INDIAN HOME RULE
BY
M. K. GANDHI
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INDIAN HOME RULE
BY
M. K. GANDHI
Reprinted with a new foreword by the author
FIFTH EDITION
GANESH & Co., MADRAS
1922
MADRAS:
THE MODERN PRINTING WORKS, MOUNT ROAD.
NOTE
The doctrine of violence is more widely believed in than is generally
realised. The votaries of violence can be divided into two classes.
Some, a small and dwindling class, believe in it and are prepared to act
according to their faith. Others, a very large class always, and now,
after bitter experiences of the failure of constitutional agitation,
larger than ever, believe in violence, but that belief does not lead
them to action. It disables them from work on any basis other than
force. The belief in violence serves to dissuade them from all other
kinds of work or sacrifice. In both cases the evil is great.
There can be no reconstruction or hope for this land of ours, unless we
eradicate the worship of force in all its forms, and establish work on a
basis other than violence. A refutation of the doctrine of violence is,
in the present situation of the affairs of our country, more necessary
than ever.
To this end, nothing better can be conceived than the publication and
wide distribution of Mr. Gandhi's famous book.
It was extremely patriotic of Messrs. Ganesh and Company to have readily
agreed to undertake the work when they were approached with the request.
Satyagrah Sabha, }
Madras, } C. RAJAGOPALACHAR.
6-6-19. }
FOREWORD
I have re-read this booklet more than once. The value at the present
moment lies in re-printing it as it is. But if I had to revise it, there
is only one word I would alter in accordance with a promise made to an
English friend. She took exception to my use of the word 'prostitute' in
speaking of the Parliament. Her fine taste recoiled from the indelicacy
of the expression. I remind the reader that the booklet purports to be a
free translation of the original which is in Gujarati.
After years of endeavour to put into practice the views expressed in the
following pages, I feel that the way shown therein is the only true way
to Swaraj. Satyagrah--the law of love is the Law of life. Departure from
it leads to disintegration. A firm adherence to it leads to
regeneration.
BOMBAY, }
_28th May, 1919_. } M. K. GANDHI.
HIND SWARAJ
OR
THE INDIAN HOME RULE
_Reply to Critics_
It is certainly my good fortune that this booklet of mine is receiving
wide attention. The original is in Gujarati. It had a chequered career.
It was first published in the columns of the 'Indian Opinion' of South
Africa. It was written in 1908 during my return voyage from London to
South Africa in answer to the Indian school of violence, and its
prototype in South Africa. I came in contact with every known Indian
anarchist in London. Their bravery impressed me, but I feel that their
zeal was misguided. I felt that violence was no remedy for India's ills,
and that her civilization required the use of a different and higher
weapon for self-protection. The _Satyagrah_ of South Africa was still an
infant hardly two years old. But it had developed sufficiently to permit
me to write of it with some degree of confidence. It was so much
appreciated that it was published as a booklet. It attracted some
attention in India. The Bombay Government prohibited its circulation. I
replied by publishing its translation. I thought that it was due to my
English friends that they should know its contents. In my opinion it is
a book which can be put into the hands of a child. It teaches the gospel
of love in the place of that of hate. It replaces violence with
self-sacrifice. It pits soul force against brute force. It has gone
through several editions and I commend it to those who would care to
read it. I withdraw nothing except one word of it, and that in deference
to a lady friend. I have given the reason for the alteration in the
preface to the Indian edition.
The booklet is a severe condemnation of 'modern civilization.' It was
written in 1908. My conviction is deeper to-day than ever. I feel that
if India would discard 'modern civilization' she can only gain by doing
so.
But I would warn the reader against thinking that I am to-day aiming at
the Swaraj described therein. I know that India is not ripe for it. It
may seem an impertinence to say so. But such is my conviction. I am
individually working for the self-rule pictured therein. But to-day my
corporate activity is undoubtedly devoted to the attainment of
Parliamentary Swaraj in accordance with the wishes of the people of
India. I am not aiming at destroying railways or hospitals, though I
would certainly welcome their natural destruction. Neither railways nor
hospitals are a test of a high and pure civilization. At best they are a
necessary evil. Neither adds one inch to the moral stature of a nation.
Nor am I aiming at a permanent destruction of law courts, much as I
regard it as a 'consummation devoutly to be wished for.' Still less am I
trying to destroy all machinery and mills. It requires a higher
simplicity and renunciation than the people are to-day prepared for.
* * * * *
The only part of the programme which is now being carried out in its
entirety is that of non-violence. But I regret to have to confess that
even that is not being carried out in the spirit of the book. If it
were, India would establish Swaraj in a day. If India adopted the
doctrine of love as an active part of her religion and introduced it in
her politics, Swaraj would descend upon India from heaven. But I am
painfully aware that that event is far off as yet.
I offer these comments because I observe that much is being quoted from
the booklet to discredit the present movement. I have even seen writings
suggesting that I am playing a deep game, that I am using the present
turmoil to foist my fads on India, and am making religious experiments
at India's expense. I can only answer that _Satyagrah_ is made of
sterner stuff. There is nothing reserved and nothing secret in it. A
portion of the whole theory of life described in 'Hind Swaraj' is
undoubