a benefice lying in
France, his Holiness is obliged to order him an instrument, sealed under
the faculty of his office; and, in case of refusal, it is lawful for the
person pretending to the benefice to apply to the parliament of Paris,
which court shall send instructions to the bishop of the diocese to give
him institution, which institution shall be of the same validity as if
he had received his title under the seals of the court of Rome.
XXI. No mandates from the pope, enjoining a bishop, or other collator,
to present any person to a benefice upon a vacancy, are admitted in
France.
XXII. It is only by sufferance that the pope has what they call a right
of prevention, to collate to benefices which the ordinary has not
disposed of.
XXIII. It is not lawful for the pope to exempt the ordinary of any
monastery, or any other ecclesiastical corporation, from the
jurisdiction of their respective diocesans, in order to make the person
so exempted immediately dependent on the holy see.
These liberties were esteemed inviolable, and the French kings, at their
coronation, solemnly swore to preserve and maintain them. The oath ran
thus: “Promitto vobis et perdono quod unicuique de vobis et ecclesiis
vobis commissis canonicum privilegium et debitam legem atque justitiam
servabo.”
The bishoprics were entirely in the hands of the Crown. There were, in
France, 18 archbishops, 112 bishops, 160,000 clergymen of various
orders, and 3400 convents.
The archbishops were: 1. _Rheims_, (primate of France,) eight
suffragans. 2. _Lyons_, (primate of Gaul,) five suffragans. 3. Rouen,
(primate of Normandy,) six suffragans. 4. Paris, four suffragans. 5.
Sens, three suffragans. 6. Tours, eleven suffragans. 7. Bordeaux, nine
suffragans. 8. Bourges, five suffragans. 9. Toulouse, seven suffragans.
10. Narbonne, eleven suffragans. 11. Besançon, one suffragan. 12. Arles,
four suffragans. 13. Auch, ten suffragans. 14. Aix, five suffragans. 15.
Alby, five suffragans. 16. Embrun, six suffragans. 17. Vienne, four
suffragans. 18. Cambray, two suffragans, with six other bishops under
foreign archbishops. The archbishop of Cambray and his suffragans, and
the archbishop of Besançon with his suffragan, and eight other bishops,
were not considered properly to form part of the Gallican Church.
Such _was_ the Church of France with the “Gallican Liberties,”
previously to the great French Revolution of 1789–1793.
Jansenism (see _Jansenists_) became very prevalent in the Gallican
Church before the Revolution; and the antipapal principle of Jansenism,
combined with the revolutionary mania, developed in 1790 the civil
constitution of the clergy in France, under which false appellation the
constituent assembly affected extraordinary alterations in _spiritual_
matters. M. Bouvier, the late bishop of Mans, remarks, that this
constitution “abounded with many and most grievous faults.” “First,” he
says, “the National Convention, by its own authority, without any
recourse to the ecclesiastical power, changes or reforms all the old
dioceses, erects new ones, diminishes some, increases others, &c.; (2.)
forbids any Gallican church or citizen to acknowledge the authority of
any foreign bishop, &c.; (3.) institutes a new mode of administering and
ruling cathedral churches, even in spirituals; (4.) subverts the divine
authority of bishops, restraining it within certain limits, and imposing
on them a certain council, without whose judgment they could do
nothing,” &c. The great body of the Gallican bishops naturally protested
against this constitution, which suppressed 135 bishoprics, and erected
83 in their stead, under different titles. The Convention insisted that
they should take the oath of adhesion to the civil constitution in eight
days, on pain of being considered as having resigned; and, on the
refusal of the great majority, the new bishops were elected in their
place, and consecrated by Talleyrand, bishop of Autun, assisted by
Gobel, bishop of Lydda, and Miroudet of Babylon.
M. Bouvier proves, from the principles of his Church, that this
constitution was schismatical; that all the bishops, rectors, curates,
confessors, instituted by virtue of it, were intruders, schismatics, and
even involved in heresy; that the taking of the oath to observe it was a
mortal sin, and that it would have been better to have died a hundred
times than to have done so. Certainly, on all the principles of
Romanists at least, the adherents of the civil constitution were in
schism and heresy.
Nevertheless, these schismatics and heretics were afterwards introduced
into the communion of the Roman Church itself, in which they propagated
their notions. On the signature of the Concordat between Bonaparte and
Pius VII. in 1801, for the erection of the new Gallican Church, the
first consul made it a point, that _twelve_ of these constitutional
bishops should be appointed to sees under the new arrangements. He
succeeded. “He caused to be named to sees twelve of those same
constitutionals who had attached themselves with such _obstinate
perseverance_, for ten years, to the _propagation of schism_ in
France.... One of the partisans of the new Concordat, who had been
charged to receive the recantation of the constitutionals, certified
that they had renounced their civil constitution of the clergy. Some of
them vaunted, nevertheless, that they had not changed their principles;
and one of them publicly declared that they had been offered an
absolution of their censures, but that they had thrown it into the
fire!” The government forbad the bishops to exact retractations from the
constitutional priest, and commanded them to choose one of their
vicars-general from among that party. They were protected and supported
by the minister of police, and by Portalis, the minister of worship. In
1803, we hear of the “indiscreet and irregular conduct of some new
bishops, taken from among the constitutionals, and who brought into
their dioceses the same spirit which had hitherto directed them.”
Afterwards it is said of some of them, that they “professed the most
_open resistance_ to the holy see, expelled the best men from their
dioceses, and perpetuated the spirit of schism.” In 1804, Pius VII.,
being at Paris, procured their signature to a declaration approving
generally of the judgments of the holy see on the ecclesiastical affairs
of France; but this vague and general formulary, which Bouvier and other
Romanists pretend to represent as a recantation, was not so understood
by these bishops; and thus the Gallican Church continued, and probably
still continues, to number _schismatical bishops and priests_ in her
communion. Such is the boasted and most inviolable unity of the Roman
Church!
We are now to speak of the Concordat of 1801, between Bonaparte, first
consul of the French republic, and Pope Pius VII. The first consul,
designing to restore Christianity in France, engaged the pontiff to
exact resignations from all the existing bishops of the French
territory, both constitutional and royalist. The bishoprics of old
France were 130 in number; those of the conquered districts (Savoy,
Germany, &c.) were 24; making a total of 154. The constitutional bishops
resigned their sees; those, also, who still remained in the conquered
districts, resigned them to Pius VII. Eighty-one of the exiled royalist
bishops of France were still alive; of these forty-five resigned, but
thirty-six _declined to do so_. The pontiff derogated from the consent
of these latter prelates, annihilated 159 bishoprics at a blow, created
in their place 60 new ones, and arranged the mode of appointment and
consecration of the new bishops and clergy, by his bull _Ecclesia
Christi_ and _Qui Christi Domini_. To this sweeping Concordat the French
government took care to annex, by the authority of their “corps
législatif,” certain “Organic Articles,” relating to the exercise of
worship. According to a Romish historian, they “rendered the Church
_entirely dependent_, and placed everything under the hand of
government. The bishops, for example, were prohibited from _conferring
orders_ without its consent; the vicars-general of a bishop were to
continue, even after his death, to govern the diocese, without regard to
the rights of chapters; a multitude of things which ought to have been
left to the decision of the ecclesiastical authority were minutely
regulated,” &c. The intention was, “to place the priests, even in the
exercise of their _spiritual functions_, in an entire dependence on the
government agents!” The pope remonstrated against these articles—in
vain: they continued, were adopted by the Bourbons, and, with some
modifications, are in force to this day; and the government of the
Gallican Church is vested more in the conseil d’ etat, than in the
bishops. Bonaparte assumed the language of piety, while he proceeded to
exercise the most absolute jurisdiction over the Church. “Henceforward
nothing embarrasses him in the _government of the Church_; he decides
everything as a master; he creates bishoprics, unites them, suppresses
them.” He apparently found a very accommodating episcopacy. A royal
commission, including two cardinals, five archbishops and bishops, and
some other high ecclesiastics, in 1810 and 1811, justified many of the
“Organic Articles” which the pope had objected to; acknowledged that a
national council could order that bishops should be _instituted_ by the
metropolitan or senior bishop, instead of the pope, in case of urgent
circumstances; and declared the papal bull of excommunication against
those who had unjustly deprived the pope of his states, was _null and
void_.
These proceedings were by no means pleasing to the exiled French
bishops, who had not resigned their sees, and yet beheld them filled in
their own lifetime by new prelates. They addressed repeated protests to
the Roman pontiff in vain. His conduct in derogating from their consent,
suppressing so many sees, and appointing new bishops, was certainly
unprecedented. It was clearly contrary to all the _canons_ of the Church
universal, as every one admits. The adherents of the ancient bishops
refused to communicate with those whom they regarded as intruders. They
dwelt on the odious slavery under which they were placed by the “Organic
Articles;” and the Abbés Blanchard and Gauchet, and others, wrote
strongly against the Concordat, as null, illegal, and unjust; affirmed
that the new bishops and their adherents were heretics and schismatics,
and that Pius VII. was cut off from the Catholic Church. Hence a schism
in the Roman churches, which continues to this day, between the
adherents of the new Gallican bishops and the old. The latter are styled
by their opponents, “_La Petite Eglise_.” The truly extraordinary origin
of the present Gallican Church sufficiently accounts for the reported
prevalence of ultramontane or high papal doctrines among them, contrary
to the old Gallican doctrines, and notwithstanding the incessant efforts
of Napoleon and the Bourbons to force on them the four articles of the
Gallican clergy of 1682. They see, plainly enough, that their Church’s
origin rests chiefly on the _unlimited_ power of the pope.—_Broughton.
Palmer._
CHURCH, GREEK. The Oriental (sometimes called the Greek) Church,
prevails more or less in Russia, Siberia, North America, Poland,
European Turkey, Servia, Moldavia, Wallachia, Greece, the Archipelago,
Crete, Cyprus, the Ionian Islands, Georgia, Circassia, Mingrelia, Asia
Minor, Syria, Palestine, Egypt. The vast and numerous Churches of the
East, are all ruled by bishops and archbishops, of whom the chief are
the four patriarchs of Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, and
Jerusalem. The Russian Church was subject to a fifth patriarch, from the
latter part of the sixteenth century, [1588,] but since the reign of
Peter the Great, the appointment to this high office has been suspended
by the emperor, who deemed its power too great, and calculated to rival
that of the throne itself. It was abolished in 1721. In its place Peter
the Great instituted the “Holy Legislative Synod,” which is directed by
the emperor.... Many of these Churches still subsist after an
uninterrupted succession of eighteen hundred years: such as the Churches
of Smyrna, Philadelphia, Corinth, Athens, Thessalonica, Crete, Cyprus.
Many others, founded by the apostles, continued to subsist
uninterruptedly, till the invasion of the Saracens in the seventh
century, and revived again after their oppression had relaxed. Such are
the Churches of Jerusalem, Antioch, Alexandria, and others; from these
apostolical Churches the whole Oriental Church derives its origin and
succession; for wherever new Churches were founded, it was always by
authority of the ancient societies previously existing. With these all
the more recent Churches held close communion; and thus, by the
consanguinity of faith and discipline and charity, were themselves
apostolical. They were also apostolical in their ministry; for it is
undeniable, that they can produce a regular uninterrupted series of
bishops, and of valid ordinations in their churches, from the beginning.
No one denies the validity of their ordination.—_Palmer._
The descendants of the ancient Christians of the East, who still occupy
the Oriental sees, are called the Greek Church. The Greek Church was not
formerly so extensive as it has been since the emperors of the East
thought proper to lessen or reduce the other patriarchates, in order to
aggrandize that of Constantinople; a task which they accomplished with
the greater ease, as they were much more powerful than the emperors of
the West, and had little or no regard to the consent of the patriarchs,
in order to create new bishoprics, or to confer new titles and
privileges. Whereas, in the Western Church, the popes, by slow degrees,
made themselves the sole arbiters in all ecclesiastical concerns;
insomuch, that princes themselves at length became obliged to have
recourse to them, and were subservient to their directions on every
momentous occasion.
The Greek Churches, at present, deserve not even the name of the shadow
of what they were in their former flourishing state, when they were so
remarkably distinguished for the learned and worthy pastors who presided
over them; but now nothing but wretchedness, ignorance, and poverty are
visible amongst them. “I have seen churches,” says Ricaut, “which were
more like caverns or sepulchres than places set apart for Divine
worship; the tops thereof being almost level with the ground. They are
erected after this humble manner for fear they should be suspected, if
they raised them any considerable height, of an evil intention to rival
the Turkish mosques.” It is, indeed, very surprising that, in the abject
state to which the Greeks at present are reduced, the Christian religion
should maintain the least footing amongst them. Their notions of
Christianity are principally confined to the traditions of their
forefathers and their own received customs; and, among other things,
they are much addicted to external acts of piety and devotion, such as
the observance of fasts, festivals, and penances: they revere and dread
the censures of their clergy; and are bigoted slaves to their religious
customs, many of which are absurd and ridiculous; and yet it must be
acknowledged, that, although these errors reflect a considerable degree
of scandal and reproach upon the holy religion they profess, they
nevertheless prevent it from being entirely lost and abolished amongst
them. A fire which lies for a time concealed under a heap of embers, may
revive and burn again as bright as ever; and the same hope may be
conceived of truth, when obscured by the dark clouds of ignorance and
error.
Caucus, archbishop of Corfu, in his Dissertation on what he calls the
erroneous doctrines of the modern Greeks, dedicated to Gregory XIII.,
has digested their tenets under the following heads:
I. They rebaptize all Romanists who are admitted into their communion.
II. They do not baptize their children till they are three, four, five,
six, ten, and even sometimes eighteen years of age.
III. They exclude confirmation and extreme unction from the number of
the sacraments.
IV. They deny there is any such place as purgatory, although they pray
for the dead.
V. They deny the papal supremacy, and assert that the Church of Rome has
abandoned the doctrines of her fathers.
VI. They deny, by consequence, that the Church of Rome is the true
Catholic mother Church, and on Holy Thursday excommunicate the pope and
all the Latin prelates, as heretics and schismatics, praying that all
those who offer up unleavened bread in the celebration of the sacrament
may be covered with confusion.
VII. They deny that the HOLY GHOST proceeds from the FATHER and the SON.
VIII. They refuse to receive the host consecrated by Romish priests with
unleavened bread. They likewise wash the altars on which Romanists have
celebrated mass, and will not suffer a Romish priest to officiate at
their altars.
IX. They assert that the usual form of words, wherein the consecration,
according to the Church of Rome, wholly consists, is not sufficient to
change the bread and wine into the body and blood of CHRIST.
X. They insist that the sacrament of the LORD’S supper ought to be
administered in both kinds to infants, even before they are capable of
distinguishing this spiritual food from any other, because it is a
Divine institution. For which reason they give the eucharist to infants
immediately after baptism, and look upon the Romanists as heretics for
not observing the same custom.
XI. They hold that the laity are under an indispensable obligation, by
the law of God, to receive the communion in both kinds, and look on the
Romanists as heretics who maintain the contrary.
XII. They assert that no members of the Church, when they have attained
to years of discretion, ought to be compelled to receive the communion
every Easter, but should have free liberty to act according to the
dictates of their own conscience.
XIII. They pay no religious homage, or veneration, to the holy sacrament
of the eucharist, even at the celebration of their own priests; and use
no lighted tapers when they administer it to the sick.
XIV. They are of opinion that such hosts as are consecrated on Holy
Thursday are much more efficacious than those consecrated at other
times.
XV. They maintain that matrimony is a union which may be dissolved. For
which reason they charge the Church of Rome with being guilty of an
error, in asserting that the bonds of marriage can never be broken, even
in case of adultery, and that no person upon any provocation whatsoever
can lawfully marry again.
XVI. They condemn all fourth marriages.
XVII. They refuse to celebrate the solemnities instituted by the Romish
Church in honour of the Virgin Mary and the Saints. They reject likewise
the religious use of graven images and statues, although they admit of
pictures in their churches.
XVIII. They insist that the canon of the mass of the Roman Church ought
to be abolished, as being full of errors.
XIX. They deny that usury is a mortal sin.
XX. They deny that the subdeaconry is at present a holy order.
XXI. Of all the general councils that have been held in the Catholic
Church by the popes at different times, they pay no regard to any after
the sixth, and reject not only the seventh, which was the second held at
Nice, for the express purpose of condemning those who rejected the use
of images in their Divine worship, but all those which have succeeded
it, by which they refuse to submit to any of their institutions.
XXII. They deny auricular confession to be a Divine precept, and assert
that it is only a positive injunction of the Church.
XXIII. They insist that the confession of the laity ought to be free and
voluntary; for which reason they are not compelled to confess themselves
annually, nor are they excommunicated for the neglect of it.
XXIV. They insist that in confession there is no Divine law which
enjoins the acknowledgment of every individual sin, or a discovery of
all the circumstances that attend it, which alter its nature and
property.
XXV. They administer the communion to their laity both in sickness and
in health, though they have never applied themselves to their
confessors; the reason of which is, that they are persuaded all
confessions should be free and voluntary, and that a lively faith is all
the preparation that is requisite for the worthy receiving of the
sacrament of the LORD’S supper.
XXVI. They look down with an eye of disdain on the Romanists for their
observance of the vigils before the nativity of our blessed SAVIOUR, and
the festivals of the Virgin Mary and the apostles, as well as for their
fasting in Ember-week. They even affect to eat meat more plentifully at
those times than at any other, to testify their contempt of the Latin
customs. They prohibit, likewise, all fasting on Saturdays, that
preceding Easter only excepted.
XXVII. They condemn the Romanists as heretics, for eating such things as
have been strangled, and such other meats as are prohibited in the Old
Testament.
XXVIII. They deny that simple fornication is a mortal sin.
XXIX. They insist that it is lawful to deceive an enemy, and that it is
no sin to injure and oppress him.
XXX. They are of opinion that, in order to be saved, there is no
necessity to make restitution of such goods as have been stolen or
fraudulently obtained.
XXXI. To conclude: they hold that such as have been admitted into holy
orders may become laymen at pleasure. From whence it plainly appears
that they do not allow the character of the priesthood to be indelible.
To which it may be added, that they approve of the marriage of their
priests, provided they enter into that state before their admission into
holy orders, though they are never indulged in that respect after their
ordination.
The patriarch of Constantinople assumes the honourable title of
_Universal_ or _Œcumenical Patriarch_. As he purchases his commission of
the Grand Seignior, it may be easily supposed that he makes a tyrannical
and simoniacal use of a privilege which he holds himself by simony. The
patriarchs and bishops are always single men; but the priests (as
observed before) are indulged in marriage before ordination; and this
custom, which is generally practised all over the Levant, is very
ancient. Should a priest happen to marry after ordination, he can
officiate no longer as priest, which is conformable to the injunctions
of the Council of Neocesarea. The marriage, however, is not looked upon
as invalid; whereas, in the Romish Church, such marriages are pronounced
void and of no effect, because the priesthood is looked upon as a lawful
bar or impediment.—_Broughton._
Their _Pappas_, or secular priests, not having any settled and competent
livings, are obliged to subsist by simoniacal practices. “The clergy,”
says Ricaut, “are almost compelled to sell those Divine mysteries which
are intrusted to their care. No one, therefore, can procure absolution,
be admitted to confession, have his children baptized, be married or
divorced, or obtain an excommunication against his adversary, or the
communion in time of sickness, without first paying down a valuable
consideration. The priests too often make the best market they can, and
fix a price on their spiritual commodities in proportion to the devotion
or abilities of their respective customers.”
The national Church of the kingdom of Greece has lately been
reconstructed similarly to that of Russia, by the establishment of a
synod.—See _King’s Rites of the Greek Church_, and _Cowel’s Account of
the Greek Church_, 1722.
CHURCH, ARCHITECTURE OF. There seems to be an absurdity in the modern
practice of building churches for the ritual of the nineteenth century,
on the model of churches designed for the ritual of the fourteenth
century. And for a service such as ours, nothing more is required than a
nave and a chancel; the only divisions which we find in the primitive
Eastern churches. But as we have inherited churches which were erected
during the middle ages, it is rather important that we should understand
their designed arrangement. We find in such churches a _nave_ (_navis_)
with its _aisles_ (_alæ_); a _chancel_; a _tower_, generally at the west
end; and a _porch_, generally to the second bay of the south aisle. The
uses of the nave and chancel are obvious; the aisles were added in
almost all cases perhaps, prospectively at least in all, that they might
serve for places for the erection of chantry altars, and for the same
end served the transepts and chancel aisles, or side chapels, to the
chancels, sometimes found even in small churches. To the chancel,
generally at the north, a _vestry_ was often attached; and this was
sometimes enlarged into a habitation for the officiating priest, by the
addition of an upper chamber, with fire-place and other conveniences.
But the more frequent place for this _domus inclusa_ was over the porch,
when it is commonly called _parvise_; and sometimes the tower has
evidently been made habitable, though, in this case, it may be rather
suspected that means of defence have been contemplated. In the _domus
inclusa_, in the vestry, and in the parvise, was often an altar, which
not unfrequently remains. (See _Altar_.)
The chancel was separated from the nave by a screen, _cancelli_, from
which the word chancel is derived, and over the screen a loft was
extended, bearing the _rood_—a figure of our blessed LORD on the cross,
and, on either side, figures of the Blessed Virgin and of St. John. But
few _rood lofts_ remain, but the _screen_ is of frequent occurrence,
especially in the northern and eastern counties. The loft was generally
gained by a newel stair running up the angle between the chancel and the
nave, but sometimes apparently by moveable steps. The side chapels were
generally parted off from the adjoining parts of the church by screens,
called _parcloses_. The chancel, if any conventual body was attached to
the church, was furnished with stalls, which were set against the north
and south walls, and returned against the rood screen, looking east.
Connected with the altar, and sometimes, also, with some of the chantry
altars, were _sedilia_, in the south wall of the chancel, varying in
number from one to five, for the officiating clergy; and, eastward of
these, the _piscina_; also an _aumbrie_, or locker, in the north chancel
wall. The altar and these accessories were generally raised at least one
step above the level of the rest of the chancel floor, and the chancel
itself the like height from the nave. The _font_ stood against the first
pillar to the left hand, entering at the south porch; it was often
raised on steps, and furnished with an elaborate cover. (See
_Baptistery_.) The _pulpit_ always stood in the nave, generally against
a north pillar in _cathedrals_; but in other churches, generally against
a south pillar, towards the east. The seats for the congregation were
placed in a double series along the nave, with an alley between, and
looking east. There are a few instances of seats with doors, but none of
high pews till the time of the Puritans.
The doors to the church were almost always opposite to one another in
the second bay of the aisles: besides these, there was often a west
door, and this is generally supposed to denote some connexion with a
monastic body, and was, perhaps, especially used on occasions of greater
pomp, processions, and the like. What is usually called _the priest’s
door_, at the south side of the chancel, opens always from within, and
was, therefore, _not_ (as is usually supposed) _for the priest to enter
by_: in which case, moreover, it would rather have been to the north,
where the glebe house usually stands. Was it for the _exit_ of those who
had assisted at mass? A little _bell-cot_ is often seen over the nave
and altar, or on some other part of the church, called the
_service-bell-cot_; for the bell rung at certain solemn parts of the
service of the mass; as at the words “Sanctus, sanctus, sanctus DEUS
Sabaoth,” and at the elevation of the Host. If, as is supposed, those
who were not in the church were accustomed to kneel at this time, there
is an obvious reason for the external position of this bell.
CHURCHING OF WOMEN. The birth of man is so truly wonderful, that it
seems to be designed as a standing demonstration of the omnipotence of
GOD. And therefore that the frequency of it may not diminish our
admiration, the Church orders a public and solemn acknowledgment to be
made on every such occasion by the woman on whom the miracle is wrought;
who still feels the bruise of our first parents’ fall, and labours under
the curse which Eve then entailed upon her whole sex.
As to the original of this custom, it is not to be doubted but that, as
many other Christian usages received their rise from other parts of the
Jewish economy, so did this from the rite of purification, which is
enjoined so particularly in the twelfth chapter of Leviticus. Not that
we observe it by virtue of that precept, which we grant to have been
ceremonial, and so not now of any force; but because we apprehend some
moral duty to have been implied in it by way of analogy, which must be
obligatory upon all, even when the ceremony is ceased. The uncleanness
of the woman, the set number of days she is to abstain from the
tabernacle, and the sacrifices she was to offer when she first came
abroad, are rites wholly abolished, and what we no ways regard; but then
the open and solemn acknowledgment of GOD’S goodness in delivering the
mother, and increasing the number of mankind, is a duty that will oblige
to the end of the world. And therefore, though the mother be now no
longer obliged to offer the material sacrifices of the law, yet she is
nevertheless bound to offer the evangelical sacrifice of praise. She is
still publicly to acknowledge the blessing vouchsafed her, and to
profess her sense of the fresh obligation it lays her under to
obedience. Nor indeed may the Church be so reasonably supposed to have
taken up this rite from the practice of the Jews, as she may be, that
she began it in imitation of the Blessed Virgin, who, though she was
rather sanctified than defiled by the birth of our LORD, and so had no
need of purification from any uncleanness, whether legal or moral; yet
wisely and humbly submitted to this rite, and offered her praise,
together with her blessed Son, in the temple. And that from hence this
usage was derived among Christians seems probable, not only from its
being so universal and ancient, that the beginning of it can hardly
anywhere be found; but also from the practice of the Eastern Church,
where the mother still brings the child along with her, and presents it
to GOD on her churching-day. The priest indeed is there said to “purify”
them: and in our first Common Prayer, this office with us was entitled
“the Order of the Purification of Women.” But that neither of these
terms implied, that the woman had contracted any uncleanness in her
state of child-bearing, may not only be inferred from the silence of the
offices both in the Greek Church and ours, in relation to any
uncleanness; but is also further evident from the ancient laws relating
to this practice, which by no means ground it upon any impurity from
which the woman stands in need to be purged. And therefore, when our own
liturgy came to be reviewed, to prevent all misconstructions that might
be put upon the word, the title was altered, and the office named, (as
it is still in our present Common Prayer Book,) “The Thanksgiving of
Women after Child-birth, commonly called, The Churching of Women.”—_Dean
Comber, Wheatly._
When Holy Scripture describes excessive sorrow in the most expressive
manner, it likens it to that of a woman in travail. And if this sorrow
be so excessive, how great must the joy be to be delivered from that
sorrow! commensurate certainly, and of adequate proportion: and no less
must be the debt of thankfulness to the benefactor, the donor of that
recovery; whence a necessity of “thanksgiving of women after
child-birth.” If it be asked, why the Church hath appointed a particular
form for this deliverance, and not for deliverance from other cases of
equal danger? the answer is, the Church did not so much take measure of
the peril, as accommodate herself to that mark of separation which GOD
himself hath put between this and other maladies. “To conceive and bring
forth in sorrow” was signally inflicted upon Eve; and, in her, upon all
mothers, as a penalty for her first disobedience (Gen. iii. 16); so that
the sorrows of child-birth have, by GOD’S express determination, a more
direct and peculiar reference to Eve’s disobedience than any other
disease whatsoever; and, though all maladies are the product of the
first sin, yet is the malediction specifically fixed and applied to this
alone. Now, when that which was ordained primarily as a curse for the
first sin, is converted to so great a blessing, GOD is certainly in that
case more to be praised in a set and solemn office.—_L’ Estrange._
In the Greek Church the time for performing this office is limited to be
on the fortieth day; but, in the West, the time was never strictly
determined. And so our present rubric does not pretend to limit the day
when the woman shall be churched, but only supposes that she will come
“at the usual time after her delivery.” The “usual time” is now about a
month, for the woman’s weakness will seldom permit her coming sooner.
And if she be not able to come so soon, she is allowed to stay a longer
time, the Church not expecting her to return her thanks for a blessing
before it is received.—_Wheatly._
It is required, that whenever a woman is churched, she “shall come into
the church.” And this is enjoined, first, for the honour of GOD, whose
marvellous works in the formation of the child, and the preservation of
the woman, ought publicly to be owned, that so others may learn to put
their trust in him. Secondly, that the whole congregation may have a fit
opportunity for praising GOD for the too much forgotten mercy of their
birth. And, thirdly, that the woman may, in the proper place, own the
mercy now vouchsafed her, of being restored to the happy privilege of
worshipping GOD in the congregation of his saints.
How great, therefore, is the absurdity which some would introduce, of
stifling their acknowledgments in private houses, and of giving thanks
for their recovery and enlargement in no other place than that of their
confinement and restraint; a practice which is inconsistent with the
very name of this office, which is called “the _churching_ of women,”
and which consequently implies a ridiculous solecism, of being _churched
at home_. Nor is it anything more consistent with the end and devotions
prescribed by this office, than it is with the name of it. For with what
decency or propriety can the woman pretend to “pay her vows in the
presence of all GOD’S people, in the courts of the LORD’S house,” when
she is only assuming state in a bedchamber or parlour, and perhaps only
accompanied with her midwife or nurse? To give thanks, therefore, at
home (for by no means call it “churching”) is not only an act of
disobedience to the Church, but a high affront to Almighty GOD; whose
mercy they scorn to acknowledge in a church, and think it honour enough
done him, if he is summoned by his priest to wait on them at their
house, and to take what thanks they will vouchsafe him there. But
methinks a minister, who has any regard for his character, and considers
the honour of the LORD he serves, should disdain such a servile
compliance and submission, and abhor the betraying of his Master’s
dignity. Here can be no pretence of danger in the case, should the woman
prove obstinate, upon the priest’s refusal (which ministers are apt to
urge for their excuse, when they are prevailed upon to give public
baptism in private); nor is the decision of a council wanting to
instruct him, (if he has any doubts upon account of the woman’s ill
health,) that he is not to perform this office at home, though she be
really so weak as not to be able to come to church.—_Conc._ 3, _Mediol._
cap. 5. For if she be not able to come to church, let her stay till she
is; GOD does not require any thanks for a mercy, before he has
vouchsafed it: but if she comes as soon as her strength permits, she
discharges her obligations both to him and the Church.—_Wheatly._
The rubric, at the end of the service, directs the woman that cometh to
give her thanks, to offer the accustomed offerings. By “the accustomed
offerings” is to be understood some offering to the minister who
performs the office, not under the notion of a fee or reward, but of
something set apart as a tribute or acknowledgment due to GOD, who is
pleased to declare himself honoured or robbed according as such
offerings are paid or withheld. We see under the law, that every woman,
who came to be purified after child-bearing, was required to bring
something that put her to an expense; even the poorest among them was
not wholly excused, but obliged to do something, though it were but
small. And though neither the kind nor the value of the expense be now
prescribed, yet sure the expense itself should not covetously be saved:
a woman that comes with any thankfulness or gratitude should scorn to
offer what David disdained, namely, “of that which costs nothing.” And
indeed with what sincerity or truth can she say, as she is directed to
do in one of the Psalms, “I will pay my vows now in the presence of all
his people,” if at the same time she designs no voluntary offering,
which vows were always understood to imply?
But, besides the accustomed offering to the minister, the woman is to
make a yet much better and greater offering, namely, an offering of
herself, to be a reasonable, holy, and lively sacrifice to GOD. For the
rubric declares, that “if there be a communion, it is convenient that
she receive the holy communion;” that being the most solemn way of
praising GOD for him by whom she received both the present and all other
GOD’S mercies towards her; and a means also to bind herself more
strictly to spend those days in his service, which, by this late
deliverance, he hath added to her life.—_Wheatly._
In the Greek and Ethiopic Churches women upon these occasions always did
receive the holy sacrament; and it seems in this very Church above a
thousand years ago; and still we carry them up to the altar to remind
them of their duty. And doubtless the omission of it occasions the too
soon forgetting of this mercy, and the sudden falling off from piety,
which we see in too many. Here they may praise GOD for our LORD JESUS
CHRIST, and for this late temporal mercy also: here they may quicken
their graces, seal their vows and promises of obedience, offer their
charity, and begin that pious life to which they are so many ways
obliged. To receive the sacrament, while the sense of GOD’S goodness and
her own engagements is so fresh upon her, is the likeliest means to make
her remember this blessing long, apply it right, and effectually to
profit by it. Wherefore let it not be omitted on this occasion.—_Dean
Comber._
The woman is directed to kneel down in “some convenient place, as hath
been accustomed.” No general rule is either prescribed or observed as to
time or place, and therefore these are matters which fall within the
office of the ordinary to determine. Many read the office just before
the General Thanksgiving: others, though not so usually, at some part of
the Communion Service; some at the altar, others at the desk: the woman
in some churches occupies a seat specially set apart for this office; in
others she kneels at the altar table, and there makes her offering. And
in others a custom prevails (which does not seem worthy of imitation) of
performing this service at some time distinct from the office of Common
Prayer.
CHURCH RATE. (See _Rate_.)
CHURCHWARDENS. These are very ancient officers, and by the common law
are a lay corporation, to take care of the goods of the church, and may
sue and be sued as the representatives of the parish. Churches are to be
repaired by the churchwardens, at the charge of all the inhabitants, or
such as occupy houses or lands within the parish.
In the ancient episcopal synods, the bishops were wont to summon divers
creditable persons out of every parish, to give information of, and to
attest the disorders of clergy and people. They were called _testes
synodales_; and were, in after times, a kind of empanelled jury,
consisting of two, three, or more persons in every parish, who were,
upon oath, to present all heretics and other irregular persons. And
these, in process of time, became standing officers in several places,
especially in great cities, and from hence were called synods-men, and
by corruption sidesmen: they are also sometimes called questmen, from
the nature of their office, in making inquiry concerning offences. And
these sidesmen or questmen, by Canon 90, are to be chosen yearly in
Easter week, by the minister and parishioners, (if they can agree,)
otherwise to be appointed by the ordinary of the diocese. But for the
most part this whole office is now devolved upon the churchwardens,
together with that other office which their name more properly imports,
of taking care of the church and the goods thereof, which has long been
their function.
By Canon 118. The churchwardens and sidesmen shall be chosen the first
week after Easter, or some week following, according to the direction of
the ordinary.
And by Canon 89. All churchwardens or questmen in every parish shall be
chosen by the joint consent of the minister and the parishioners, if it
may be; but if they cannot agree upon such a choice, then the minister
shall choose one, and the parishioners another; and without such a joint
or several choice, none shall take upon them to be churchwardens. But if
the parish is entitled by custom to choose both churchwardens, then the
parson is restrained of his right under this canon. For further
information on this subject the reader is referred to Dean Prideaux’s
“Practical Guide to the Duties of Churchwardens in the execution of
their Office,” a new edition of which has recently appeared, edited by
C. G. Prideaux, barrister-at-law. (See _Sidesmen_ and _Visitation_.)
CHURCHYARD. The ground adjoining to the church, in which the dead are
buried. As to the original of burial-places, many writers have observed,
that, at the first erection of churches, no part of the adjacent ground
was allotted for the interment of the dead; but some place for this
purpose was appointed at a further distance. This practice continued
until the time of Gregory the Great, when the monks and priests procured
leave, for their greater ease and profit, that a liberty of sepulture
might be in churches or places adjoining to them. But, by the ninth
canon, entitled _De non sepeliendo in ecclesiis_, this custom of
sepulture in churches was restrained, and no such liberty allowed for
the future, unless the person was a priest or some holy man, who, by the
merits of his past life, might deserve such peculiar favour.
By Canon 85. The churchwardens or questmen shall take care that the
churchyards be well and sufficiently repaired, fenced, and maintained
with walls, rails, or pales, as have been in each place accustomed, at
their charges unto whom by law the same appertains.
The churchyard is the freehold of the parson: but it is the common
burial-place of the dead, and for that reason it is to be fenced at the
charge of the parishioners, unless there is a custom to the contrary, or
for a particular person to do it, in respect of his lands adjoining to
the churchyard; and that must be tried at common law. But though the
freehold is in the parson, he cannot cut down trees growing there,
except for the necessary repairs of the chancel; because they are
planted and grow there for the ornament and shelter of the church. (See
_Burial_ and _Cemetery_.)
CIBORIUM. A small temple or tabernacle placed upon the altar of Roman
Catholic churches, and containing the consecrated wafer.
CIRCUMCELLIONS. A sect of the Donatist Christians in Africa, in the
fourth century, being so called, because they rambled from one town to
another, and pretended to public reformation and redressing of
grievances; they manumitted slaves without their master’s leave, forgave
debts which were none of their own, and committed a great many other
insolencies: they were headed by Maxides and Faser. At the beginning of
their disorders they marched only with staves, which they called the
staves of Israel, in allusion to the custom of the Israelites eating the
paschal lamb with staves in their hands, but afterwards they made use of
all sorts of arms against the Catholics. Donatus called them the saints’
chiefs, and revenged himself by their means upon the Catholics. A
mistaken zeal for martyrdom made these people destroy themselves; some
of them threw themselves down precipices, others leaped into the fire,
and some cut their own throats: so that their bishops, not being able to
prevent such horrible and unnatural violences, were obliged to apply
themselves to the magistracy to put an end to their phrensy.—_August.
Hæres_, 69; _Optatus_, lib. iii.; _Theod. Hist. Eccles._ lib. iv. c. 6.
CIRCUMCISION of JESUS CHRIST. This feast is celebrated by the Church, to
commemorate the active obedience of our LORD in fulfilling all
righteousness, which is one branch of the meritorious cause of our
redemption; and by that means abrogating the severe injunctions of the
Mosaical establishment, and putting us under the grace of the gospel.
The institution of this feast is of very considerable antiquity. In the
sixth century a special and appropriate service for it was in use. It
sometimes took the name of the “Octave of Christmas,” or the eighth day
from that festival, being observed on January 1st. (See _Octave_.) It is
one of the scarlet days at the universities of Cambridge and Oxford.
CISTERCIANS. Towards the conclusion of the 11th century, Robert, abbot
of Molême, in Burgundy, having employed, in vain, his most zealous
efforts to revive the decaying piety and discipline of his convent, and
to oblige his monks to observe more exactly the rule of St. Benedict,
retired with about twenty monks to a place called Citeaux, in the
diocese of Chalons. In this retreat Robert founded the famous order of
the Cistercians, which made a most rapid and astonishing progress,
spread through the greatest part of Europe in the following century, was
enriched with the most liberal and splendid donations, acquired the form
and privileges of a spiritual republic, and exercised a sort of dominion
over all the monastic orders. The great and fundamental law of this new
fraternity was the rule of St. Benedict, which was to be rigorously
observed. (See _Benedictines_.) To this were added several other
injunctions intended to maintain the authority of the rule. The first
Cistercian monastery in England was that of Waverley, in Surrey, 1129.
In the reign of Edward I. there were sixty-one Cistercian
monasteries.—_Monast. Angl.; Hist. des Ord. Relig._ tom. v. c. 33.
CITATION. This is a precept under the seal of the ecclesiastical judge,
commanding the person against whom the complaint is made to appear
before him, on a certain day, and at a certain place therein mentioned,
to answer the complaint in such a cause, &c.
CLAIRE, ST. A religious order of women in the Romish Church, the second
that St. Francis instituted. This order was founded in 1213, and was
confirmed by Innocent III., and after him by Honorius III., in 1223. It
took its name from its first abbess and nun, Clara of Assisi, and was
afterwards divided into Damianists and Urbanists; the first follow the
ancient discipline in all its rigour, but the other the rule with Urban
IV.’s allowance.—_Hist. des Ord. Relig._ t. vii. c. 25.
CLARENDON, CONSTITUTIONS OF. Certain constitutions made in the reign of
Henry II., A. D. 1164, in a parliament or council held at Clarendon, a
village three miles distant from Salisbury. These are as follows:—
I. When any difference relating to the right of patronage arises between
the laity, or between the laity and clergy, the controversy is to be
tried and ended in the king’s courts.
II. Those churches which are fees of the Crown cannot be granted away in
perpetuity without the king’s consent.
III. When the clergy are charged with any misdemeanour, and summoned by
the justiciary, they shall be obliged to make their appearance in his
court, and plead to such parts of the indictments as shall be put to
them. And likewise to answer such articles in the ecclesiastical court
as they shall be prosecuted for by that jurisdiction; always provided
that the king’s justiciary shall send an officer to inspect the
proceedings of the court Christian. And in case any clerk is convicted
or pleads guilty, he is to forfeit the privilege of his character, and
be protected by the Church no longer.
IV. No archbishops, bishops, or parsons are allowed to depart the
kingdom without a licence from the Crown; and, provided they have leave
to travel, they shall give security not to act or solicit anything
during their passage, stay, or return, to the prejudice of the king or
kingdom.
V. When any of the laity are prosecuted in the ecclesiastical courts,
the charge ought to be proved before the bishop by legal and reputable
witnesses: and the course of the process is to be so managed, that the
archdeacon may not lose any part of his right, or the profits accruing
to his office: and if any offenders appear screened from prosecution
upon the score either of favour or quality, the sheriff, at the bishop’s
instance, shall order twelve sufficient men of the vicinage to make oath
before the bishop, that they will discover the truth according to the
best of their knowledge.
VI. Excommunicated persons shall not be obliged to make oath, or give
security to continue upon the place where they live, but only to abide
by the judgment of the Church, in order to their absolution.
VII. No person that holds in chief of the king, or any of his barons,
shall be excommunicated, or any of their estates put under an interdict,
before application made to the king, provided he is in the kingdom: and
in case his Highness is out of England, then the justiciary must be
acquainted with the dispute, in order to make satisfaction: and thus
that which belongs to the cognizance of the king’s court must be tried
there, and that which belongs to the courts Christian must be remitted
to that jurisdiction.
VIII. In case of appeals in ecclesiastical causes, the first step is to
be made from the archdeacon to the bishop, and from the bishop to the
archbishop; and if the archbishop fails to do him justice, a further
recourse may be had to the king; by whose order the controversy is to be
finally decided in the archbishop’s court. Neither shall it be lawful
for either of the parties to move for any further remedy without leave
from the Crown.
IX. If a difference happen to arise between any clergyman and layman
concerning any tenement; and that the clerk pretends it held by
frank-almoine, and the layman pleads it a lay-fee, in this case the
tenure shall be tried by the inquiry and verdict of twelve sufficient
men of the neighbourhood, summoned according to the custom of the realm;
and if the tenement, or thing in controversy, shall be found
frank-almoine, the dispute concerning it shall be tried in the
ecclesiastical court; but if it is brought in a lay-fee, the suit shall
be followed in the king’s courts, unless both the plaintiff and
defendant hold the tenement in question of the same bishop; in which
case the cause shall be tried in the court of such bishop or baron, with
this further proviso, that he who is seized of the thing in controversy
shall not be disseized pending the suit, upon the score of the verdict
above-mentioned.
X. He who holds of the king in any city, castle, or borough, or resides
upon any of the demesne lands of the Crown, in case he is cited by the
archdeacon or bishop to answer to any misbehaviour belonging to their
cognizance; if he refuses to obey their summons, and stand to the
sentence of the court, it shall be lawful for the ordinary to put him
under an interdict, but not to excommunicate him till the king’s
principal officer of the town shall be pre-acquainted with the case, in
order to enjoin him to make satisfaction to the Church. And if such
officer or magistrate shall fail in his duty, he shall be fined by the
king’s judges. And then the bishop may exert his discipline on the
refractory person as he thinks fit.
XI. All archbishops, bishops, and other ecclesiastical persons, who hold
of the king in chief, and the tenure of a barony, are, for that reason,
obliged to appear before the king’s justices and ministers, to answer
the duties of their tenure, and to observe all the usages and customs of
the realm; and, like other barons, are bound to be present at trials in
the king’s court, till sentence is to be pronounced for the losing of
life or limbs.
XII. When any archbishopric, bishopric, abbey, or priory of royal
foundation, becomes vacant, the king is to make seizure; from which time
all the profits and issues are to be paid into the exchequer, as if they
were the demesne lands of the Crown. And when it is determined the
vacancy shall be filled up, the king is to summon the most considerable
persons of the chapter to the court, and the election is to be made in
the chapel royal, with the consent of our sovereign lord the king, and
by the advice of such persons of the government as his Highness shall
think fit to make use of. At which time the person elected, before his
consecration, shall be obliged to do homage and fealty to the king, as
his liege lord; which homage shall be performed in the usual form, with
a clause for the saving the privilege of his order.
XIII. If any of the temporal barons, or great men, shall encroach upon
the rights of property of any archbishop, bishop, or archdeacon, and
refuse to make satisfaction for the wrong done by themselves or their
tenants, the king shall do justice to the party aggrieved. And if any
person shall disseise the king of any part of his lands, or trespass
upon his prerogative, the archbishops, bishops, and archdeacons shall
call him to an account, and oblige him to make the Crown restitution.
XIV. The goods and chattels of those who lie under forfeitures of felony
or treason, are not to be detained in any church or churchyard, to
secure them against seizure and justice; because such goods are the
king’s property, whether they are lodged within the precincts of a
church, or without it.
XV. All actions and pleas of debt, though never so solemn in the
circumstances of the contract, shall be tried in the king’s court.
XVI. The sons of copyholders are not to be ordained without the consent
of the lord of the manor where they were born.
CLERESTORY. That part of a church with aisles which rises on the nave
arches over the aisle roofs. Constructively, the clerestory is often to
be referred to the roof. The original roof of small, and sometimes even
of large, churches usually covered nave and aisles at one span. When the
original roof needed repair, the old timbers were made available by
cutting off the ends which had suffered most. But this process rendered
them unfit for a compass roof of high pitch. An addition, therefore, was
made to the walls of the nave, by which the roof might rise as high as
before in the centre, though of lower pitch.
CLERGY. (See _Bishop_, _Presbyter_, _Priest_, _Deacon_, _Apostolical
Succession_, _Orders_.) The general name given to the body of
ecclesiastics of the Christian Church, in contradistinction to the
laity. It is derived from κλῆρος, a lot or portion.
The distinction of Christians into clergy and laity was derived from the
Jewish Church, and adopted into the Christian by the apostles
themselves. Wherever any number of converts was made, as soon as they
were capable of being formed into a congregation or church, a bishop or
presbyter, with a deacon, were ordained to minister to them, as
Epiphanius relates from the ancient histories of the Church. The author
of the Comment on St. Paul’s Epistles, under the name of St. Ambrose,
says, indeed, that at first all CHRIST’S disciples were clergy, and had
all a general commission to preach the gospel and baptize: but this was
in order to convert the world, and before any multitude of people were
gathered, or churches founded, wherein to make a distinction. But, as
soon as the Church began to spread itself over the world, and sufficient
numbers were converted to form themselves into a regular society, then
rulers, and other ecclesiastical officers, were appointed among them,
and a distinction made that each might not interfere with the other.
The clergy, originally, consisted only of bishops, priests, and deacons;
but, in the third century, many inferior orders were appointed, as
subservient to the office of deacon, such as subdeacons, acolyths,
readers, &c.
There is another name for the clergy, very commonly to be met with in
the ancient councils, which is that of _canonici_: a name derived from
the Greek word κάνων, which signifies, among other things, the roll or
catalogue of every church, in which the names of the ecclesiastics,
belonging to each church, were written.
The privileges and immunities which the clergy of the primitive
Christian Church enjoyed, deserve our notice. In the first place,
whenever they travelled upon necessary occasions, they were to be
entertained by their brethren of the clergy, in all places, out of the
public revenues of the Church. When any bishop or presbyter came to a
foreign Church, they were to be complimented with the honorary privilege
of performing divine offices, and consecrating the eucharist in the
church. If any controversies happened among the clergy, they freely
consented to have them determined by their bishops and councils, without
having recourse to the secular magistrate for justice. The great care
the clergy had of the characters and reputations of those of their order
appears from hence, that, in all accusations, especially against
bishops, they required the testimony of two or three witnesses,
according to the apostle’s rule; they likewise examined the character of
the witnesses, before their testimony was admitted; nor would they
suffer a heretic to give evidence against a clergyman. These instances
relate to the respect which the clergy mutually paid to each other.
With regard to the respect paid to the clergy by the civil government,
it consisted chiefly in exempting them from some kind of obligations, to
which others were liable, and in granting them certain privileges and
immunities which others did not enjoy. Thus, by a law of Justinian, no
secular judge could compel a bishop to appear in a public court, to give
his testimony, but was to send one of his officers to take it from his
mouth in private; nor was a bishop obliged to give his testimony upon
oath, but only upon his bare word. Presbyters, we find, were privileged
from being questioned by torture, as other witnesses were. But a still
more extensive privilege was, the exemption of the clergy from the
ordinary cognizance of the secular courts in all causes purely
ecclesiastical; such being reserved for the hearing of the bishops and
councils, not only by the canons of the Church, but by the laws of the
state also; as appears from several rescripts of the emperors
Constantius, Valentinian, Gratian, Theodosius the Great, Arcadius and
Honorius, Valentinian II., and Justinian.
Another privilege, which the clergy enjoyed by the favour of Christian
princes, was, that, in certain cases, they were exempt from some of the
taxes laid upon the rest of the Roman empire. In the first place, they
were exempt from the _census capitum_, or _personal tribute_, but not
from the _census agrorum_, or tribute arising from men’s lands and
possessions. In the next place they were not obliged to pay the _aurum
tironicum_, soldiers’ money, nor the _equorum canonicorum adæratio_,
horse money; which were taxes laid on some provinces, for furnishing the
emperor with new levies, and fresh horses, for the wars. A third tax
from which the clergy was exempt was the χρυσάργυροι, the silver and
gold tax, which was laid upon trade and commerce; and the fourth, the
_metatum_, so called from the word _metatores_, which signifies the
emperor’s forerunners or harbingers; being a duty incumbent on the
subjects of the empire to give entertainment to the emperor’s court and
retinue, when they travelled. The clergy were also exempt from
contributing to the reparation of highways and bridges, and from the
duties called _angariæ_ and _parangariæ_, &c., by which the subjects
were obliged to furnish horses and carriages for the conveying of corn
for the use of the army.
Another sort of immunity which the clergy enjoyed, was their exemption
from civil offices in the Roman empire. But this privilege was confined
to such of the clergy as had no estates, but what belonged to the Church
by the laws of Constantine. For the Christian princes always made a wide
difference between the public patrimony of the Church, and the private
estates of such of the clergy as had lands of a civil or secular tenure.
For the one, the clergy were obliged to no duty or burden of civil
offices; but for the other, they were, and could not be excused from
them otherwise than by providing proper substitutes to officiate for
them.
After this account of the privileges of the ancient Christian clergy, it
may not be improper to take some notice of the principal laws made for
the regulation of their lives and conversations.
And, first, we may observe what sort of crimes were thought worthy of
degradation. It was not every slight failing or infirmity, for which a
clergyman was degraded, but only crimes of a deeper dye, such as theft,
murder, fraud, perjury, sacrilege, and adultery: to which may be added,
drinking and gaming, those two great consumers of time, and enemies to
all noble undertakings and generous services; as, also, the taking of
money upon usury, which is condemned by many of the ancient canons as a
species of covetousness and cruelty. And therefore, instead of lending
upon usury, the clergy were obliged to be exemplary for the contrary
virtues, hospitality and charity to the poor, frugality, and a contempt
of the world. And, to guard against defamation and scandal, it was
enacted by the canons of several councils, that no bishops, presbyters,
or deacons should visit widows and virgins alone, but in the company and
presence of some other of the clergy, or some grave Christians.
With regard to the laws, more particularly relating to the exercise of
the duties and offices of their function, the clergy were, in the first
place, obliged to lead studious lives. But it was not all sorts of
studies that were equally recommended to them: the principal was the
study of the Holy Scriptures, as being the fountains of that learning,
which was most proper for their calling. Next to the Scriptures, they
were to study the canons of the Church, and the best ecclesiastical
authors. In after ages, in the time of Charles the Great, we find some
laws obliging the clergy to read, together with the canons, Gregory’s
book “De Cura Pastorali.” As to other books, they were more cautious and
sparing in the study and use of them. Some canons forbad a bishop to
read heathen authors; nor was he allowed to read heretical books, except
when there was occasion to confute them, or to caution others against
the poison of them. But the prohibition of heathen learning was to be
understood with a little qualification. It was only forbidden so far as
it tended to the neglect of Scripture and more useful studies. We pass
over the obligations incumbent on them to attend the daily service of
the Church, to be pious and devout in their public addresses to God, to
be zealous in defending the truth, and maintaining the unity of the
Church, &c.
By the ecclesiastical laws, no clergyman was allowed to relinquish or
desert his station without just grounds and leave: yet, in some cases,
resignation was allowed of,—such as old age, sickness, or other
infirmity. No clergyman was to remove from one diocese to another,
without the consent, and letters dimissory, of his own bishop. The laws
were no less severe against all _wandering_ clergymen, or such as,
having deserted their own church, would fix in no other, but went roving
from place to place: these some of the ancients called βακαντιβοι or
_Vacantivi_. By the laws of the Church, the bishops were not to permit
such to officiate in their dioceses, nor indeed so much as to
communicate in their churches. Other laws there were, which obliged the
clergy to residence, or a constant attendance upon their duty. The
Council of Sardica has several canons relating to this matter. Others
inhibited pluralities, or the officiating in two parochial churches. In
pursuance of the same design, of keeping the clergy strict and constant
to their duty, laws were also made to prohibit them following any
secular employment, which might divert them too much from their proper
business and calling. In some times and places, the laws of the Church
were so strict about this matter, that they would not suffer a bishop,
or presbyter, to be left trustee to any man’s will. By other laws they
were prohibited from taking upon them the office of pleading at the bar
in any civil contest.
Another sort of laws respected the outward behaviour of the clergy. Such
were the laws against corresponding and conversing too freely with Jews,
and Gentile philosophers; and the canons which restrained them from
eating and drinking in a tavern, or being present at the public
theatres. To this sort of laws we may reduce the ancient rules which
concern the garb and habit of the clergy; which were to be such as might
express the gravity of their minds, without any affectation, or
superstitious singularity. As to the kind or fashion of their apparel,
it does not appear, for several ages, that there was any other
distinction observed therein between them and the laity, than the
modesty and gravity of their garb, without being tied to any certain
habit, or form of dress.
These were the principal laws and regulations by which the clergy of the
primitive Christian Church were governed; and it is remarkable, that the
apostate emperor Julian was so convinced of their excellency, that he
had a design of reforming the heathen priesthood upon the model of the
Christian clergy.
The clergy of the _Church of Rome_ are distinguished into _regular_ and
_secular_. The regular clergy consist of those monks, or religious, who
have taken upon them holy orders, and perform the offices of the
priesthood in their respective monasteries. The secular clergy are those
who are not of any religious order, and have the care and direction of
parishes. The canons of such cathedrals as were not monastic foundations
were so called; i.e. secular canons. In the Saxon times these might be
married. The _Protestant_ clergy are all seculars.
The Romish Church forbids the clergy of her communion to _marry_, and
pretends that a vow of perpetual celibacy, or abstinence from conjugal
society, was required of the clergy, as a condition of their ordination,
even from the apostolical ages. But the contrary is evident from
innumerable examples of bishops and presbyters, who lived, in those
early ages, in a state of matrimony.—_Bingham._ (See _Celibacy_.)
CLERK. This word is in fact only an abbreviation of the word _clericus_,
or clergyman. It is still used, in a few instances, to designate
clergymen: as clerk of the king’s closet, clerks in orders in certain
parish churches. In foreign churches, it is usually applied to the
ministers in minor orders. But it is now used to designate certain
laymen, who are appointed to conduct or lead the responses of the
congregation, and otherwise to assist in the services of the church. In
most cathedrals and collegiate churches, and in some colleges, there are
several of these lay clerks (see _Vicar Choral_, _Secondary_, and
_Stipendiary_); in parish churches, generally, there is but one, who is
styled the _parish clerk_. These were, originally, real _clerks_, i. e.
clergymen, generally in minor orders, who assisted the officiating
priest. But the minor orders have long ceased to be conferred, except as
symbolical steps towards the higher grades of the ministry; so that in
countries of the Romish communion, as well as among ourselves, the
office which used to be performed by one or more clergymen has devolved
upon laymen. There can be little doubt that, in parishes where there are
more than one clergyman resident, the duties of the parish clerk should
be performed by them, especially in leading the responses, singing,
giving notices, &c.; but long custom has so familiarized us to the
services of a lay-clerk, that we permit him, as of right, to do even in
the presence of the clergy what, strictly speaking, belongs to the
clerical office. It is a great fault in a congregation when they permit
the lay-clerk to do more than _lead them_ in the responses or their
singing. The eighteenth canon directs all persons, man, woman, and
child, to say in their due places, audibly with the minister, the
Confession, the LORD’S Prayer, and the Creed, and make such other
answers to the public prayer as are appointed in the Book of Common
Prayer; and the laity forfeit a high privilege when they leave their
share of the service to the lay-clerk alone.
_Clerks_ are mentioned in the Prayer Book in the Rubric before the
second occurrence of the LORD’S Prayer, in Morning and Evening Prayer:
“The minister, clerks, and people shall say the Lord’s Prayer with a
loud voice:” in the Marriage Service, “The minister and clerks, going to
the Lord’s table, shall say or sing this Psalm following:” in the Burial
Service, “The priest and clerks meeting the corpse at the entrance of
the churchyard, &c., shall say or sing:” and when they are come to the
grave, “The priest shall say, or the priest and clerks shall sing:” and
in the Commination Service, “The priest and clerks, kneeling, (in the
place where they are accustomed to say the Litany,) shall say this
Psalm, _Miserere mei, Deus_.” The _clerk_ in the singular number is
mentioned but once only, which is in the Marriage Service; where the man
is directed to lay the ring on the book “with the accustomed duty to the
priest and _clerk_.”—_Jebb._
Canon 91. _Parish clerks to be chosen by the minister._—No parish clerk
upon any vacation shall be chosen, within the city of London, or
elsewhere within the province of Canterbury, but by the parson or vicar:
or, where there is no parson or vicar, by the minister of that place for
the time being; which choice shall be signified by the said minister,
vicar, or parson, to the parishioners the next Sunday following, in the
time of Divine service. And the said clerk shall be of twenty years of
age at the least, and known to the said parson, vicar, or minister, to
be of honest conversation, and sufficient for his reading, writing, and
also for his competent skill in singing, if it may be. And the said
clerks so chosen shall have and receive their ancient wages without
fraud or diminution, either at the hands of the churchwarden, at such
times as hath been accustomed, or by their own collection, according to
the most ancient custom of every parish.
Since the making of this canon, the right of putting in the parish clerk
has often been contested between incumbents and parishioners, and
prohibitions prayed, and always obtained, to the spiritual court, for
maintaining the authority of the canon in favour of the incumbent,
against the plea of custom in behalf of the parishioners.
All incumbents once had the right of nomination of the parish clerks, by
the common law and custom of the realm.
Parish clerks, after having been duly chosen and appointed, are usually
licensed by the ordinary. And when they are licensed, they are sworn to
obey the minister.
By a recent regulation, (7 & 8 Vict. c. 59,) persons in holy orders may
be appointed to the office of parish clerk, which is to be held under
the same tenure as that of a stipendiary curacy. Lay-clerks may also be
dismissed by the minister, without the intervention of a _mandamus_ from
the Queen’s Bench.
By 7 & 8 Wm. III. c. 35, a parish clerk, for assisting at a marriage,
without banns or licence, shall forfeit five pounds for every such
offence.
CLINIC BAPTISM. Baptism on a sick bed (κλινη) was so called in the
primitive Church. In the earlier ages of Christianity certain solemn
days were set apart for the administration of holy baptism, and only on
extraordinary occasions were converts baptized, except on one or other
of those days; but if one already a candidate for baptism fell sick, and
if his life was endangered, he was allowed to receive clinic baptism.
There was, however, a kind of clinics to whom great suspicion attached;
some persons who were converts to the doctrines of Christianity would
not be baptized while in health and vigour, because of the greater
holiness of life to which they would account themselves pledged, and
because they thought that baptism administered on their death-bed would
wash away the sins of their life. Such persons, though they recovered
after their baptism, were held to be under several disabilities, and
especially they were not admitted as candidates for holy orders.
CLOISTER. (See _Monastery_.) A covered walk, not unusually occupying the
four sides of a quadrangle, which is almost an invariable appendage to a
monastic or ancient collegiate residence. The most beautiful cloister
remaining in England is at Gloucester cathedral. Several of the
cathedrals which were not monastic have or had cloisters; as York, old
St. Paul’s, Chichester, Exeter, Hereford, Lincoln, Salisbury, Wells;
formerly St. Patrick’s in Dublin; and some colleges, as New College,
Magdalen, and Corpus at Oxford; Winchester College. A cloister was
projected for King’s College by the founder, but never executed. St.
George’s Chapel at Windsor has also a cloister.
CLUNIAC MONKS. Religious of the order of Clugni. It is the first branch
of the order of St. Benedict.
St. Bernon, abbot of Gigniac, of the family of the earls of Burgundy,
was the founder of this order. In the year 910, he built a monastery for
the reception of Benedictine monks, in the town of Clugni, situated in
the Maconnois, a little province of France, on the river Saone. The
noble abbey of Clugni was destroyed in 1789.
The monks of Clugni (or Cluni) were remarkable for their sanctity. They
every day sang two solemn masses. They so strictly observed silence,
that they would rather have died than break it before the hour of prime.
When they were at work, they recited psalms. They fed eighteen poor
persons every day, and were so profuse of their charity in Lent, that
one year, at the beginning of Lent, they distributed salt meat, and
other alms, among 7000 poor.
The preparation they used for making the bread which was to serve for
the eucharist is worthy to be observed. They first chose the wheat grain
by grain, and washed it very carefully. Then a servant carried it in a
bag to the mill, and washed the grindstones, and covered them with
curtains. The meal was afterwards washed in clean water, and baked in
iron moulds.
The extraordinary discipline observed in the monasteries of Clugni soon
spread its fame in all parts. France, Germany, England, Spain, and
Italy, desired to have some of these religious, for whom they built new
monasteries. They also passed into the East; and there was scarcely a
place in Europe where the order was not known.
The principal monasteries in which the discipline and rules of Clugni
were observed, were those of Tulles in the Limousin, Aurillac in
Auvergne, Bourgdieu and Massa in Berri, St. Benet on the Loire in the
Orleanois, St. Peter le Vif at Sens, St. Allire of Clermont, St. Julian
of Tours, Sarlat in Perigord, and Roman-Mourier in the country of Vaux.
This order was divided into ten provinces, being those of Dauphiné,
Auvergne, Poitiers, Saintonge, and Gascony, in France; Spain, Italy,
Lombardy, Germany, and England.
At the general chapters, which were at first held yearly, and afterwards
every three years, two visitors were chosen for every province, and two
others for the monasteries of nuns of this order, fifteen definitors,
three auditors of causes, and two auditors of excuses. There were
formerly five principal priories, called the five first daughters of
Clugni; but, since the dissolution of the monasteries in England, which
involved that of St. Pancrace, at Lewes in Sussex, there remained but
four principal priories, being those of La Charité sur Loire, St. Martin
des Champs at Paris, Souvigni, and Souxillanges.
The Cluniac monks were first brought into England by William, earl of
Warren, about the year of our LORD, 1077. These religious, though they
lived under the rule of St. Benedict, and wore a black habit, yet,
because their discipline and observances differed in many things from
those of the Benedictines, therefore they were not called Benedictines,
but monks of the order of Clugni. In the reign of Henry V., the Cluniac
monasteries, by reason of the war between England and France, were cut
off from the obedience of the abbot of Clugni, nor were they permitted
to have any intercourse with the monasteries of their order out of
England. The monasteries of Cluniac monks in England amounted in number
to thirty-eight.—_Broughton’s Bibliotheca Historico-Sacra._
COADJUTOR. In cases of any habitual distemper of the mind, whereby the
incumbent is rendered incapable of the administration of his cure, such
as frenzy, lunacy, and the like, the laws of the Church have provided
coadjutors. Of these there are many instances in the ecclesiastical
records, both before and since the Reformation; and we find them given
generally to parochial ministers, (as most numerous,) but sometimes also
to deans, archdeacons, prebendaries, and the like; and no doubt they may
be given, in such circumstances, at the discretion of the ordinary, to
any ecclesiastical person having ecclesiastical cure and revenue.
CŒNOBITES. Monks, who lived together in a fixed habitation, and formed
one large community under a chief, whom they called father or abbot. The
word is derived from κοινοβιον, _vitæ communis societas_. (See _Monks_.)
COLIDEI. (See _Culdees_.)
COLLATION. This is where a bishop gives a benefice, which either he had
as patron, or which came to him by lapse.
This is also a term in use among ecclesiastical writers to denote the
spare meal on days of abstinence, consisting of bread or other fruits,
but without meat.
COLLECTS. These are certain brief and comprehensive prayers, which are
found in all known liturgies and public devotional offices. Ritualists
have thought that these prayers were so called, because they were used
in the public congregation or _collection_ of the people; or from the
fact of many petitions being here collected together in a brief summary;
or because they comprehend objects of prayer collected out of the
Epistles and Gospels. But whatever may be the origin of the term, it is
one of great antiquity. It is indeed difficult to trace the antiquity of
repeating collects at the end of the service. It certainly, however,
prevailed in our own Church, the Church of England, even during the
period preceding the Norman Conquest. The very collects that we still
use, formed part of the devotional offices of our Church long before the
Reformation. They are generally directed to GOD the FATHER, in the name
of JESUS CHRIST our LORD; for so they usually conclude, though sometimes
they are directed to CHRIST himself, who is GOD co-equal and co-eternal
with the FATHER. They consist usually of two parts, an humble
acknowledgment of the adorable perfection and goodness of GOD, and a
petition for some benefits from him. Among the advantages resulting from
the regulation of the Church in making use of these short collects
are,—the relief they give to the worshipper; the variety they throw into
the service; the fixing of attention by new impulses of thought; the
solemnizing of the mind by frequent invocations of the hearer of prayer;
the constant reference of all our hopes to the merits and mediation of
CHRIST, in _whose name_ every collect is offered; and, lastly, the
inspiring feeling, that in them we are offering up our prayers in the
same words which have been on the lips of the martyrs and saints of all
ages.
The more usual name in the Latin Church was _collectæ_, collects,
because the prayers of the bishop, which in any part of the service
followed the joint prayers of the deacon and congregation, were both a
recollection and recommendation of the prayers of the people. In this
sense Cassian takes the phrase, _colligere orationem_, when speaking of
the service in the Egyptian monasteries and Eastern churches, he says,
“after the psalms they had private prayers, which they said partly
standing and partly kneeling; which being ended, he that collected the
prayer rose up, and then they all rose up together with him, none
presuming to continue longer upon the ground, lest he should seem rather
to pursue his own prayers than go along with him who collected the
prayers, or closed up all with his concluding collect.” Where we may
observe, that a _collect_ is taken for the chief minister’s prayer at
the close of some part of Divine service, _collecting_ and concluding
the people’s preceding devotions. Uranius, speaking of one John, bishop
of Naples, who died in the celebration of Divine service, says, “he gave
the signal to the people to pray, and then, having summed up their
prayers in a collect, he yielded up the ghost.”—_Bingham._
Walapidus Strabo, as quoted by Wheatly, says that they are so called
because the priest _collects_ the petitions of all in a compendious
brevity. To which Dr. Bisse assents, and considers the word to mean the
_collecting_ into one prayer the petitions which were anciently divided
between him and the people by versicles and responses. They are in fact
used in contradistinction to the alternate versicles, and the larger and
less compendious prayers.
_Morinus_, in his notes on Greek Ordination, remarks on the resemblance
between the Greek word συναπτὴ, and the Latin _collecta_: but shows that
the συναπτὴ, though meaning a connected prayer, has a very different
use. The συναπτὴ was sometimes a sort of litany, sometimes a set of
versicles resembling the “preces” of the Roman Church, or our versicles
and responses after the Creed. The συναπτὴ μέγαλη, again, is like our
Prayer for the Church Militant. The Greek εὐχὴ, said after the συναπτὴ,
is more like our collect: but there is nothing exactly resembling it in
the Greek formularies. Their prayers are generally much longer.
The collects are (for the most part) constructed upon one uniform rule,
consisting of three parts. (1.) The commemoration of some special
attribute of GOD. (2.) A prayer for the exercise of that attribute in
some special blessing. (3.) A prayer for the beneficial and permanent
consequences of that blessing. The punctuation of the Prayer Book most
accurately brings out the meaning of the collects. The apodosis of the
sentence is (for the most part) begun by a capital letter.
In many of the collects, GOD is desired to hear the petitions of the
people, those that the people had then made before the collect. These
come in at the end of other devotions, and were by some of old called
_missæ_, that is to say, _dismissions_, the people being dismissed upon
the pronouncing of them and the blessing; the collects themselves being
by some of the ancients called _blessings_, and also _sacramenta_,
either for that their chief use was at the communion, or because they
were uttered _per sacerdotum_, by one consecrated to holy
offices.—_Sparrow._
Our Reformers observed, first, that some of those collects were
corrupted by superstitious alterations and additions, made by some later
hand. Secondly, that the modern Roman missals had left some of the
primitive collects quite out, and put in their stead collects containing
some of their false opinions, or relating to their innovations in
practice. Where the mass had struck out an old, and put in a new,
collect, agreeable to their new and false doctrines or practices, there
the Reformers restored the old collect, being pure and orthodox. At the
restoration of King Charles II., even those collects made or allowed at
the Reformation were strictly reviewed, and what was deficient was
supplied, and all that was but incongruously expressed was rectified; so
that now they are complete and unexceptionable, and may be ranked into
three several classes. First, the ancient primitive collects, containing
nothing but true doctrine, void of all modern corruptions, and having a
strain of the primitive devotion, being short, but regular, and very
expressive; so that it is not possible to touch more sense in so few
words: and these are those taken out of Pope Gregory’s Sacramentary, or
out of those additions made to it by the abbot Grimoaldus. Many of these
were retained in their native purity in the missals of York and
Salisbury, and the breviaries; but were no more depreciated by standing
there than a jewel by lying on a dunghill. The second order of collects
are also ancient as to the main; but where there were any passages that
had been corrupted, they were struck out, and the old form restored, or
that passage rectified; and where there was any defect it was supplied.
The third order are such as had been corrupted in the Roman missals and
breviaries, and contained something of false doctrine, or at least of
superstition, in them; and new collects were made, instead of these, at
the Reformation, under King Edward VI.; and some few which were wanting
were added, anno 1662.—_Comber._
The objection, that our service is taken from the Popish, affects
chiefly the collects. But those of ours which are the same with theirs,
are mostly derived from prayer books brought over in the days of that
pope by whose means our Saxon ancestors were converted to Christianity,
above 1100 [now 1200] years ago; and they were old ones then, much older
than the main errors of Popery.—_Secker._
It appears that the service of the Church is far more ancient than the
Roman missal, properly speaking. And whoever has attended to the
superlative simplicity, fervour, and energy of the prayers, will have no
hesitation in concluding, that they must, the collects particularly,
have been composed in a time of true evangelical light and
godliness.—_Milner’s Church Hist._
It is the boast of the Church of England, and her praise, that her
Common Prayer corresponds with the best and most ancient liturgies which
were used in the Church in the most primitive and purest
times.—_Directions to Commissioners in 1661._
Here I entreat the people to remember that these collects, and the
following prayers, are to be vocally pronounced by the minister only,
though the people are obliged to join mentally therein. Wherefore let
none of the congregation disturb the rest, especially those that are
near them, by muttering over their prayers in an audible manner,
contrary to the design and rule of the Church, which always tells the
people when their voices are allowed to be heard, and consequently
commands them at all other times to be silent, and to speak to GOD in a
mental manner only.—_Bennett._
COLLECTS FOR THE DAY. Our Church, endeavouring to preserve not only the
spirit, but the very forms, as much as may be, and in a known tongue, of
ancient primitive devotion, has retained the same collects.
For the object, they are directed to GOD, in the name of “JESUS CHRIST
our LORD;” a few are directed to CHRIST; and in the Litany some
supplications to the HOLY GHOST, besides that precatory hymn of “Veni
Creator,” in the book of Ordination. Some collects, especially for great
festivals, conclude with this acknowledgment,—that CHRIST, with the
FATHER, and the HOLY GHOST, “liveth and reigneth, one GOD, world without
end.” This seems to be done to testify what the Scripture warrants, that
although, for more congruity, we in the general course of our prayers go
to the FATHER by the SON, yet that we may also invocate both the SON and
the HOLY GHOST; and that while we call upon one, we equally worship and
glorify all three together.
For their form and proportion, as they are not one long-continued
prayer, but divers short ones, they have many advantages; the practice
of the Jews of old, in whose prescribed devotions we find a certain
number of several prayers or collects, to be said together; the example
of our LORD in prescribing a short form; and the judgment and practice
of the ancient Christians in their liturgies. St. Chrysostom, among
others, commends highly, short and frequent prayers with little
distances between. And they are most convenient for keeping away
coldness, distraction, and illusions from our devotion; for what we said
in praise of short ejaculations, is true also concerning collects; and
that not only in respect of the minister, but the people also, whose
minds and affections become hereby more erect, close, and earnest, by
the oftener breathing out their hearty concurrence, and saying all of
them “Amen” together, at the end of each collect. The matter of them is
most excellent. It consists usually of two parts; an humble
acknowledgment of the adorable perfection and goodness of GOD, and a
congruous petition for some benefit from him. The first is seen not only
in the collects for special festivals or benefits, but in those also
that are more general; for even in such what find we in the beginning of
them, but some or other of these and the like acknowledgments?—That GOD
is almighty, everlasting, full of goodness and pity; the strength,
refuge, and protector of all that trust in him; without whom nothing is
strong, nothing is holy. That there is no continuing in safety without
him; that such is our weakness and frailty, that we have no power of
ourselves to help ourselves, to do any good, or to stand upright, and
therefore cannot but fall. That we put no trust in anything that we do,
but lean only upon the help of his heavenly grace. That he is the author
and giver of all good things; from whom it comes that we have an hearty
desire to pray, or do him any true or laudable service. That he is
always more ready to hear than we to pray, and to give more than we
desire or deserve; having prepared for them that love him such good
things as pass man’s understanding.—_Sparrow._
That most of our collects are very ancient, appears by their conformity
to the Epistles and Gospels, which were selected by St. Hierom, and put
into the lectionary ascribed to him. Many believed he first framed them
for the use of the Roman Church, in the time of Pope Damasus, above 1300
[now nearly 1500] years ago. Certain it is that Gelasius, who was bishop
of Rome above 1200 years since, [A. D. 492–6,] did range those collects,
which were then used, into order, and composed some new ones; and that
office of his was again corrected by Pope Gregory the Great, A. D. 600,
whose Sacramentary contains most of those collects which we now
use.—_Comber._
One of the principal reasons why our public devotions are, and should
be, divided into short collects, is this,—our blessed SAVIOUR hath told
us, that whatsoever we ask the FATHER in his name he will give it us. It
cannot then but be necessary that the name of CHRIST be frequently
inserted in our prayers, that so we may lift up our hearts unto him, and
rest our faith upon him, for the obtaining those good things we pray
for. And therefore, whatsoever we ask of GOD, we presently add, “through
JESUS CHRIST our LORD.”—_Wheatly._
The petitions are not in one long prayer, but several short ones; which
method is certainly as lawful as the other, and, we think, more
expedient. It reminds us oftener of the attributes of GOD and merits of
CHRIST, which are the ground of our asking in faith; and, by the
frequency of saying “Amen,” it stirs up our attention and warms our
devotions, which are too apt to languish.—_Secker._
We may refer to _Shepherd_ on the Common Prayer for a classified
arrangement of the collects; (1.) which were retained from ancient
liturgies at the Reformation; (2.) which were altered by the Reformers
and reviewers; and (3.) which were composed anew. Those composed anew in
1549 are the collects for the 1st and 2nd Sunday in Advent, Christmas,
the Epiphany, Quinquagesima, Ash-Wednesday, 1st Sunday in Lent, 1st and
2nd Sundays after Easter; St. Thomas’s day, St. Matthias’s, St. Mark’s,
St. Barnabas’s, St. John Baptist’s, St. Peter’s, St. James’s, St.
Matthew’s, St. Luke’s, St. Simon and St. Jude’s; All-Saints’. In 1552,
St. Andrew’s. In 1662, 3rd Sunday in Advent; 6th Sunday after Epiphany;
Easter Even. The prayers denominated collects in our liturgy are those
of the day, and the 2nd and 3rd at Morning and Evening Prayer
respectively; the Prayer for all Conditions of Men, which is called also
a collect; the prayer preceding the ten commandments, the prayer for the
sovereign in the Communion Service, and the six occasional collects
following it; the prayer following the LORD’S Prayer in the Confirmation
Service; the prayer preceding the psalm in the Visitation of the Sick,
that in the Communion of the Sick, and the prayer preceding the blessing
in the Burial of the Dead; three in the Ordering of Priests and Deacons
respectively, and one in the Consecration of Bishops.
COLLEGE. A community. Hence we speak of an episcopal college, or college
of bishops. It was an old maxim of Roman law, that by fewer than three
persons a college could not be formed. Hence, as a bishop is to be
consecrated not by a single bishop, but by a synod or college, at least
three are required to be present at each consecration. Every
corporation, in the civil law, is called a college, and so it has been
applied in England, in some rare instances, irrespective of social
combinations: and abroad it was very extensively applied to incorporated
boards. But in England it generally implies a society of persons, living
in a common habitation, and bound together by statutes which have
respect to their daily life. The minor corporations of the universities,
and those of Eton and Winchester, are specially so termed: and
residences for the members, a chapel, hall, and library, are considered
as essential features of the college. As it is unquestionable that our
academical colleges were all instituted for the promotion of godliness,
as well as of human knowledge, that they were intended to be handmaids
of the Church, as their highest function, besides nurseries of good
learning, they deserve special notice in a Church Dictionary. All
cathedral and collegiate churches are colleges; and the word in this
sense comprehends all the members of each establishment, whether
inferior or superior. The buildings of some of our cathedrals containing
the residence of the members, are still often popularly called “the
college.” The word is also applied to those inferior corporations
attached to the cathedrals of old foundation. (See _Minor Canons_ and
_Vicars Choral_.)
The colleges of our universities are each independent societies, having
their own statutes, and property as strictly their own as that of any
lay proprietor. Still they are connected with a greater corporation,
which is called the university. It has been commonly thought, that these
relations between minor and major academical corporations is an anomaly
peculiar to England. The fact is otherwise. The most ancient
universities, as Paris, Bologna, and Salamanca, had each several
colleges, which bore an analogous relation to the university. (See
_University_.)
COLLEGIATE CHURCHES. Churches with a body of canons and prebendaries,
&c., and inferior members, with corporate privileges. The services and
forms in these churches are, or ought to be, like those in cathedral
churches. The number of collegiate churches has been much diminished
since the Reformation; those at present existing in England, are
Westminster, Windsor, Southwell, Wolverhampton, Middleham, and Brecon;
and in Ireland, the collegiate church of Galway.
COLLYRIDIANS. Certain heretics that worshipped the Virgin Mary as a
goddess, and offered cake in sacrifice to her; they appeared in the
fourth century, about the year 373. Their name is derived from κολλυρα,
_a little cake_.
COMMANDRIES. New houses of the same kind among the Knights Hospitallers
as the Preceptories among the Templars. (See _Preceptories_.)
COMMEMORATIONS. The recital of the names of famous martyrs and
confessors, patriarchs, bishops, kings, great orthodox writers,
munificent benefactors: which recitation was made at the altar out of
_diptychs_ or folded tables. There are Commemoration days at Oxford and
Cambridge, on which the names of all the known benefactors to the
universities are proclaimed, special psalms and lessons recited, and
special collects and versicles. These have been coeval with the
Reformation, and sanctioned by the highest authority. (See _Diptychs_.)
COMMENDAM. _Commendam_ is a living _commended_ by the Crown to the care
of a clergyman until a proper pastor is provided for it. These
commendams for some time have been seldom or never granted to any but
bishops, who, when their bishoprics were of small value, were, by
special dispensation, allowed to hold their previous benefices, which,
on their promotion, had devolved into the patronage of the Crown.
COMMENDATORY LETTERS. (See _Literæ formatæ_.)
COMMENTARY. An exposition; a book of annotations on Holy Scripture.
In selecting a commentary much care is necessary, because a skilful
commentator may wrest the Scriptures so as to make them support his
private opinion. A Calvinist makes Scripture speak Calvinism, an
Arminian makes it speak Arminianism. The question to be asked,
therefore, is, According to what principle does the annotator _profess_
to interpret Scripture? If he takes the Church for his guide; if he
professes to interpret according to the doctrines of the Church,
although he may err in a matter of detail, he cannot seriously mislead
us. We may instance the third chapter of St. John’s Gospel. How very
different will be the meaning of that chapter interpreted by a
Calvinist, who denies the scriptural doctrine of baptismal regeneration,
from the meaning which will be attached to it by one who holds the truth
as it is taught in the Church, and who, with the Church of England, in
the Office for the Baptism of Persons in Riper Years, applies what is
said in that chapter to baptismal grace.
To give a complete list of commentaries is, in such a work as the
present, impossible. The reader who would pursue the subject is referred
to the authorities mentioned in the next article, _Commentators_. Some
of the leading commentaries most used in the Church of England are here
given.
Theophylact; the last edition of whose works is that published at
Venice, 1754–1763, in four volumes, folio. In Theophylact we have the
pith of St. Chrysostom, whose works also are useful, especially his
Homilies on St. Matthew and on St. Paul’s Epistles. They have lately
been translated.
“Critici Sacri, sive Annotata doctissimorum Virorum in Vetus ac Novum
Testamentum; quibus accedunt Tractatus varii Theologico-Philologici,” 9
tomis in 12 voluminibus. Amsterdam, 1698, folio.
This is considered the best edition of this great work, which was
first published in London, in 1660, in nine volumes, folio, under
the direction of the celebrated Bishop Pearson and other learned
divines. In 1701 there were published at Amsterdam, “Thesaurus
Theologico-Philologicus,” in two volumes folio, and two additional
volumes in 1732. These complete the work.
“Mathæi Poli Synopsis Criticorum aliorumque SS. Interpretum,” London,
1669–1674; five volumes, folio. This has been reprinted, the best
edition being that of Utrecht, 1686. It is a valuable abridgment and
consolidation of the “Critici Sacri.” It gives the conclusions, without
the arguments, of that work.
Bishop Hall’s “Contemplations on the Old and New Testament,” of which
valuable work there have been several reprints.
Patrick, Lowth, Whitby, and Arnold’s “Commentary on the Bible.” London,
1727–1760: seven volumes, folio. Reprinted in 4to, 1821; and lately in
large 8vo. This is a standard work.
“An Exposition of the Old and New Testament,” by the Rev. Matthew Henry:
folio, five volumes. There have been many reprints of this truly
excellent commentary.
“A Commentary on the Books of the Old and New Testaments, in which are
inserted the Notes and Collections of John Locke, Esq., Daniel
Waterland, D. D., and the Earl of Clarendon and other learned persons,
with Practical Improvements.” London, 1770: three volumes, folio. This
was reprinted in six volumes, 4to, in 1801, by Dr. Coke, a Methodist,
with some retrenchments and unimportant additions, and goes by the name
of “Coke’s Commentary.” It is very useful for practical purposes.
“The Holy Bible, with Original Notes and Practical Observations,” by
Thomas Scott, M. A., Rector of Aston Sandford: London. This has been
often reprinted.
“The Holy Bible, with Notes,” by Thomas Wilson, D. D., Bishop of Sodor
and Man: London, 1785: three volumes, 4to. Whatever comes from the pen
of Bishop Wilson is valuable; but the notes are rather suggestive than
illustrative.
“The Holy Bible, with Notes explanatory and practical;” taken
principally from the most recent writers of the United Church of England
and Ireland, prepared and arranged by Dr. D’Oyley and Bishop Mant.
Oxford and London, 1817: three volumes, 4to, and since reprinted. This
work, published under the sanction of the Society for promoting
Christian Knowledge, is perhaps the most sound and useful that we
possess.
It is impossible to enumerate the commentators on separate books of the
Bible, but we may mention Dean Graves on the Pentateuch, Bishops Horne
and Horsley on the Psalms, Bishop Lowth on Isaiah, Dr. Blayney on
Jeremiah, Archbishop Newcome on Ezekiel, Mr. Wintle on Daniel, Bishop
Horsley on Hosea, Dr. Blayney on Zechariah, Dr. Stock on Malachi, Dr.
Pococke on Hosea, Joel, Micah, and Malachi; Archbishop Newcome on the
Twelve Minor Prophets.
On the New Testament, we may refer to Hammond, Whitby, Burkitt,
Doddridge, Bishop Pearce, Dr. Trapp, Bishop Porteus on St. Matthew,
Biscoe on the Acts, Macknight, Bishop Fell, Bishop Davenant, Pyle on the
Epistles, Archbishop Leighton on St. Peter, Mede, Daubeny, Lowman, Sir
Isaac Newton, and Bishop Newton on the Apocalypse. We have omitted, in
this list, contemporary writers, for obvious reasons, and we have
referred to commentaries chiefly used by English churchmen; the more
learned reader will, not without caution, have recourse to foreign
critics also; of whom we may mention, as persons much consulted,
Vitringa, Tittmann, Bengel, Olshausen, Tholuck, Wolfius, Raphelius,
Calmet, and Hengstenberg. The “Catena Aurea” of Thomas Aquinas has
lately been translated; but it is useful rather to the antiquarian and
the scholar, than to those who wish to ascertain the exact meaning of
Scripture; and in the quotations from the Fathers, Aquinas is not to be
depended upon.
COMMENTATORS. “A complete history of commentators,” says Mr. Hartwell
Horne, “would require a volume of no ordinary dimensions.” The reader
who is desirous of prosecuting this subject, will find much interesting
information relative to the early commentators in Rosenmüller’s
“Historia Interpretationis Librorum Sacrorum in Ecclesiâ Christianâ,
inde ab Apostolorum Ætate usque ad Origenem, 1795–1814.” This elaborate
work treats exclusively of the early commentators. Father Simon’s
“Histoire Critique de Vieux Testament,” 4to, 1680, and his “Histoire
Critique des Principaux Commentateurs du Nouveau Testament,” 4to,
Rotterdam, 1689, contain many valuable strictures on the expositors of
the Old and New Testament up to his own time. In 1674 was published at
Frankfort, in two volumes folio, Joh. Georg. Dorschei “Biblia Numerata,
seu Index Specialis in Vetus Testamentum ad singula omnium Librorum
Capita et Commenta.” It contains a list of commentators, 191 in number,
who had illustrated every book, chapter, or verse of the Scriptures,
with reference to the books, chapters, and pages of their several works.
The merits and demerits of commentators are likewise discussed in
Walchius’s “Bibliotheca Theologica Selecta;” in Ernesti’s “Institutio
Interpretis Novi Testamenti;” in Morus’s “Acroases Academicæ.” Professor
Keil, in his “Elementa Hermeneutices Novi Testamenti,” and Professor
Beck, in “Monogrammata Hermeneutices, Librorum Novi Fœderis,” Seiler’s
Biblical Hermeneutices, (translated from the German by Dr. Wright,
1835,)—respectively notice the principal expositors of the Scriptures.
COMMINATION, means a threat or denunciation of vengeance. There is an
ancient office in the Church of England, entitled, “A Commination, or
denouncing of GOD’S Anger and Judgment against Sinners, with certain
Prayers, to be used on the first Day of Lent, and at other times, as the
Ordinary shall appoint.” This office, says Mr. Palmer, is one of the
last memorials we retain of that solemn penitence, which during the
primitive ages occupied so conspicuous a place in the discipline of the
Christian Church. In the earliest ages, those who were guilty of
grievous sins were solemnly reduced to the order of penitents; they came
fasting and clad in sackcloth and ashes on the occasion, and after the
bishop had prayed over them, they were dismissed from the church. They
then were admitted gradually to the classes of _hearers_, _substrati_,
and _consistentes_, until at length, after long trial and exemplary
conduct, they were again decreed worthy of communion. This penitential
discipline at length, from various causes, became extinct, both in the
Eastern and Western Churches: and, from the twelfth or thirteenth
century, the solemn office of the first day of Lent was the only
memorial of this ancient discipline in the West. The Church of England
has long used this office nearly as we do at present, as we find almost
exactly the same appointed in the MS. Sacramentary of Leofric, which was
written for our Church about the ninth or tenth century; and year by
year she directs her ministers to lament the defection of the godly
discipline we have been describing.
The preface which the Church has prefixed to this office will supply the
room of an introduction. It informs us that, “in the primitive Church,
there was a godly discipline; that, at the beginning of Lent, such
persons as stood convicted of notorious crimes were put to open penance,
and punishment in this world, that their souls might be saved in the day
of the LORD; and that others, admonished by their example, might be the
more afraid to offend.” The manner in which this discipline was
inflicted, is thus recorded by Gratian: On the first day of Lent the
penitents were to present themselves before the bishop, clothed with
sackcloth, with naked feet, and eyes turned to the ground: and this was
to be done in the presence of the principal clergy of the diocese, who
were to judge of the sincerity of their repentance. These introduced
them into the Church, where the bishop, all in tears, and the rest of
the clergy, repeated the seven penitential psalms. Then, rising from
prayers, they threw ashes upon them, and covered their heads with
sackcloth; and then with mournful sighs declared to them, that as Adam
was cast out of paradise, so they must be cast out of the Church. Then
the bishop commanded the officers to turn them out of the church doors,
and all the clergy followed after, repeating that curse upon Adam, “In
the sweat of thy brow thou shalt eat bread.” The like penance was
inflicted upon them the next time the sacrament was administered, which
was the Sunday following. And all this was done, to the end that the
penitents, observing how great a disorder the Church was in by reason of
their crimes, should not lightly esteem of penance.
Though this discipline was severe, yet the many good consequences of it
showed it worthy the imitation of the Church in succeeding ages; so that
it was anciently exercised in our own, as well as in foreign churches.
But in latter ages, during the corruption of the Church of Rome, this
godly discipline degenerated into a formal and customary confession upon
Ash Wednesdays, used by all persons indifferently, whether penitents or
not, from whom no other testimony of their repentance was required, than
that they should submit to the empty ceremony of sprinkling ashes upon
their heads. But this our wise reformers prudently laid aside as a mere
shadow and show; and not without hearty grief and concern, that the long
continuance of the abominable corruptions of the Romish Church, in their
formal confessions and pretended absolutions, in their sale of
indulgences, and their sordid commutations of penance for money, had let
the people loose from those primitive bands of discipline, which tended
really to their amendment, but to which, through the rigour and severity
it enjoins, they found it impracticable to reduce them again. However,
since they could not do what they desired, they desired to do as much as
they could; and therefore, till the said discipline may be restored
again, (which is rather to be wished than expected in these licentious
times,) they have endeavoured to supply it as well as they were able, by
appointing an office to be used at this season, called “A Commination,
or denouncing of GOD’S Anger and Judgments against Sinners;” that so the
people, being apprized of GOD’S wrath and indignation against their
wickedness and sins, may not be encouraged, through the want of
discipline in the Church, to follow and pursue them; but be moved, by
the terror of the dreadful judgments of GOD, to supply that discipline
to themselves, by severely judging and condemning themselves, and so to
avoid being judged and condemned at the tribunal of GOD.
2. But, besides “the first day of Lent,” on which it is expressly
enjoined, it is also supposed, in the title of it, to be used “at other
times, as the ordinary shall direct.” This was occasioned by the
observation of Bucer; for it was originally ordered upon Ash Wednesdays
only, and therefore in the first Common Prayer Book, it had no other
title, but “The First Day of Lent, commonly called Ash Wednesday.” But
Bucer approving of the office, and not seeing reason why it should be
confined to one day, and not used oftener, at least four times a year,
the title of it was altered when it came to be reviewed; from which time
it was called, “A Commination against Sinners, with certain Prayers to
be used at divers times in the Year.” How often, or at what particular
times, we do not find prescribed; except that Bishop Cosin informs us
from the Visitation Articles of Archbishop Grindal for the province of
Canterbury, in the year 1576, that it was appointed three times a year;
namely, on one of the three Sundays next before Easter, on one of the
two Sundays next before Pentecost, and on one of the two Sundays next
before Christmas; that is, I suppose the office was appointed yearly to
be used on these three days, as well as on Ash Wednesday. For that Ash
Wednesday was then the solemn day of all, and on which this office was
never to be omitted, may be gathered from the preface, which is drawn up
for the peculiar use of that day. And accordingly we find, that, in the
Scotch Common Prayer, a clause was added, that it was to be used
“especially on the first day of Lent, commonly called Ash Wednesday.”
However, in our own liturgy, the title stood as above, till the last
review, when a clause was added for the sake of explaining the word
commination; and the appointing of the times on which it should be used
was left to the discretion of the bishop, or the ordinary. So that the
whole title, as it stands now, runs thus: “A Commination, or denouncing
of GOD’S Anger and Judgments against Sinners, with certain Prayers to be
used on the first Day in Lent, and at other Times, as the Ordinary shall
appoint.” The ordinaries, indeed, seldom or never make use of the power
here given them, except that sometimes they appoint part of the office,
namely, from the fifty-first Psalm to the end, to be used upon solemn
days of fasting and humiliation. But as to the whole office, it is never
used entirely but upon the day mentioned in the title of it, namely,
“the first day of Lent.”—_Wheatly._
The Commination properly means that part of the special service which
precedes the Psalm; the rest coming under the title of “certain
prayers;” and it would seem that the latter are alone to be used at
other times that the ordinary shall appoint.—_Jebb._
COMMISSARY, is a title of jurisdiction, appertaining to him that
exercises ecclesiastical jurisdiction, in places so far distant from the
chief city, that the chancellor cannot call the people to the bishop’s
principal consistory court without great trouble to them.
Chancellors, or bishops’ lawyers, were first introduced into the Church
by the 2nd canon of the Council of Chalcedon, and were men trained up in
the civil and canon law, to direct bishops in matters of judgment
relating to ecclesiastical affairs.
Whatever the extent of the chancellor’s authority as a judge may be,
throughout the diocese, with relation to the bishop’s, it is quite clear
that the commissary’s authority extends only to such particular causes,
in such parts of the diocese, for which he holds the bishop’s commission
to act.
In the Clementine constitutions this officer is termed _officialis
foraneus_. By the 21st of Henry VIII. c. 13, he shall not be within the
statute of non-residence; he may grant licences; he may excommunicate,
and prove a last will and testament; but that shall be in the name of
the ordinary; and a grant of such power does not hold good beyond the
life of the ordinary, and does not bind his successor: where, by
prescription or by composition, there are archdeacons, who have
jurisdiction in their archdeaconries, as in most places they have, there
the office of commissary is superfluous.—See _Gibson’s Codex_, vol. i.
Introductory Discourse, p. 25.
COMMON PRAYER. (See _Liturgy_.) By Common Prayer we are to understand a
form of prayer adapted and enjoined for common or universal use: in the
vernacular language, such as may be understood of people, and in which
they are required to join with one heart and voice. It is contrasted
with those services which have either actually or virtually become
exclusive, or confined to but a few: such as the forms of matins in the
Roman breviary, which from its extreme length, and from the
inconvenience of the hour when it is prescribed to be recited, are
impracticable to the people, to all in fact but the inmates of
monasteries or collegiate churches. Such, indeed, are all those services
which are written in a language which is no longer vernacular.
Bishop Sparrow observes, that the Common Prayer contains in it many holy
offices of the Church; as prayers, confessions of faith, holy hymns,
divine lessons, priestly absolutions, and benedictions; all which are
set and prescribed, not left to private men’s fancies to make or alter.
So it was of old ordained. _Conc. Carthag._ can. 106, “It is ordained,
that the prayers, prefaces, and impositions of hands, which are
confirmed by the Synod, be observed and used by all men: these, and no
other.” So is our 14th English Canon.... “And as these offices are set
and prescribed, so are they moreover appointed to be one and the same
throughout the whole national Church.”
By Canon 4. “Whosoever shall affirm that the form of GOD’S worship in
the Church of England, established by law, and contained in the Book of
Common Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments, is a corrupt,
superstitious, or unlawful worship of GOD, or containeth anything in it
that is repugnant to the Scriptures, let him be excommunicated _ipso
facto_, and not restored but by the bishop of the place, or archbishop,
after his repentance and public revocation of such his wicked errors.”
By Canon 38. “If any minister, after he has subscribed to the Book of
Common Prayer, shall omit to use the form of prayer, or any of the
orders or ceremonies prescribed in the Communion Book, let him be
suspended; and if after a month he does not reform and submit himself,
let him be excommunicated; and then, if he shall not submit himself
within the space of another month, let him be deposed from the
ministry.”
And by Canon 98. “After any judge ecclesiastical has pronounced
judicially against contemners of ceremonies, for not observing the rites
and orders of the Church of England, or for contempt of public prayer,
no judge _ad quem_ shall allow of his appeal, unless the party appellant
do first personally promise and avow, that he will faithfully keep and
observe all the rites and ceremonies of the Church of England, as also
the prescribed form of Common Prayer, and do likewise subscribe to the
same.
COMMUNION. This is one of the names given to the sacrament of the
eucharist, and was undoubtedly taken from St. Paul’s account of that
sacrament, where he teaches, as the learned Dr. Waterland observes, that
the effect of this service is the communion of the body and blood of
CHRIST. (1 Cor. x. 16.) He does not, indeed, call the sacrament by that
_name_, as others have done since. He was signifying what the thing is,
or what it does, rather than how it was then _called_. (See _Eucharist_,
_Lord’s Supper_, and _Consecration of the Elements_.)
The office for the Holy Communion is a distinct office, and there is no
direction at what time of the day it shall be used, only custom, in
accordance with the almost invariable usage of Christendom, has
determined that it shall be used in the forenoon. The communion is
appointed for _every_ Sunday, only the Church has ordered that there
shall be no communion except four (or three at least) communicate with
the priest. The absence of the weekly eucharist therefore proves one of
two things; either that the sin of the people is so great that even in
large parishes three such persons ready to communicate are not to be
found every Sunday, and so only part of the service can be used; or else
if three communicants can be found, the sin of the clergy is great in
not having weekly communion. “In cathedral and collegiate churches,
where there are many priests and deacons, they shall all receive the
communion with the priest every Sunday at the least.” We here subjoin
the directions of the canons and rubric.
The rubric decrees, there shall none be admitted to the holy communion
until such time as he be confirmed, or be ready and desirous to be
confirmed.
By the canons of Archbishop Peckham, 1279, it is ruled that none shall
give the communion to the parishioner of another priest, without his
manifest licence; which ordinance shall not extend to travellers, or to
persons in danger, nor to cases of necessity.
And by Canon 28. “The churchwardens or questmen, and their assistants,
shall mark, as well as the minister, whether any strangers come often
and commonly from other parishes to their church, and show their
minister of them, lest perhaps they be admitted to the LORD’S table
amongst others; which they shall forbid, and remit such home to their
own parish churches and ministers, there to receive the communion with
the rest of their own neighbours.”
Rubric. “And if any be an open and notorious evil liver, or have done
any wrong to his neighbours by word or deed, so that the congregation be
thereby offended, the curate, having knowledge thereof, shall call him
and advertise him, that in anywise he presume not to come to the LORD’S
table until he has openly declared himself to have truly repented and
amended his former naughty life, that the congregation may thereby be
satisfied, which before were offended; and that he has recompensed the
parties to whom he has done wrong; or at least declare himself to be in
full purpose so to do, as soon as he conveniently may.”
Rubric. “The same order shall the curate use with those between whom he
perceiveth malice and hatred to reign, not suffering them to be
partakers of the LORD’S table until he know them to be reconciled. And
if one of the parties so at variance be content to forgive, from the
bottom of his heart, all that the other has trespassed against him, and
to make amends for that he himself has offended, and the other party
will not be persuaded to a godly unity, but remain still in his
frowardness and malice, the minister in that case ought to admit the
penitent person to the holy communion, and not him that is obstinate.
Provided that every minister so repelling any, as is specified in this
or the next preceding paragraph of this rubric, shall be obliged to give
an account of the same to the ordinary, within fourteen days after at
the farthest; and the ordinary shall proceed against the offending
person according to the canon.”
By Canon 26. “No minister shall in anywise admit to the receiving of the
holy communion any of his cure or flock, which be openly known to live
in sin notorious without repentance; nor any who have maliciously and
openly contended with their neighbours; nor any churchwardens or
sidesmen who refuse or neglect to make presentment of offences according
to their oaths.”
By Canon 27. “No minister, when he celebrateth the communion, shall
wittingly administer the same to any but to such as kneel, under pain of
suspension; nor, under the like pain, to any that refuse to be present
at public prayers, according to the order of the Church of England; nor
to any that are common and notorious depravers of the Book of Common
Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments, and of the orders, rites,
and ceremonies therein prescribed; or of anything that is contained in
the book of ordering priests and bishops; or to any that have spoken
against and depraved his Majesty’s sovereign authority in causes
ecclesiastical; except every such person shall first acknowledge to the
minister before the churchwardens his repentance for the same, and
promise by word (if he cannot write) that he will do so no more; and
except (if he can write) he shall first do the same under his
handwriting, to be delivered to the minister, and by him sent to the
bishop of the diocese, or ordinary of the place. Provided that every
minister so repelling any (as is specified either in this or the next
preceding constitution) shall upon complaint, or being required by the
ordinary, signify the cause thereof unto him, and therein obey his order
and direction.”
By Canon 109. “If any offend their brethren, either by adultery,
whoredom, incest, or drunkenness, or by swearing, ribaldry, usury, or
any other uncleanness, or wickedness of life, such notorious offenders
shall not be admitted to the holy communion till they be reformed.”
Canon 71. “No minister shall administer the holy communion in any
private house, except it be in times of necessity, when any being either
so impotent as he cannot go to the church, or very dangerously sick, are
desirous to be partakers of this holy sacrament, upon pain of suspension
for the first offence, and excommunication for the second. Provided that
houses are here reputed for private houses, wherein are no chapels
dedicated and allowed by the ecclesiastical laws of this realm. And
provided also, under the pains before expressed, that no chaplains do
administer the communion in any other places, but in the chapels of the
said houses; and that also they do the same very seldom upon Sundays and
holy-days; so that both the lords and masters of the said houses and
their families shall at other times resort to their own parish churches,
and there receive the holy communion at least once every year.”
Canon 22. “We do require every minister to give warning to his
parishioners publicly in the church at morning prayer, the Sunday before
every time of his administering that holy sacrament, for their better
preparation of themselves; which said warning we enjoin the said
parishioners to accept and obey, under the penalty and danger of the
law.”
And by the rubric. “The minister shall always give warning for the
celebration of the holy communion upon the Sunday or some holy-day
immediately preceding.”
Rubric. “So many as intend to be partakers of the holy communion shall
signify their names to the curate, at least some time the day before.”
Rubric. “There shall be no celebration of the LORD’S supper, except
there be a convenient number to communicate with the priest, according
to his discretion. And if there be not above twenty persons in the
parish, of discretion to receive the communion, yet there shall be no
communion, except four (or three at the least) communicate with the
priest. And in cathedral and collegiate churches and colleges, where
there are many priests and deacons, they shall _all_ receive the
communion with the priest every Sunday at the least, except they have
reasonable cause to the contrary.” The rubric _implies_ daily communion.
“The Collect, Epistle, and Gospel, appointed for the Sunday, shall serve
_all the week after_, when it is not in this book otherwise ordered.” In
the First Book of King Edward, daily communion is expressly mentioned.
“Upon Wednesdays and Fridays ... though there be none to communicate
with the priest, yet these days, after the Litany ended, the priest
shall ... say all things at the altar, appointed to be said at the
celebration of the LORD’S supper, until after the offertory.” “In
cathedral churches, or other places, _where there is daily communion_,”
&c. From the _Pietas Londinensis_ it appears that in some London
churches at the beginning of the last century, the communion was
celebrated daily in the octaves of the great festivals. And a
remembrance of this daily communion was formerly kept up at Durham,
where, in Bishop Cosin’s time, the ante-communion was daily performed,
as it still is at St. Patrick’s, on Wednesdays and Fridays in Lent.
Canon 82. “Whereas we have no doubt but that in all churches convenient
and decent tables are provided and placed for the celebration of the
holy communion, we appoint that the same tables shall from time to time
be kept and repaired in sufficient and seemly manner, and covered in
time of Divine service with a carpet of silk or other decent stuff,
thought meet by the ordinary of the place, if any question be made of
it, and with a fair linen cloth at the time of the ministration as
becometh that table; and so stand, saving when the holy communion is to
be administered, at which time the same shall be placed in so good sort
within the church or chancel, as thereby the minister may be more
conveniently heard of the communicants in his prayer and ministration,
and the communicants also more conveniently and in more number may
communicate with the said minister.”
By Canon 20. “The churchwardens, against the time of every communion,
shall, at the charge of the parish, with the advice and direction of the
minister, provide a sufficient quantity of fine white bread, and of good
and wholesome wine, for the number of communicants that shall receive
there; which wine shall be brought to the communion table in a clean and
sweet standing pot or stoop of pewter, if not of purer metal.”
And by the rubric. “The bread and wine for the communion shall be
provided by the curate and churchwardens at the charge of the parish.
And to take away all occasion of dissension and superstition, which any
person has or might have concerning the bread and wine, it shall suffice
that the bread be such as is usual to be eaten, but the best and purest
wheat bread that conveniently may be gotten.”
In the rubric, in the communion service of the Second Edward VI., it was
ordained, that, “whyles the clearkes do syng the offertory, so many as
are disposed shall offer to the poore mennes boxe, every one accordinge
to his habilitie and charitable mynde.”
And by the present rubric, “whilst the sentences of the offertory are in
reading, the deacons, churchwardens, or other fit person appointed for
that purpose, shall receive the alms for the poor, and other devotions
of the people, in a decent basin, to be provided by the parish for that
purpose, and reverently bring it to the priest, who shall humbly present
and place it upon the holy table.” And “after the Divine service ended,
the money given at the offertory shall be disposed of to such pious and
charitable uses as the minister and churchwardens shall think fit;
wherein if they disagree, it shall be disposed of as the ordinary shall
appoint.”
Rubric. “Such ornaments of the church, and of the ministers thereof, at
all times of their ministration, shall be retained and be in use as were
in this Church of England by the authority of parliament, in the second
year of the reign of King Edward VI.” And by the rubric of 2 Edward VI.,
which had this authority of parliament, it is ordained, that “upon the
day, and at the time appointed for the ministration of the holy
communion, the priest that shall execute the holy ministry shall put
upon him the vesture appointed for that ministration; that is to say, a
white albe plain, with a vestment or cope: and where there be many
priests or deacons, then so many shall be ready to help the priest in
the ministrations as shall be requisite, and shall have upon them
likewise the vestures appointed for their ministry, that is to say,
albes with tunicles. And whensoever the bishop shall celebrate the holy
communion in the church, or execute any other public ministration, he
shall have upon him, besides his rochet, a surplice or albe, _and a cope
or vestment, and also his pastoral staff in his hand, or else borne or
holden by his chaplain_.”
And by Canon 24. “In all cathedral churches, the holy communion shall be
administered upon principal feast days, sometimes by the bishop, if he
be present, and at sometimes by a canon or prebendary, the principal
minister using a decent cope, and being assisted with the Gospeller and
Epistler agreeably, according to the advertisements published _anno 7
Eliz._”
Art. 28. “Transubstantiation (or the change of the substance of bread
and wine) in the supper of the LORD cannot be proved by Holy Writ; but
is repugnant to the plain words of Scripture, overthroweth the nature of
a sacrament, and hath given occasion to many superstitions.”
Art. 30. “The cup of the LORD is not to be denied to the lay people; for
both the parts of the LORD’S sacrament, by CHRIST’S ordinance and
commandment, ought to be ministered to all Christian men alike.”
And by the statute of the 1 Edward VI. c. 1. “Forasmuch as it is more
agreeable to the first institution of the said sacrament, and more
conformable to the common use and practice of the apostles and of the
primitive Church, for above 500 years after CHRIST’S ascension, that the
same should be administered under both the kinds, of bread and wine,
than under the form of bread only; and also it is more agreeable to the
first institution of CHRIST, and to the usage of the apostles and the
primitive Church, that the people should receive the same with the
priest, than that the priest should receive it alone; it is enacted that
the said most blessed sacrament be commonly delivered and ministered
unto the people, under both the kinds, that is to say, of bread and
wine, except necessity otherwise require. And also that the priest which
shall minister the same shall, at the least one day before, exhort all
persons which shall be present likewise to resort and prepare themselves
to receive the same. And when the day prefixed cometh, after godly
exhortation by the minister made, (wherein shall be further expressed
the benefit and comfort promised to them which worthily receive the holy
sacrament, and danger and indignation of GOD threatened to them which
shall presume to receive the same unworthily, to the end that every man
may try and examine his own conscience before he shall receive the
same,) the said minister shall not, without a lawful cause, deny the
same to any person that will devoutly and humbly desire it; not
condemning hereby the usage of any Church out of the king’s dominions.”
Rubric. “If any of the bread and wine remain unconsecrated, the curate
shall have it to his own use; but if any remain of that which was
consecrated, it shall not be carried out of the church, but the priest,
and such other of the communicants as he shall then call unto him, shall
immediately after the blessing reverently eat and drink the same.”
By a constitution of Archbishop Langton it is enjoined, that no
sacrament of the Church shall be denied to any one, upon the account of
any sum of money; but if anything hath been accustomed to be given by
the pious devotion of the faithful, justice shall be done thereupon to
the churches by the ordinary of the place afterwards.
And by the rubric. “Yearly at Easter, every parishioner shall reckon
with the parson, vicar, or curate, or his or their deputy or deputies,
and pay to them or him all ecclesiastical duties, accustomably due, then
and at that time to be paid.”
By the ancient canon law, every layman (not prohibited by crimes of a
heinous nature) was required to communicate at least thrice in the year,
namely, at Easter, Whitsuntide, and Christmas; and the Council of Agdæ,
A. D. 500, enacted that the secular clergy not communicating at those
times were not to be reckoned amongst the Catholics. The fourth Council
of Lateran, A. D. 1215, reduced the necessary number of times to one,
and the Council of Trent has sanctioned this as the rule for the Romish
Church. Our reformers laudably reverted to the earlier order, directing
by the rubric in the Book of Common Prayer, that “every parishioner
shall communicate at least three times in one year, of which Easter to
be one.”
And by Canon 21. “In every parish church and chapel where sacraments are
to be administered, the holy communion shall be administered by the
parson, vicar, or minister, so often, and at such times, as every
parishioner may communicate at the least three times in the year,
whereof the feast of Easter to be one; according as they are appointed
by the Book of Common Prayer. And the churchwardens or questmen, and
their assistants, shall mark, (as well as the minister,) whether all and
every of the parishioners comes so often every year to the holy
communion as the laws and constitutions do require.” Canon 28. “And
shall yearly, within forty days after Easter, exhibit to the bishop or
his chancellor, the names and surnames of all the parishioners, as well
men as women, which being of the age of sixteen years received not the
communion at Easter before.”
By Canon 24. “All deans, wardens, masters, or heads of cathedral and
collegiate churches, prebendaries, canons, vicars, petty canons, singing
men, and all others of the foundation, shall receive the communion four
times yearly at the least.” And by Canon 23. “In all colleges and halls,
within both the universities, the masters and fellows, such especially
as have any pupils, shall be careful that all their said pupils, and the
rest that remain among them, do diligently frequent public service and
sermons, and receive the holy communion, which we ordain to be
administered in all such colleges and halls the first and second Sunday
of every month; requiring all the said masters, fellows, and scholars,
and all the rest of the students, officers, and all other the servants
there, so to be ordered, that every one of them shall communicate four
times in the year at the least, kneeling reverently and decently upon
their knees, according to the order of the communion book prescribed in
that behalf.”
By the 1 Edward VI. c. 1. “Whosoever shall deprave, despise, or contemn
the most blessed sacrament of the body and blood of our SAVIOUR JESUS
CHRIST, commonly called the sacrament of the altar, and in Scripture,
the supper and table of the LORD, the communion and partaking of the
body and blood of CHRIST, in contempt thereof, by any contemptuous words
or by any words of depraving, despising, or reviling; or whosoever shall
advisedly in any other wise contemn, despise, or revile the said most
blessed sacrament, contrary to the effects and declaration above-said,
shall suffer imprisonment of his body, and make fine and ransom at the
king’s will.”
Rubric. “Upon the Sundays, and other holy-days, (if there be no
communion,) shall be said all that is appointed at the communion, until
the end of the general prayer for the whole state of CHRIST’S Church
militant here in earth, together with one or more of the collects last
before rehearsed, concluding with the blessing.”
Since the death of CHRIST hath reconciled GOD to mankind, and his
intercession alone obtains all good things for us, we are enjoined to
make all our prayers in his name; and, as a more powerful way of
interceding, to commemorate his passion by celebrating the holy
eucharist, which in the purest ages was always joined to their public
and common prayers. (Acts ii. 42.) And as evidence that our Church
wishes it were so still, she appoints a great part of this office to be
used on all Sundays and holy-days, and orders the priest to say it at
the altar, the place where all the prayers of the Church of old were
wont to be made, because there was the proper place to commemorate JESUS
our only Mediator, by whom all our prayers become accepted. And hence
the ancients call this office “the service of the altar,” which in the
time of celebration was then also, as our rubric now enjoins, covered
with a fair linen cloth. As for the primitive and original form of
administration, since CHRIST did not institute any one method, it was
various in divers churches, only all agreed in using the LORD’S Prayer,
and reciting the words of institution, which therefore some think was
all the apostles used; but their successors in several churches added
several devout forms thereunto, which being joined to the original order
used by the founder of each church, was for greater honour called by the
name of that first author; and hence we have now the liturgy used at
Jerusalem, called “The Liturgy of St. James;” that of Alexandria, called
“The Liturgy of St. Mark;” that of Rome, called “The Liturgy of St.
Clement;” with others of lesser value: which, by the fancy of adding to
them in every age, have contracted many superstitions of later times,
and yet do still contain many genuine and substantial pieces of true
primitive devotion, easily distinguished from the modern and corrupt
additions. But since none of these apostolical liturgies were believed
of Divine institution, St. Basil and St. Chrysostom made new forms for
their own churches, now generally used in the East; and St. Ambrose and
St. Gregory the Great composed sacramentaries for their several
churches; and the Christians in Spain had a peculiar order for this
office, called the Mazarabic form; the Gallican Church had another
distinct from all these; so had the Irish Church, and St. Gregory was so
far from imposing the Roman missal on this Church of England, that he
advises Augustine the monk to review all liturgies, and take out of them
what was best, and so to compose a form for this nation. And when the
Roman missal (afterward imposed here) was shamefully corrupted, our
judicious reformers made use of this ancient and just liberty; and,
comparing all liturgies, they have out of them all extracted what is
most pure and primitive, and so composed this admirable office, which,
as Bishop Jewel affirms, “comes as nigh as can be to the apostolic and
ancient Catholic Church,” and indeed is the most exact now extant in the
Christian world, the explaining whereof will effectually serve to assist
the communicant in order to a worthy preparation before the receiving,
devout affections in receiving, and the confirming of his holy purposes
afterwards: for it doth instruct us in all that is necessary to be known
and to be done in this sacred and sublime duty, and is contrived in this
curious method. (See _Liturgy_.)
The whole communion office consists of four parts. First, a more general
preparation to the communion, and as either common to the whole
congregation in the exercise of, 1. Repentance, by the LORD’S Prayer,
the collect for Purity, and the ten commandments. 2. Holy desires, by
the collects for the King and the Day. 3. Of obedience, by the hearing
of the Epistle and Gospel. 4. Of faith, by repeating the Creed. 5. Of
charity, by the Offertory and the prayer for the holy Catholic Church:
or else this general preparation is proper to those who ought to
communicate, namely, the warning before the communion, and the
exhortation to it. Secondly, there is the more immediate preparation,
contained in, 1. The proper instructions, in the exhortation at the
communion, and the immediate invitation. 2. The form of acknowledging
our offences, in the confession. 3. The means of insuring our pardon, by
the absolution, and the sentences. 4. The exciting our love and
gratitude, in the preface, and the hymn called _Trisagium_. Thirdly,
there is the celebration of the mystery, consisting of, 1. The
communicant’s humble approach, in the address. 2. The minister’s
blessing the elements, in the prayer of consecration. 3. His
distributing them according to the form of administration. Lastly, there
is the post-communion, containing, 1. Prayers and vows, in the LORD’S
Prayer, the first and second prayers after the Communion. 2. Praises and
thanksgiving, in the _Gloria in excelsis_. 3. The dismission by the
final blessing.—_Dean Comber._
This service is called “The Communion Service” in the liturgy; and well
it were that the piety of the people were such as to make it always a
_communion_. The Church, as appears by her pathetical exhortation before
the communion, and the rubric after it, labours to bring men oftener to
communicate than she usually obtains. Private and solitary communions,
of the priest alone, she allows not; and therefore, when others cannot
be had, she appoints only so much of the service as relates not of
necessity to a present communion, and that to be said at the holy table:
and upon good reason; the Church thereby keeping, as it were, her
ground, visibly minding us of what she desires and labours towards, our
more frequent access to that holy table: and in the mean while, that
part of the service, which she uses, may perhaps more fitly be called
“the second service” than “the communion.” And so it is often called,
though not in the rubric of the liturgy, yet in divers fast-books, and
the like, set out by authority. If any should think, that it cannot
properly be called the _second_ service, because the morning service and
Litany go before it, which indeed are two distinct services,—whereby
this should seem to be the third, rather than the second service,—it is
answered, that sometimes the communion service is used upon such days as
the Litany is not; and then it may, without question, be called the
second service. Nay, even then, when the Litany and all is used, the
communion service may be very fitly called the second service; for
though, in strictness of speech, the Litany is a service distinct, yet
in our usual acceptation of the word _service_,—namely, for a complete
service with all the several parts of it, psalms, readings, creeds,
thanksgivings, and prayers,—so the Litany is not a service, nor so
esteemed, but called “the _Litany_,” or _supplications_; and looked upon
sometimes, when other offices follow, as a kind of preparative, though a
distinct form, to them, as to the Communion, Commination, &c. And
therefore it was a custom in some churches, that a bell was tolled while
the Litany was saying, to give notice to the people that the communion
service was now coming on.—_Bp. Sparrow._
Of the many compellations given to this sacrament in former ages, our
Church has very wisely thought fit to retain these two (namely, the
exhortation before and the rubric after the communion service) in her
public service, as those which are most ancient and scriptural. As for
the name of “the LORD’S supper,” which name the Papists cannot endure to
have this sacrament called by, because it destroys their notion of a
sacrifice, and their use of private mass, we find this given to it, as
its proper name in the apostles’ time, by St. Paul himself, “when ye
come together into one place, this is not to eat the LORD’S supper.” (1
Cor. xi. 20.) And this name is frequently given to it by ancient
writers. So for “the communion;” this is plainly another scriptural name
of the same holy sacrament. “The cup of blessing which we bless, is it
not the communion of the blood of CHRIST?” (1 Cor. x. 16.) Which name is
given to it, partly, because by this we testify our communion with
CHRIST our Head; partly, because it unites us together with all our
fellow-Christians; partly, because all good Christians have a right to
partake of it; hence, with St. Chrysostom and St. Basil, “to
communicate” is the common word to express the participation of this
sacrament.—_Dr. Nicholls._
The reason why it is enjoined that notice shall be given to the minister
when we intend to communicate is, that the minister of the parish may
have time to inform himself of the parties who design to receive: so
that, if there be any among them who are not duly qualified, he may
persuade them to abstain for some time; or, in case of their refusal,
repel them. Now, in several cases, persons may be unqualified to partake
of this sacrament, either by the prescript of GOD’S word, or by the
canons of the Church.
1. A want or a contempt of the rite of confirmation unqualifies persons
to receive; for the rubric of the Common Prayer, which is confirmed by
the Act of Uniformity, says, “No one shall be admitted to the holy
communion, until such time as he be confirmed, or be ready and desirous
to be confirmed.” This is agreeable to the provisions of the ancient
Church; and the only reasonable impediment to confirmation is the want
of a bishop near the place.
2. Persons excommunicate, or who are doing penance by church censure for
any notorious fault, are unqualified to receive; for such persons are
shut out from the communion, and therefore called _excommunicate_.
3. Persons under phrensy are unqualified to partake of the holy
communion. And all persons, under the foregoing want of qualification,
may lawfully be refused admission to the communion by the minister; for
the ecclesiastical law imposes great penalties upon the minister, who
shall give them the communion in such cases.
4. A person may be unqualified by notorious wickedness, or
flagitiousness of life. But of this more in the next note.—_Dr.
Nicholls._
In the primitive times, when discipline was strictly maintained, all
such persons, as soon as known, were put under censure; but if, before
censure, they offered themselves at the communion, they were repelled.
And indeed such severe discipline might not be amiss, whilst it was
grounded only upon piety and zeal for GOD’S honour, as it was in those
devout times. But, afterwards, some persons being debarred from the
communion out of private pique and resentment, an imperial injunction
prohibited all, both bishops and presbyters, from shutting out any one
from the communion, before just cause be shown that the holy canons do
give them power so to do. And the canon law did not allow a
discretionary power to the priest to thrust away every ill person from
the sacrament: “a vicious person, offering himself to receive the
communion, is not to be expelled, but is to be carried privately aside,
and to be exhorted not to receive the communion.” Indeed the later
canonists did interpret this only of occult crimes, and such as were not
generally known; allowing only persons “notoriously guilty” to be
expelled; and of this opinion were the compilers of our rubrics in
Edward the Sixth’s time, as appears from their wording this rubric, “If
any be an open and notorious evil liver,” &c. But, however, they limited
this discretionary power of the minister, obliging him, even in
“notorious” crimes, to “admonish” such persons first to abstain, and
only upon obstinacy to repel. But, nevertheless, this formerly gave
occasion to several exceptions and disputes; and therefore, in the last
revision of the Common Prayer, repulsion was not left to the absolute
power of the minister, but he was obliged to give notice thereof to the
diocesan, and to take his advice therein. And still it remains so
uncertain, what is “notoriety,” both in presumption, law, and fact, that
a minister is not out of danger of transgressing his rule, if, before
judicial conviction of a crime, he goes further than admonishing any
person to abstain.—_Dr. Nicholls._ Our law in England will not suffer
the minister to judge any man as a notorious offender, but him who is
convicted by some legal sentence.—_Bp. Andrewes._
Notoriety in fact is one thing, and notoriety in presumption is another.
And in either case it should be a notoriety in law too, to indemnify the
minister for proceeding upon the rubric, or to render him safe, in point
of law, for repelling any person from the communion.
Upon the whole of the matter, however, though this rubric may “require
some explanation,” as Bishop Cosin remarks, “for the avoiding of
disputes and doubts between the communicants and curates;” yet, if it be
taken in all its parts, namely, that no person, however “notoriously
wicked,” shall be withheld from the communion, till he be admonished to
withdraw himself; and that when he is repelled upon his obstinacy, it is
only till such time as the advice of the ordinary can be had therein, to
whom the curate is obliged to give early notice of such his act; it
seems in this view the best, and I think the only ecclesiastical, rule
we have to go by in such case; nor doth it appear liable to exceptions,
unless it be in that particular, of how far we are safe in acting
according to it.
But, as this is properly a point of law, it is not so fit for me to
undertake any determination of it; it must be left to the gentlemen of
that profession. Only thus much I would put in, that, if a clergyman’s
conduct in this matter shall appear to be upright, dispassionate, and
disinterested, (and I wish it may never appear otherwise,) so as to gain
the approbation of reasonable and indifferent persons,—which I think it
would gain in all notorious and flagrant cases, which are those
mentioned in the rubric,—it is to be hoped and presumed, that the
interpreters of the law would, in their turn too, show him all the
favour and regard they could.—_Archdeacon Sharp._
COMMUNION OF THE SICK. In this office we have an example of the
benevolent care exhibited by the Church towards her suffering members.
As all mortal men be subject to many sudden perils, diseases, and
sicknesses, and ever uncertain what time they shall depart out of this
life, the Church has not only provided for their baptism, and for the
visitations of the pastor, but has authorized and directed the
administration to them of “the most comfortable sacrament of the body
and blood of CHRIST.”
Although the Church maintains that the eucharist, as a general rule, is
to be publicly administered in the consecrated house of GOD, and has
signified her disapproval of _solitary_ communion in all cases; yet,
when by sickness her members are incapable of presenting themselves at
the altar, there is a wise and tender relaxation of her usages,
corresponding with the peculiar necessity of the case. This too “is
exactly conformable to the most early practice of the primitive Church;
for there is nothing more frequently mentioned by the ancient writers,
than the care of the Church to distribute the eucharist to all dying
persons that were capable of receiving it.”
“There are many instances,” says Palmer, “in antiquity, of the
celebration of the eucharist in private for the sick. Thus Paulinus,
bishop of Nola, caused the eucharist to be celebrated in his own
chamber, not many hours before his death. Gregory Nazianzen informs us,
that his father communicated in his own chamber, and that his sister had
an altar at home; and Ambrose is said to have administered the sacrament
in a private house at Rome. The Church is therefore justified in
directing the eucharist to be consecrated in private houses, for the
benefit of the sick; and she has taken care, in the rubric immediately
preceding the office, that the sacrament shall be decorously and
reverently administered.”
In the distribution of the elements, the rubric orders that the sick
person shall receive last. This is done, “because those who communicate
with him, through fear of some contagion, or the noisomeness of his
disease, may be afraid to drink out of the same cup after him.”
By a constitution of Archbishop Peckham, the sacrament of the eucharist
shall be carried with due reverence to the sick, the priest having on at
least a surplice or stole, with a light carried before him in a lantern,
with a bell, that the people may be excited to due reverence; who by the
minister’s direction shall be taught to prostrate themselves, or at
least to make humble adoration, wheresoever the KING OF GLORY shall
happen to be carried under the cover of bread.
But by the rubric of the 2 Edward VI. it was ordered, that there shall
be no elevation of the host, or showing the sacrament to the people.
By the present rubric, before the office for the Communion of the Sick,
it is ordered as follows: “Forasmuch as all mortal men be subject to
many sudden perils, diseases, and sicknesses, and ever uncertain what
time they shall depart out of this life; therefore, to the intent they
may be always in a readiness to die whensoever it shall please Almighty
GOD to call them, curates shall diligently from time to time (but
especially in the time of pestilence or other infectious sickness)
exhort their parishioners to the often receiving of the holy communion
of the body and blood of our SAVIOUR CHRIST, when it shall be publicly
administered in the church; that, so doing, they may, in case of sudden
visitation, have the less cause to be disquieted for lack of the same.
But if the sick person be not able to come to the church, and yet is
desirous to receive the communion in his house, then he must give timely
notice to the curate, signifying also how many there are to communicate
with him, (which shall be three, or two at the least,) and having a
convenient place in the sick man’s house, with all things necessary so
prepared, that the curate may reverently minister, he shall there
celebrate the holy communion.
“But if a man, either by reason of extremity of sickness, or for want of
warning in due time to the curate, or for lack of company to receive
with him, or by any other just impediment, do not receive the sacrament
of CHRIST’S body and blood, the curate shall instruct him, that if he do
truly repent him of his sins, and stedfastly believe that JESUS CHRIST
hath suffered death upon the cross for him, and shed his blood for his
redemption; earnestly remembering the benefits he hath thereby, and
giving him hearty thanks therefore; he doth eat and drink the body and
blood of our SAVIOUR CHRIST profitably to his soul’s health, although he
do not receive the sacrament with his mouth.
“In the time of plague, sweat, or other such like contagious times of
sickness or diseases, when none of the parish can be gotten to
communicate with the sick in their houses, for fear of infection, upon
special request of the deceased, the minister may only communicate with
him.”
It has been the constant usage of the Church, in all probability derived
from the apostolical times, for persons dangerously sick to receive the
holy sacrament of the LORD’S supper for their spiritual comfort and
assistance. Hence this private communion obtained the name of _viaticum_
among the Latins, and a correspondent name among the Greeks; that is,
_provision_, as it were, laid in to sustain them in their journey to the
other world. Our Church follows this example of the primitive ages. And
rather than the sick man should want so necessary a comfort, we are
allowed to dispense it in a private house, and to a small company, which
in other cases we avoid. Indeed there are divers weighty reasons why the
dying Christian should receive this sacrament, and why ministers should
persuade them to it, and labour to fit them for the worthy receiving of
it. For, 1. This is the highest mystery of religion, and fittest for
those who are by sickness put into a heavenly frame and are nearest to
perfection. 2. This is GOD’S seal of remission to all that receive it
with penitence and faith. 3. This arms them against the fear of death,
by setting JESUS before them, who died for them, and hath pulled out the
sting of death. 4. This assures them of their resurrection, by keeping
them members of CHRIST’S body. (John vi. 54.) 5. It declares they die in
the peace and communion of the true Church, out of which there is no
salvation. And if the sick man have done all the duties in the foregoing
office, he is prepared to die, and therefore fit for this communion; and
if he do receive it with devotion, the comfortable assurances of GOD’S
love which he gets here will never leave him till he see GOD face to
face. We shall only add, that, lest the fears of the Divine displeasure
which sick men are very apt to entertain, should trouble their minds,
and hinder their joy and comfort in this holy ordinance, the Church hath
chosen a peculiar Epistle and Gospel on purpose to comfort them and
deliver them from these fears, and also made a proper collect to beg
patience for them under this their affliction. All which are so plain
they need no explication, but only require the sick man’s devout
attention, and then it is hoped they will not fail of their desired
effect.—_Dr. Nicholls. Dean Comber._
COMMUNION OF SAINTS. (See _Saints_.) This is an article of the Creed in
which we profess to believe, as a necessary and infallible truth, that
such persons as are truly sanctified in the Church of CHRIST, while they
live among the crooked generations of men, and struggle with the
miseries of this world, have fellowship with GOD the FATHER, (1 John i.
3; 2 Peter i. 4,) with GOD the SON, (1 John i. 3; 2 John 9; John xvii.
20, 21, 23,) with GOD the HOLY GHOST, (Phil. ii. 1; 2 Cor. xiii. 14,) as
dwelling with them, and taking up THEIR habitations in them; that they
partake of the care and kindness of the blessed angels, who take delight
in the ministration for their benefit, being “ministering spirits sent
forth to minister for them who shall be heirs of salvation” (Heb. i. 14;
Luke xv. 10; Matt, xviii. 10); that besides the external fellowship
which they have in the word and sacraments, with all the members of the
Church, they have an intimate union and conjunction with all the saints
on earth, as the living members of CHRIST. (1 John i. 7; Col. ii. 19.)
Nor is this union separated by the death of any; but as CHRIST, in whom
they live, is the Lamb slain from the foundation of the world, so have
they fellowship with all the saints, who, from the death of Abel, have
departed in the true faith and fear of GOD, and now enjoy the presence
of the FATHER, and follow the Lamb whithersoever he goeth. (Heb. xii.
22, 23.) “Indeed,” says Bishop Pearson, from whom this article is taken,
“the communion of saints in the Church of CHRIST with those who are
departed is demonstrated by their communion with the saints alive. For
if I have communion with a saint of GOD as such, while he liveth here, I
must still have communion with him when he is departed hence; because
the foundation of that communion cannot be removed by death. The
mystical union between CHRIST and his Church, the spiritual conjunction
of the members with the head, is the true foundation of that communion
which one member hath with another, all the members living and
increasing by the same influence which they receive from him. But death,
which is nothing else but the separation of the soul from the body,
maketh no separation in the mystical union, no breach of the spiritual
conjunction; and, consequently, there must continue the same communion,
because there remaineth the same foundation. Indeed the saint before his
death had some communion with the hypocrite, as hearing the word,
professing the faith, receiving the sacraments together; which being in
things only external, as they were common to them both, and all such
external actions ceasing in the person dead, the hypocrite remaining
loseth all communion with the saint departing, and the saints surviving
cease to have farther fellowship with the hypocrite dying. But seeing
that the true and unfeigned holiness of man, wrought by the powerful
influence of the Spirit of GOD, not only remaineth, but also is improved
after death; seeing that the correspondence of the internal holiness was
the true communion with other persons during life, they cannot be said
to be divided by death, which hath no power over that sanctity by which
they were first conjoined. But although this communion of the saints in
paradise and on earth, upon the mystical union of CHRIST their head, be
fundamental and internal, yet what acts or external operations it
produces is not so certain. That we communicate with them in hope of
that happiness which they actually enjoy is evident; that we have the
Spirit of GOD given us as an earnest, and so a part of their felicity,
is certain. But what they do in heaven in relation to us on earth
particularly considered, or what we ought to perform in reference to
them in heaven, besides a reverential respect and study of imitation, is
not revealed unto us in the Scriptures, nor can be concluded by
necessary deduction from any principles of Christianity. They who first
found this part of the article in the creed, and delivered their
exposition to us, have made no greater enlargement of this communion, as
to the saints of heaven, than the society of hope, esteem, and imitation
on our side, of desires and supplications on their side; and what is now
taught by the Church of Rome is as an unwarrantable, so a novitious,
interpretation.”
COMMUNION IN ONE KIND. The principal advocates of Popery at the
beginning of the Reformation were not willing to own, that the universal
practice of the primitive Church was against the modern sacrilege of
denying the cup to the people; and, therefore, though they confessed
there were some instances in antiquity, of communion under both kinds,
yet they maintained the custom was not universal. So Eckius and Harding,
and many others. But they who have since considered the practice of the
ancient Church more narrowly, are ashamed of this pretence, and freely
confess, that for twelve centuries there is no instance of the people’s
being obliged to communicate only in one kind, in the public
administration of the sacrament; but in private they think some few
instances may be given. This is Cardinal Bona’s distinction. “It is very
certain,” says he, “that anciently all in general, both clergy and
laity, men and women, received the holy mysteries in both kinds, when
they were present at the solemn celebration of them, and they both
offered and were partakers. But out of the time of sacrifice, and act of
the Church, it was customary always and in all places to communicate
only in one kind. In the first part of the assertion all agree, as well
Catholics as sectaries; nor can any one deny it, that has the least
knowledge of ecclesiastical affairs. For the faithful always and in all
places, from the very first foundation of the Church to the twelfth
century, were used to communicate under the species of bread and wine;
and in the beginning of that age the use of the cup began by little and
little to be laid aside, whilst many bishops interdicted the people the
use of the cup, for fear of irreverence and effusion.” (Book ii. c. 18,
n. 1.) And what they did first for their own Churches, was afterward
confirmed by a canonical sanction of the Council of Constance [A. D.
1414].... At this day the Greeks, and Maronites, and Abyssins, and all
the Orientals, never communicate but in both kinds, as Bona himself
confesses (Book ii. c. 18, n. 2).—_Bingham._ The following is the decree
of the popish Council of Constance [A. D. 1418] on this subject.
“Whereas, in some parts of the world, certain persons rashly presume to
assert, that the Christian people ought to receive the holy sacrament of
the eucharist under both kinds of bread and wine; and do everywhere
communicate the laity, not only in the bread, but also in the wine; and
pertinaciously assert also, that they ought to communicate after supper,
or else not fasting, doing this contrary to the laudable custom of the
Church, which is agreeable to reason, which they damnably endeavour to
reprobate as sacrilegious, this present holy general Council of
Constance, lawfully assembled in the HOLY GHOST, earnestly desiring to
protect the safety of the faithful against this error, after much and
mature deliberation had of many who are learned both in Divine and human
law, declares, decrees, and determines, that, although CHRIST instituted
this venerable sacrament after supper, and administered it to his
disciples under both kinds of bread and wine, yet, notwithstanding this,
the laudable authority of the sacred canons, and the approved custom of
the Church has observed, that this sacrament ought not to be performed
after supper, nor be received by the faithful unless fasting, except in
the case of sickness, or any other necessity, either duly conceded or
admitted by the Church; and, in like manner, that although in the
primitive Church this sacrament was received of the faithful under both
kinds, yet for the avoiding any dangers and scandals, the custom has
reasonably been introduced, that it be received by the officiating
persons under both kinds, but by the laity only under the kind of bread;
since it is to be believed most firmly, and in nowise to be doubted,
that the whole body and blood of CHRIST is truly contained as well under
the species of bread as under that of wine.”
On which we may fairly remark, “full well ye reject the commandment of
GOD, that ye may keep your own tradition.” For CHRIST, when he
celebrated the Eucharist, gave the cup to all who were present; and when
he appointed his apostles his ministers to celebrate it, he bade them do
the same, “Do this in remembrance of me.” But ye say, whosoever shall
dare to do as CHRIST has bidden him, shall be effectually punished. Can
human impiety exceed this?—_Perceval._
COMMUNION TABLE. A name for the altar in the Christian Church. It is
both altar and table. An altar with respect to the oblation; a table
with respect to the feast. (See _Altar_.)
COMMUTATION OF PENANCE. Penance is an ecclesiastical punishment, used in
the discipline of the Church, which affects the body of the penitent; by
which he is obliged to give public satisfaction to the Church for the
scandal he has occasioned by his evil example. Commutation of Penance is
the permission granted by the ecclesiastical judge to pay a certain sum
of money for pious uses, in lieu of public penance. (See _Penitents_.)
COMPETENTES. An order of catechumens in the primitive Church, being the
immediate candidates for baptism.
COMPLINE, or COMPLETORIUM, was, before the Reformation, the last service
of the day. This hour of prayer was first appointed by the celebrated
abbot Benedict, in the sixth century.
The Church of England, at the revision of our offices in the reign of
Edward the Sixth, only prescribed public worship in the morning and the
evening; and in making this regulation she was perfectly justified: for
though it is the duty of Christians to pray continually, yet the precise
times and seasons of prayer, termed canonical hours, do not rest on any
Divine command; nor have they ever been pronounced binding on all
Churches by any general council: neither has there been any uniformity
in the practice of the Christian Church in this respect. Besides this,
the Churches of the Alexandrian patriarchate, which were founded by the
holy evangelist Mark, only appointed two public assemblies in the day;
and no more were customary, even in the monasteries of Egypt, the rest
of the day being left for private and voluntary prayer and meditation.
Thus also the Church of England left her clergy and people to follow in
private the injunction of the apostle, to “pray without ceasing;” for,
as John Cassian observes, a voluntary gift of praise and prayer is even
more acceptable to GOD than those duties which are compelled by the
canons; and, certainly, the Church of England did not intend that her
children should offer the sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving only in
the morning and evening when she appointed those seasons for public
worship. Indeed, we find that a book of private devotion, containing
offices for several hours of prayer, and entitled the “Horarium,” was
published by royal authority, A. D. 1560, from which Dr. Cosin, bishop
of Durham, chiefly derived his “Collection of Private Devotion,” &c. The
office of Evensay, or Evening Prayer, is a judicious abridgment of the
office of Evensay and _Compline_, as formerly used by the English
Church.—_Palmer._
CONCEPTION (IMMACULATE) OF THE HOLY VIRGIN. The immaculate conception is
a festival of the Roman Church, observed on December 8, in honour of the
alleged conception of the Virgin Mary without sin. The doctrine itself
was invented about the middle of the twelfth century. The devotion
offered to the Blessed Virgin having grown to an extravagant height, it
was asserted by some obscure theologians, not only that she was
sanctified from her birth, but also that she was conceived without sin.
The opinion was at first generally condemned, and it would have had its
place among other forgotten heresies, if Duns Scotus, the great opponent
of the Dominicans, had not undertaken its defence.
The testimony of Scripture to the universal corruption of human nature
is as plain as possible, and no trace of any exception is to be found.
The witness of the primitive Church is equally clear, and not a single
writer, for more than a thousand years, can be cited as having given the
least countenance to the modern view.
But although the Roman Church has afforded the highest sanction and
encouragement to a doctrine which is condemned alike by Scripture and
the Fathers, the inconsistencies and contradictions of its authorized
teaching on the subject are endless. The Council of Basle, for instance,
in its thirty-sixth session, declared the belief in the immaculate
conception to be conformable to the Catholic faith; but on the other
side it is urged, that the council was in schism when it passed the
decree, on account of the deposition which it had pronounced against
Eugenius. The Council of Trent, in its decree on the subject of original
sin, expressly stated that it had no intention of including the Blessed
Virgin in the terms which it employed; but in conclusion it only
enjoined the observance of the decree of Sixtus IV., which left the
question open. The parties of Dominicans and Franciscans were so equally
balanced that the Council did not venture to pronounce in favour of the
one at the expense of the other. Their disputes were only kept from
proceeding to extremity by the intervention of the legate. Pius V. in
the same way, forbade the censure of those who denied, as well as of
those who affirmed, the doctrine. Gregory XV. prohibited the imputation
of original sin to the Blessed Virgin, even in private disputations; but
he made an exception in favour of the Dominicans, that is to say, while
giving his highest sanction to the dogma, he granted an immunity to
those who had from the first resisted it. Alexander VII. decreed that
the immaculate conception is a pious doctrine and worthy of honour, but
he forbade the censure of those who should reject it. The university of
Paris, at one period, compelled all candidates for the highest degree in
theology to bind themselves to defend it; while at the same time the
chief authority in the Church permitted its denial. Austria received
from Benedict XIII. the grant of an office for the immaculate
conception, but the phrase itself is carefully excluded from the
prayers. The evidence, such as it is, on both sides is equally
conflicting. The Franciscans, for instance, produced a revelation of St.
Bridget in favour of the doctrine, while the Dominicans appealed to a
similar revelation made to St. Catherine of Sienna, in which the
contrary is affirmed. A question was raised in consequence, whether one
of the so called saints is not to be believed rather than the other,
though both have their place as objects of worship in the Roman
calendar.
To sober-minded Christians it seems as idle a question as ever occupied
the time, or roused the bad passions, of theological disputants, since,
according to Thomas Aquinas and others, it regards only an inconceivably
minute instant of time; yet it sufficed at one period to throw the whole
kingdom of Spain into confusion, and it has furnished for centuries the
watchword of parties in the Roman Church, who have maintained the
fiercest opposition to each other; and the controversy is still
undecided. Although it is said that the doctrine is full of blessing,
that the whole of Christendom is devoutly waiting for its authoritative
declaration, and that this would be the great glory and joy of an age
which is to witness the restoration of catholicity, the See of Rome is
restrained by great and insurmountable difficulties. If the immaculate
conception were decreed to be a necessary article of faith, no one could
deny that an addition had been made to the ancient creeds, and in a case
to which even the loose principle of development could hardly be made
applicable: while at the same time there would be an implied
condemnation not only of the primitive fathers, but of the greatest
theologians whom the Church of Rome has ever produced.
CONCEPTION OF OUR LADY. A religious order in the Romish Church, founded
by Beatrix de Sylva, sister of James, first count of Portolegro, in the
kingdom of Portugal. This lady, being carried to the court of Castile by
Elizabeth, daughter of Edward, king of Portugal, whom the king of
Castile had married, and the king falling in love with her on account of
her beauty, the jealous queen locked her up in a chamber, where she left
her without meat or drink for three days. In this condition she implored
the assistance of the Virgin Mary, who, according to the legendary
statement, appeared to her and comforted her, promising her a speedy
release, which soon happened. But Beatrix, fearing the further
resentment of the queen, privately withdrew from court, and fled to
Toledo; where arriving, she retired to a monastery of Dominican nuns, in
which she continued forty years in the practice of all sorts of
austerities. Here she again imagined, or pretended, that the Virgin Mary
reappeared to her, and inspired her with the desire of founding an order
in honour of her own immaculate conception. To this end she obtained of
the queen a grant of the palace of Galliana, where was a chapel
dedicated to the honour of St. Faith. Beatrix, accompanied by twelve
young maids of the Dominican monastery, took possession of it in the
year 1484. These religious were habited in a white gown and scapulary,
and a blue mantle, and wore on their scapulary the image of the Blessed
Virgin. Pope Innocent VIII. confirmed the order in 1489, and granted
them permission to follow the rule of the Cistercians. The pious
foundress died in the year 1490, at sixty-six years of age.
After the death of Beatrix, Cardinal Ximenes put the nuns of the
Conception under the direction of the Franciscans, as being the most
zealous defenders of the immaculate conception; at the same time, he
gave them the rule of St. Clara to follow. The second convent of the
order was founded in the year 1507, at Torrigo, in the diocese of
Toledo, which produced seven others, the first of which was at Madrid.
This order passed into Italy, and got footing in Rome and Milan. In the
reign of Louis XIV., king of France, the Clarisses of the suburb of St.
Germain, at Paris, embraced the order of the _Conception_. These
religious, besides the grand office of the Franciscans, recite on
Sundays and holy-days a lesser office, called the office of the
Conception of the Holy Virgin.—_Broughton._
CONCEPTION, MIRACULOUS. The production of the human nature of the SON of
GOD out of the ordinary course of generation, by the power of the HOLY
GHOST. (Matt. i. 18, 25.)
It were not difficult to show that the miraculous conception, once
admitted, naturally brings after it the great doctrines of the
incarnation and the atonement. The miraculous conception of our LORD
evidently implies some higher purpose of his coming than the mere
business of a teacher. The business of a teacher might have been
performed by a mere man, enlightened by the prophetic spirit. For
whatever instruction men have the capacity to receive, a man might have
been made the instrument to convey. Had teaching, therefore, been the
sole purpose of our SAVIOUR’S coming, a mere man might have done the
whole business, and the supernatural conception had been an unnecessary
miracle. He, therefore, who came in this miraculous way, came upon some
higher business, to which a mere man was unequal. He came to be made a
sin-offering for us, that we might be made the righteousness of GOD in
him.—_Bp. Horsley._
CONCLAVE. The place where the cardinals meet for the choosing of a new
pope: the assembly itself is also called by this name, and it depends
upon the members themselves to choose the place, although for some time
the Vatican has been constantly used. Here they erect, in a large
apartment, as many cells of deal wood as there are cardinals, with
lodges and places for the conclavists, who shut themselves in to wait
and serve the cardinals. These little chambers have their numbers, and
are drawn by lot, so that it often happens that cardinals of different
factions lodge near one another. These are made up during the nine days’
ceremony for the pope’s funeral; during which time anybody may go in and
see the cells, which are hung on the outside with green serge or camlet,
only those that belong to the favourites of the deceased, or are such as
had been promoted by him, are covered with deep violet-coloured cloth,
and over each are the arms of the cardinal who lives in it. Between the
cells and the windows of the palace there is a long gallery for the
convenience of the conclave, and it is from this that the cells receive
their light. The day after the pope’s burial, that is, the tenth after
his decease, the cardinals, having heard mass, invoke the HOLY GHOST (as
they term it) and go in procession two by two into the conclave, where
they all meet in the chapel every morning and evening for a scrutiny,
which is done by writing their suffrages in little billets, and putting
them into a chalice that stands upon the altar: when all are put in, two
cardinals are chosen by the rest to read those openly who are named, and
to keep an account of the number of each, and this is done till
two-thirds join for the same person; but a pope is seldom chosen after
this manner. When it appears that after the scrutiny they do not agree,
they come to what they call an accez or access, that is, a trial whether
he who has most voices in the scrutiny could reach to two-thirds; but it
is observable that they cannot give their suffrages in the accez to
those whom they have appeared for in the scrutiny. If this does not
succeed, they have recourse to the way of inspiration, (as they term
it,) which is an open declaration, or rather combination of many
cardinals to cry together _such a cardinal is pope_. For example,
_Altieri Papa_ is begun by one or two chiefs of a party, when they find
suffrages enough to assure them that this method will not fail, and then
the rest of the cardinals are forced to join, that they may not incur
the pope’s displeasure, who would be chosen in spite of them. The
scrutiny is managed in the following manner: each cardinal prepares his
billet, wherein he writes his own name and that of the person for whom
he votes, and another word of device; the cardinal’s name is written
under the fold of the paper, and sealed with a seal for that purpose.
The name of the chosen is written by the conclavist under another fold
without the seal, and the word by which the cardinal knows that it is
his name which is read, is written on the outside, as _Deo volente_, or
the like; the fold which covers the cardinal’s name is never opened
until the pope be chosen, who, to know those who voted for him, unfolds
all. The motto serves in the accez, that it may appear that each
cardinal has given another besides that in the scrutiny, seeing two
billets with different persons under the same name; and at the end of
the scrutiny and accez, if the suffrage be not sufficient to complete
the election, they burn all the billetings that the electors’ names may
be kept secret. Each cardinal during the conclave is allowed but two
servants, or three at most, and this only to princes, or for some
particular privilege. Several seek for this employment because the
new-elected pope gives each conclavist three or four hundred livres, and
they have the pleasure of seeing all that passes: yet the place is
troublesome enough, because they must take in their meat and drink from
a certain place common to all that live in the same part, must wait at
table, and be as strictly confined as their masters.—_Augusti._
CONCORDANCE, a dictionary or index to the Bible, wherein all the leading
words are ranged alphabetically, and the books, chapters, and verses
wherein they occur, referred to, to assist in finding out passages, and
comparing the several significations of the same word. The earliest
attempt at a Concordance is the collection of parallel passages in the
margin of the 5th volume of the Complatensian Polyglot. The first
English Polyglot was published by John Merbeck, or Marbeck, a celebrated
English musician, in 1550.
Of English Concordances, Cruden’s is well known and valued by every
biblical student.
Crutwell’s “Concordance of Parallels” is useful, but the number of
parallel passages referred to, and sometimes the slightness of their
connexion, renders the work less useful on ordinary occasions than the
marginal references in our Bibles.
Gastrell’s “Christian Institutes,” Locke and Dodd’s “Common-place Book
of Scripture,” Strutt’s work with the same title, and Matthew Talbot’s
“Analysis of the Holy Bible,” all assume the character of a concordance.
The best Hebrew concordance is Calasios. For the Septuagint, Trommius,
for the Greek Testament, Schmidt, (a very beautiful 12mo edition of
which was edited by Mr. Greenfield in 1830,) and for the Vulgate,
Cardinal Hugo’s Concordance may be consulted.
CONCORDAT. An instrument executed in 1801, between Bonaparte and Pope
Pius VII., to which the present Gallican Church owes its origin, in a
much stronger sense than any in which the Romanist can refer the origin
of the Church of England to the Reformation. For an account of this
concordat the reader is referred to the article on the _Church of
France_. (See _Church_.)
CONCORDAT. There is also a much earlier agreement between the crown of
France and the pope, generally known by the same name, viz. the
agreement of Francis I. with Pope Leo X. in 1516, to abolish the
Pragmatic Sanction; and here we must observe, that Clothaire II. issued
an edict in 615, approved by all the bishops of his kingdom, assembled
at the fifth Council of Paris, by which he ordered that no bishop,
though chosen by the clergy and people, should be consecrated if the
king did not approve of him: and he that should be nominated by the king
should be accepted, if the metropolitan found no just cause to reject
him. Now King Charles VII., in the Council of Bourges, in 1439,
established the Pragmatic Sanction, whereby part of the clergy, without
consulting with the people or the archbishops, or other bishops of
provinces, chose their bishops, leaving the king the privilege of
consenting to and confirming the election if he liked it. This the court
of Rome resented; the court first desired, and afterwards in the Lateran
Council cited, this king and the clergy of France to appear and give
their reasons, why they did not abolish that ordinance; whereupon King
Francis I. made this agreement, called a Concordat, with Pope Leo X.,
whereby the king had the power to nominate such as he thought fit for
bishops, &c.; and the pope, if he found no fault, either in respect of
the capacity or life of the person in nomination, was to issue the papal
bull for the consecration. The parliament, clergy, and the university of
Paris were much against registering this agreement; and, though they
consented to it at last, yet they solemnly protested, that they did it
only in obedience to the king’s repeated commands. This concordat
differed from that of Clothaire, that the pope, by this, had no power to
examine the ability of the person elected; so that, in his time, they
consecrated their bishops, without troubling themselves to send to Rome
for bulls. (See _Pragmatic Sanction_.)
CONCORDAT, GERMANIC, or the Concordat of Germany. A treaty relating to
ecclesiastical affairs, made in 1488, between Pope Nicholas V. and the
emperor Frederick III., confirmed by Clement VIII. and Gregory XIII. It
comprehended four parts; in the first of which the pope reserved to
himself the conferring of all vacant benefices at Rome, and 100 days’
journey from it, of whatever degree, either secular or regular, which
before went by election, without exception of cardinals or other
officers of the holy see. The second concerns the elections that are to
be confirmed by the pope, as metropolises, cathedrals, and monasteries,
depending immediately on the pope, and having the privilege of canonical
election. The third concerns livings that are successively given by the
popes and their proper patrons; that the pope has the privilege to
confer both secular and regular livings, for the months of January,
March, May, July, September, November; and the bishop or archbishop
within the district of their dioceses during the other months. The
fourth and last part speaks of the annates or first-fruits, after the
death or removal of the incumbent.
CONDIGNITY and CONGRUITY. Terms used by the schoolmen to express their
peculiar opinions relative to human merit and deserving. The Scotists
maintain that it is possible for man in his natural state so to live as
to _deserve_ the grace of GOD, by which he may be enabled to obtain
salvation; this natural _fitness_ (_congruitas_) for grace, being such
as to oblige the Deity to grant it. Such is the _merit of congruity_.
The Thomists, on the other hand, contend that man, by the Divine
assistance, is capable of so living as to merit eternal life, to be
_worthy_ (_condignus_) of it in the sight of GOD. In this hypothesis,
the question of previous preparation for the grace which enables him to
be _worthy_, is not introduced. This is the _merit of condignity_.
Article XIII. “Works done before the grace of CHRIST, and the
inspiration of his Spirit, are not pleasant to GOD, forasmuch as they
spring not of faith in JESUS CHRIST, neither do they make men meet to
receive grace, or (as the school-authors say) deserve grace of
congruity: yea, rather, for that they are not done as GOD hath willed
and commanded them to be done, we doubt not but they have the nature of
sin.”
CONDUCT. A name given to chaplains of colleges in the university of
Cambridge and at Eton; meaning a “Capellanus conductitius.” (See
_Chaplain_.)
CONFALON, or GONFALON, Society of the. So called from the Gonfalon, or
banner, bearing the figure of the Virgin Mary, which was their
ensign.—_Raynaldus._ A confraternity of seculars in the Church of Rome,
called penitents, established first of all by some Roman citizens in
1267: and confirmed by Pope Gregory XIII. in 1576. Henry III. began one
at Paris in 1583, and himself assisted in the habit of a penitent, at a
procession wherein the cardinal of Guise carried the cross, and his
brother the duke of Mayenne was master of the ceremonies.
CONFESSION. (See _Auricular Confession_.) The verbal acknowledgment of
sin. The following are the rules laid down by the Church of England on
this subject. _The Warning for the Celebration of the Holy Communion_:
“Because it is requisite that no man should come to the holy communion
but with a full faith in GOD’S mercy, and with a quiet conscience;
therefore, if there be any of you who by this means cannot quiet his
conscience therein, but requireth further comfort or counsel, let him
come to me, or to some other discreet and learned minister of GOD’S
word, and open his grief, that by the ministration of GOD’S holy word he
may receive the benefit of absolution, together with ghostly counsel and
advice to the quieting of his conscience, and avoiding of all scruple
and doubtfulness.” _Rubric, in the Office for the Visitation of the
Sick_: “Here shall the sick person be moved to make a special confession
of his sins, if he feel his conscience troubled with any weighty matter.
After which confession, the priest shall absolve him (if he humbly and
heartily desire it) after this sort.” By the 113th canon, empowering
ministers to prevent offences at the court of visitation, it is provided
that “if any man confess his secret and hidden sins to the minister, for
the unburdening of his conscience, and to receive spiritual consolation
and ease of mind from him, he shall not in anywise be bound by this
constitution, but is strictly charged and admonished that he do not at
any time reveal and make known to any person whatsoever, any crime or
offence so committed to his trust and secrecy, (except they be such
crimes as, by the laws of this realm, his own life may be called in
question for concealing the same,) under pain of irregularity.”
In the primitive Church, no other confession of sins was required in
order to receive baptism than the general renunciation of the devil and
all his works.
Nor did the Church lay any obligation on the consciences of men, to make
either public or private confession of their sins to any but GOD, in
order to qualify them for the _communion_. The confessions of the
primitive Christians were all voluntary, and not imposed upon them by
any laws of the Church. Notwithstanding which it must be owned, that
private confession, though not absolutely required, yet was allowed and
encouraged by the ancients, in some cases, and upon special occasions.
For, first, they advised men, in case of lesser sins, to make confession
mutually to each other, that they might have each other’s prayers and
assistance, according to the advice of St. James, “Confess your faults
one to another, and pray for one another, that ye may be healed.” Which,
though it be produced by the Romanists in favour of _auricular
confession to a priest_, yet the ancients understood it only as a
direction to Christians to confess mutually to each other. 2. In case of
injuries done to any private person, it was expected that the offender
should make a private confession of his fault to the person injured. 3.
When men were under any perplexities of mind, or troubles of conscience,
this was another case in which they were directed to have recourse to
some pastor, and to take his counsel and advice. 4. Origen gives another
reason for confessing private sins to the priest, which is, that he was
the fittest judge when it was proper to do public penance for private
offences. (See _Penitentiary_.)—_Bingham_, b. xv. ch. 8, § 6.
The Romish Church not only requires confession as a duty, but has
advanced it to the dignity of a sacrament; and this greatly adds to the
power of the clergy of that Church over the laity. “Confession submits a
fearful penitent, whose conscience is oppressed with scruples, loaded
with remorse, and weakened by the remembrance of its sins, to the
absolute will of a cunning priest, who beholds sceptres at his feet,
humbles crowns, and makes those tremble who strike terror into whole
nations.” Confession, in the Church of Rome, must be made in the
day-time, and, if possible, when there are people in the church. As soon
as the penitent comes up to the confessional, or the seat of the priest
who confesses, he makes the sign of the cross, and asks the confessor’s
blessing. Then the penitent kneels, with his hands clasped and uplifted.
The confessional is open before, and has two lattice windows in it, one
on each side. The confessor sits with his cap on his head, and his ear
stooped towards the penitent, in which posture he receives his
confession in a whisper; whence it is called _auricular confession_.
This ended, the priest uncovers himself, and stretching out his right
hand towards the penitent, pronounces the absolution. (See
_Penance_.)—_Casal de Veter. Christ. Ritib. Alet’s Ritual._
That confession is a custom observed in the Greek Church is past all
dispute. Ricaut calls this practice “One of the fundamental pillars of
the Eastern Churches; the axis upon which their whole ecclesiastical
polity turns, and that without which the clergy would no longer have any
authority or influence over the consciences of the people, and would
very seldom be able to reprove them in a country where they could fly to
the arms of infidels for shelter and protection against the censures and
reprehensions of their own pastors.” There are four stated times in the
year for confession. The penitent withdraws with the priest to some
remote corner of the church, where he sits down, with his head
uncovered, and the confessor assures him, _the angel of the Lord is
there present to take his confession_, exhorting him at the same time to
conceal none of his sins. After confession, the penitent receives
absolution, and gives the priest a small gratuity of money for his
trouble. If we may credit a judicious and learned traveller, the
practice of confession is enormously abused by the Greeks. If a penitent
acknowledges he has robbed another, the priest asks him whether the
person injured be a native of his own country, or a _Frank_: if the
penitent answers, the latter, “Then there is no harm done,” says the
priest, “provided we share the booty between us.” These are natural
consequences of the ignorance and poverty of the Greeks in
general.—_Tournefort’s Voyages._
“It standeth with us in the Church of England,” saith Hooker, “as
touching public confession, thus: First, seeing day by day we in our
Church begin our public prayers to Almighty GOD with public
acknowledgment of our sins, in which confession every man, prostrate
before his glorious majesty, crieth against himself, and the minister
with one sentence pronounceth universally all clear whose acknowledgment
hath proceeded from a true penitent mind, what reason is there every man
should not, under the general terms of confession, represent to himself
his own particulars whatsoever, and adjoining thereto that affection
which a contrite spirit worketh, embrace to as full effect the words of
Divine grace, as if the same were severally and particularly uttered,
with addition of prayers, imposition of hands, and all ceremonies and
solemnities, that might be used for the strengthening of men’s affiance
in GOD’S peculiar mercy towards them? The difference of general and
particular forms in confession, is not so material that any man’s safety
or ghostly good should depend upon it.” “As for private confession,”
says Bishop Jewel, “abuses and errors set apart, we condemn it not, but
leave it at liberty.”—_Broughton. Bingham._
All that can plainly be deduced from the scriptural doctrine concerning
confession is this, that, in common or ordinary sins, we are to
acknowledge them before Almighty GOD, either particularly in our
private, or generally in our public devotion; but as for some sins of a
more extraordinary kind, the heinousness whereof ordinary Christians may
not be sufficiently apprized of, or which may be attended with such nice
circumstances as perplex their consciences, here resort is proper to be
made to the ministers of the Church, who, as physicians of the soul, are
best able to advise the fittest remedies upon such uncommon emergencies.
Matters of this kind stood within these limits for a considerable time
after the first propagating of the gospel; but, during the piety of very
early times, another sort of confession came in use, for it having been
the practice for excommunicates, before their reception into the Church,
to make a solemn confession of their faults before the whole
congregation, some persons who had fallen into a great sin, though they
had never been censured for it, thought it a part of their duty to take
upon themselves a public shame for it, by discovering it to the whole
congregation they were members of, and to desire their prayers to GOD
for their pardon. Some difficulties and inconvenience arising from this
practice, about the year 360, the office of a public penitentiary in the
Greek Church began, who was to be a presbyter of good conversation,
prudent, and one who could keep a secret; to whom those who were lapsed
into any greater sin might confess it; and he, according to his
discretion, was to enjoin a penance for it. But still there was no
command for all people to confess their sins to this presbyter. In the
Latin Church, the practice of public confession to the whole
congregation continued 100 years longer, viz. till the time of Pope Leo,
which was about the year 450, who, by an injunction of his, did abrogate
it; and, after some time, the Greek Church began to grow weary of this
private confession to a penitentiary, and so laid it aside. But whilst
private confession to ministers was practised, in some of the earlier
ages of the Church, recourse was had to them only as spiritual
physicians and counsellors, as appears by many passages of antiquity. In
the Council of Lateran, A. D. 1215, every person, of each sex, was
obliged once in a year to confess to the minister of his parish, the
sins which he had been guilty of. Auricular confession to the priest
being thus established, some of the school divines of the Romish Church
carried it to further lengths, making it to be an article of faith; to
be received by the priest, not ministerially, but judicially and
authoritatively; that every single sin must be discovered to them, with
all its aggravating circumstances, &c. All which horrible tyranny over
men’s consciences, and diving into the secrets of families and
governments, was confirmed by the Council of Trent. The excellent
compilers of our liturgy, willing to settle this upon the ancient
bottom, ordered only a general confession of sins to be pronounced by
all persons indifferently, not requiring any particular confessions to
be made, thereby coming much nearer to the apostolical practice than the
Roman liturgy can pretend to, in all which service there is no
confession which the people share in; for their “_Confiteor tibi,
Domine_,” &c. in the mass, relates to the priest, and the “_Confiteor
Deo omnipotenti_,” “_Beatæ Mariæ_,” &c. in the breviary, is the
confession only of the clergy.—_Nicholls._
Forms of confession are generally to be met with in the liturgies of
antiquity, but a form superior, or equal, to our own is nowhere to be
found. Our confession, like the prayer which JESUS taught us, though
concise, is comprehensive and full. It is conceived in general terms,
yet at the same time it is so particular, that it includes every kind of
sin. Where the minister is not too precipitate, when he allows the
congregation time to repeat it, with such deliberation, that their
hearts may go along with their words, each individual may, and ought,
under the general form, to make a particular mental confession of his
own personal sins, known only to GOD and his own conscience.—SHEPHERD.
At the time of the review of the liturgy, A. D. 1661, it was objected by
the Presbyterian clergy against this Confession, that there was no
preparatory prayer for GOD’S assistance and acceptance; and that it was
defective in not clearly expressing “original sin,” nor enumerating
actual sins with their aggravations. To which it was answered by the
Episcopalian commissioners, that the preparatory sentences, and the
preceding exhortation, amply supplied this; and that the form being so
general is rather a perfection than a defect, as in such case all may
join, since in many things we offend all. And as to the notice of
original sin, they conceived that to be sufficiently acknowledged in the
sentence, (with others, as the “devices and desires of our own hearts,”
&c.,) “and there is no health in us.” With respect to the general terms
used throughout the Common Prayer Book, dissenters have complained of
such expressions as, “that we may do GOD’S will”—“that we may be kept
from all evil,” &c.; to which the Episcopalians properly remark, “these
are almost the very terms in the LORD’S Prayer; so that they must reform
that, before they can pretend to amend our liturgy in these petitions.”
The reader may judge how far the objections are worthy of notice, by the
form composed by Calvin himself, and used by the French reformed
Churches, which is as follows:—“O LORD GOD, eternal and almighty FATHER,
we acknowledge and confess before thy sacred Majesty, that we are
miserable sinners, conceived and born in sin and iniquity; prone to
evil, and indisposed to every good work; and that being vicious, we make
no end of transgressing thy holy commandments. Hereby we call
destruction upon ourselves from thy just judgment. But yet, O LORD, we
are heartily sorry for having offended thee, and we condemn ourselves
and sins by true repentance, desiring thy grace may relieve our misery.
Therefore, O GOD, merciful FATHER, vouchsafe us thy mercy, in the name
of thy SON JESUS CHRIST our LORD. Blot out our sins, and purge away all
our filth, and daily increase in us the gifts of thy HOLY SPIRIT. That
we, acknowledging our iniquity from the bottom of our hearts, may more
and more displease ourselves, and be excited to true repentance; which,
mortifying us and all our sins, may produce in us the fruits of
righteousness and innocence, acceptable unto thee through the same JESUS
CHRIST our LORD.” It appears, indeed, that our Confession was in great
measure suggested by this form, or rather by the translation of it made
by Valerandus Pollanus, for the reformed congregation of Strasburg.—See
_Laurence’s Bampton Lectures_.
There is hardly anything in public worship which requires more caution
and prudence in the ordering of it, than that confession of sin which is
to be made by the whole congregation; it may be too loose and general on
the one side, or it may be too particular and distinct on the other.
There may be this inconvenience in a confession very short and general,
that takes in all, that it does not so well serve to excite or to
express that due sense of sin, nor to exercise that humility and
self-abasement, wherewith we should always confess our sins to GOD. On
the other hand, the inconvenience of a very particular and distinct
confession of sins will be this, that some sins, with their
aggravations, may be confessed in the name of the whole congregation, of
which it is by no means to be supposed that all are guilty; and then
they, who through the grace of GOD have been kept from them, cannot in
good earnest make such confession.—_Clagett’s Answer to Dissenters._
The General Confession with the Absolution, was first inserted in the
Morning and Evening Prayer, by the Second Book of King Edward VI.
A Confession was formerly recited in the office for the first hour of
the morning, according to the rites of the English Churches. It occurred
in the course of prayers which came at the end of the service: and had
this arrangement been regarded by the reformers, the Confession and
Absolution would now be placed immediately before the collect for the
day. There were, however, good reasons for placing the Confession at the
beginning of the office. Christian humility would naturally induce us to
approach the infinitely holy GOD with a confession of our sinfulness and
unworthiness; and this position of the Confession is justified by the
practice of the Eastern Church in the time of Basil, who observes that
the people all confessed their sins with great contrition, at the
beginning of the nocturnal service, and before the psalmody and lessons
commenced.—_Palmer._
Even in the most penitential parts of our service, even in the midst of
accommodation to the wants of persons entering on a course of amendment,
there is a prospect opened, of mature, established, and victorious
Christianity.... Our “Almighty and most merciful Father” is entreated
not only to remit the punishment, but to abolish the power of sin. And
the absolution and remission of our sins itself, is made to consist, not
merely in the reversal of a sentence, and removal of a curse, but in the
influence of the Holy Spirit, consequent on true repentance, and
productive, not of mere temporary and outward amendment, but of that
inward abiding “purity and holiness, for the rest of our life,” which,
“at the last,” will bring us to “God’s eternal joy.”—_Bishop Jebb._
CONFESSIONS OF FAITH. The systems of theology drawn up by foreign
reformers were frequently called Confessions of Faith. The following are
the Confessions of the different Churches.
1. That of the Greek Church, entitled “The Confessions of the True and
Genuine Faith,” which was presented to Mohammed II., in 1453, but which
gave place to the “Orthodox Confession of the Catholic and Apostolic
Greek Church,” composed by Mogila, metropolitan of Kiev, in Russia, and
approved in 1643, with great solemnity, by the patriarchs of
Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem. It contains the
standard of the principles of the Russian Greek Church.—See _Mr.
Palmer’s_ (of Magd. Coll. Oxf.) Collection of Russian Symbolical Books;
and _Mr. Neale’s_ Hist. of the Greek Church.
2. The Church of Rome, though she has always received the Apostles’,
Nicene, and Athanasian Creeds, had no fixed public and authoritative
symbol till the Council of Trent. A summary of the doctrines contained
in the canons of that council is given in the creed published by Pius
IV., (1564,) in the form of a bull. It is introduced by the Nicene
Creed, to which it adds twelve articles, comprising those doctrines
which the Church of Rome finally adopted after her controversies with
the Reformers. (See _Creed of Pope Pius IV_.)
3. The Lutherans call their standard books of faith and discipline,
“Libri Symbolici Ecclesiæ Evangelicæ.” They contain the three creeds
above mentioned, the Augsburg Confession, the Apology for that
Confession by Melancthon, the Articles of Smalcald, drawn up by Luther;
the Catechisms of Luther; and, in many churches, the Form of Concord, or
Book of Torgau. The best edition is that by Tittmann, Leipsic, 1817. The
Saxon, (composed by Melancthon,) Wurtemberg, Suabian, Pomeranian,
Mansfeldtian, and Copenhagen Confessions agree in general with the
symbolical books of the Lutherans, but are of authority only in the
countries from which they are respectively called.
4. The Confessions of the Calvinistic Churches are numerous. The
following are the principal:—(1.) The Helvetic Confessions are
three—that of Basle, 1530; the Summary and Confession of the Helvetic
Churches, 1536; and the “Expositio Simplex,” &c., 1566, ascribed to
Bullinger. (2.) The Tetrapolitan Confession, 1531,—which derives its
name from the four cities of Strasburg, Constance, Memmingen, and
Lindau, by the deputies of which it was signed,—is attributed to Bucer.
(3.) The Palatine or Heidelberg Confession, framed by order of the
Elector Palatine John Casimir, 1575. (4.) The Confession of the Gallic
Churches, accepted at the first synod of the reformed, held at Paris,
1559. (5.) The Confession of the Reformed Churches in Belgium, drawn up
in 1559, and approved in 1561. (6.) The Confession of Faith of the Kirk
of Scotland, which was that composed by the assembly at Westminster, was
received as the standard of the Scotch national faith, in 1690.—See the
following article. See also Harmony of Confessions, or the Faith of
Christian and Reformed Churches, 1643; and Sylloge Confessionum, sub
tempus Reformandæ Ecclesiæ, Oxon. 1804.
CONFESSION OF FAITH, WESTMINSTER. The Confession of Faith which was
drawn up by the Puritans in England, and which is adopted by the
Scottish establishment. The ordinance under which the assembly which
drew up this Confession sat at Westminster commences thus:
An Ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, for the
calling of an Assembly of learned and godly Divines, and others, to
be consulted with by the Parliament, for the settling of the
government and liturgy of the Church of England; and for vindicating
and clearing of the doctrine of the said Church from false
aspersions and interpretations. June 12, 1643.
Whereas, amongst the infinite blessings of Almighty God upon this
nation, none is nor can be more dear unto us than the purity of our
religion; and for that, as yet, many things remain in the liturgy,
discipline, and government of the Church, which do necessarily require a
further and more perfect reformation than as yet hath been attained; and
whereas it hath been declared and resolved by the Lords and Commons
assembled in Parliament, that the present Church-government by
archbishops, their chancellors, commissars, deans, deans and chapters,
archdeacons, and other ecclesiastical officers depending upon the
hierarchy, is evil, and justly offensive and burdensome to the kingdom,
a great impediment to reformation and growth of religion, and very
prejudicial to the state and government of this kingdom; and therefore
they are resolved that the same shall be taken away, and that such a
government shall be settled in the Church as may be most agreeable to
God’s holy word, and most apt to procure and preserve the peace of the
Church at home, and nearer agreement with the Church of Scotland, and
other Reformed Churches abroad; and, for the better effecting hereof,
and for the vindicating and clearing of the doctrine of the Church of
England from all false calumnies and aspersions, it is thought fit and
necessary to call an Assembly of learned, godly, and judicious Divines,
who, together with some members of both the Houses of Parliament, are to
consult and advise of such matters and things, touching the premises, as
shall be proposed unto them by both or either of the Houses of
Parliament, and to give their advice and counsel therein to both or
either of the said Houses, when, and as often as, they shall be
thereunto required.
The Confession consists of thirty-three chapters, of which the following
are the heads:—
CHAP.
I. Of the Holy Scripture.
II. Of God, and of the Holy Trinity.
III. Of God’s Eternal Decree.
IV. Of Creation.
V. Of Providence.
VI. Of the Fall of Man, of Sin, and of the Punishment thereof.
VII. Of God’s Covenant with Man.
VIII. Of Christ the Mediator.
IX. Of Free Will.
X. Of Effectual Calling.
XI. Of Justification.
XII. Of Adoption.
XIII. Of Sanctification.
XIV. Of Saving Faith.
XV. Of Repentance unto Life.
XVI. Of Good Works.
XVII. Of the Perseverance of the Saints.
XVIII. Of Assurance of Grace and Salvation.
XIX. Of the Law of God.
XX. Of Christian Liberty, and Liberty of Conscience.
XXI. Of Religious Worship, and the Sabbath-day.
XXII. Of lawful Oaths and Vows.
XXIII. Of the Civil Magistrate.
XXIV. Of Marriage and Divorce.
XXV. Of the Church.
XXVI. Of Communion of Saints.
XXVII. Of the Sacraments.
XXVIII. Of Baptism.
XXIX. Of the Lord’s Supper.
XXX. Of Church Censures.
XXXI. Of Synods and Councils.
XXXII. Of the State of Men after Death, and of the Resurrection of the
Dead.
XXXIII. Of the last Judgment.
The Westminster Confession of Faith was approved by the general assembly
of the Kirk of Scotland, on the 27th of August, 1647, Sess. 23, and was
ratified by Act of the Scottish Parliament, 7th February, 1649.—See next
article.
CONFESSION OF FAITH OF THE KIRK OF SCOTLAND, or THE NATIONAL COVENANT.
Subscribed at first by the King’s Majesty, and his Household, in the
Year 1580; thereafter by persons of all ranks in the year 1581, by
ordinance of the Lords of secret council, and acts of the General
Assembly; subscribed again by all sorts of persons in the year 1590,
by a new ordinance of council, at the desire of the General
Assembly: with a general bond for the maintaining of the true
Christian religion, and the King’s person; and, together with a
resolution and promise, for the causes after expressed, to maintain
the true religion, and the King’s Majesty, according to the foresaid
Confession and acts of Parliament, subscribed by Barons, Nobles,
Gentlemen, Burgesses, Ministers, and Commons, in the year 1638:
approven by the General Assembly 1638 and 1639; and subscribed again
by persons of all ranks and qualities in the year 1639, by an
ordinance of council, upon the supplication of the General Assembly,
and act of the General Assembly, ratified by an act of Parliament
1640; and subscribed by King _Charles II._ at _Spey, June 23, 1650_,
and _Scoon, January 1, 1651_.
We all and every one of us under-written, protest, That, after long and
due examination of our own conscience in matters of true and false
religion, we are now throughly resolved in the truth by the word and
Spirit of God: and therefore we believe with our hearts, confess with
our mouths, subscribe with our hands, and constantly affirm, before God
and the whole world, that this only is the true Christian faith and
religion, pleasing God, and bringing salvation to man, which now is, by
the mercy of God, revealed to the world by the preaching of the blessed
evangel; and is received, believed, and defended by many and sundry
notable kirks and realms, but chiefly by the kirk of Scotland, the
King’s Majesty, and three estates of this realm, as God’s eternal truth,
and only ground of our salvation; as more particularly is expressed in
the Confession of our Faith, established and publickly confirmed by
sundry acts of Parliaments, and now of a long time hath been openly
professed by the King’s Majesty, and whole body of this realm both in
burgh and land. To the which Confession and Form of Religion we
willingly agree in our conscience in all points, as unto God’s undoubted
truth and verity, grounded only upon his written word. And therefore we
abhor and detest all contrary religion and doctrine; but chiefly all
kind of Papistry in general and particular heads, even as they are now
damned and confuted by the word of God and Kirk of Scotland. But, in
special, we detest and refuse the usurped authority of that Roman
Antichrist upon the Scriptures of God, upon the kirk, the civil
magistrate, and consciences of men; all his tyrannous laws made upon
indifferent things against our Christian liberty; his erroneous doctrine
against the sufficiency of the written word, the perfection of the law,
the office of Christ, and his blessed evangel; his corrupted doctrine
concerning original sin, our natural inability and rebellion to God’s
law, our justification by faith only, our imperfect sanctification and
obedience to the law; the nature, number, and use of the holy
sacraments; his five bustard sacraments, with all his rites, ceremonies,
and false doctrine, added to the ministration of the true sacraments
without the word of God; his cruel judgment against infants departing
without the sacrament; his absolute necessity of baptism; his
blasphemous opinion of transubstantiation, or real presence of Christ’s
body in the elements, and receiving of the same by the wicked, or bodies
of men; his dispensations with solemn oaths, perjuries, and degrees of
marriage forbidden in the word, his cruelty against the innocent
divorced; his devilish mass; his blasphemous priesthood; his profane
sacrifice for sins of the dead and the quick; his canonization of men;
calling upon angels or saints departed, worshipping of imagery, relicks,
and crosses; dedicating of kirks, altars, days; vows to creatures; his
purgatory, prayers for the dead; praying or speaking in a strange
language, with his processions, and blasphemous litany, and multitude of
advocates or mediators; his manifold orders, auricular confession; his
desperate and uncertain repentance; his general and doubtsome faith; his
satisfactions of men for their sins; his justification by works, _opus
operatum_, works of supererogation, merits, pardons, peregrinations, and
stations; his holy water, baptizing of bells, conjuring of spirits,
crossing, sayning, anointing, conjuring, hallowing of God’s good
creatures, with the superstitious opinion joined therewith; his worldly
monarchy, and wicked hierarchy; his three solemn vows, with all his
shavellings of sundry sorts; his erroneous and bloody decrees made at
Trent, with all the subscribers or approvers of that cruel and bloody
band, conjured against the kirk of God. And finally, we detest all his
vain allegories, rites, signs, and traditions brought in the kirk,
without or against the word of God, and doctrine of this true reformed
kirk; to the which we join ourselves willingly, in doctrine, faith,
religion, discipline, and use of the holy sacraments, as lively members
of the same in Christ our Head: promising and swearing, by the great
name of the LORD our GOD, that we shall continue in the obedience of the
doctrine and discipline of this kirk,[3] and shall defend the same,
according to our vocation and power, all the days of our lives; under
the pains contained in the law, and danger both of body and soul in the
day of God’s fearful judgment.
And seeing that many are stirred up by Satan, and that Roman Antichrist,
to promise, swear, subscribe, and for a time use the holy sacraments in
the kirk deceitfully, against their own conscience; minding hereby,
first, under the external cloak of religion, to corrupt and subvert
secretly God’s true religion within the kirk; and afterward, when time
may serve, to become open enemies and persecutors of the same, under
vain hope of the pope’s dispensation, devised against the word of God,
to his greater confusion, and their double condemnation in the day of
the Lord Jesus: we therefore, willing to take away all suspicion of
hypocrisy, and of such double dealing with God, and his kirk, protest,
and call the Searcher of all hearts for witness, that our minds and
hearts do fully agree with this our Confession, promise, oath, and
subscription: so that we are not moved with any worldly respect, but are
persuaded only in our conscience, through the knowledge and love of
God’s true religion imprinted in our hearts by the Holy Spirit, as we
shall answer to him in the day when the secrets of all hearts shall be
disclosed.
And because we perceive, that the quietness and stability of our
religion and kirk doth depend upon the safety and good behaviour of the
King’s Majesty, as upon a comfortable instrument of God’s mercy granted
to this country, for the maintaining of his kirk, and ministration of
justice amongst us; we protest and promise with our hearts, under the
same oath, hand-writ, and pains, that we shall defend his person and
authority with our goods, bodies, and lives, in the defence of Christ,
his evangel, liberties of our country, ministration of justice, and
punishment of iniquity, against all enemies within this realm or
without, as we desire our God to be a strong and merciful defender to us
in the day of our death, and coming of our Lord Jesus Christ; to whom,
with the Father, and the Holy Spirit, be all honour and glory eternally.
_Amen._
Likeas many Acts of Parliament, not only in general do abrogate, annul,
and rescind all laws, statutes, acts, constitutions, canons civil or
municipal, with all other ordinances, and practique penalties
whatsoever, made in prejudice of the true religion, and professors
thereof; or of the true kirk, discipline, jurisdiction, and freedom
thereof; or in favours of idolatry and superstition, or of the
Papistical kirk: as Act 3, Act 31, Parl. 1, Act 23, Parl. 11, Act 114,
Parl. 12, of King James VI. That Papistry and superstition may be
utterly suppressed, according to the intention of the Acts of
Parliament, repeated in the fifth Act, Parl. 20, King James VI. And to
that end they ordain all Papists and priests to be punished with
manifold civil and ecclesiastical pains, as adversaries to God’s true
religion, preached, and by law established, within this realm, Act 24,
Parl. 11, King James VI.; as common enemies to all Christian government,
Act 18, Parl. 16, King James VI.; as rebellers and gainstanders of our
Sovereign Lord’s authority, Act 47, Parl. 3, King James VI.; and as
idolaters, Act 104, Parl. 7, King James VI. But also in particular, by
and attour the Confession of Faith, do abolish and condemn the Pope’s
authority and jurisdiction out of this land, and ordains the maintainers
thereof to be punished, Act 2, Parl. 1, Act 51, Parl. 3, Act 106, Parl.
7, Act 114, Parl. 12, King James VI., do condemn the Pope’s erroneous
doctrine, or any other erroneous doctrine repugnant to any of the
articles of the true and Christian religion, publicly preached and by
law established in this realm; and ordains the spreaders and makers of
books, or libels, or letters or writs of that nature, to be punished,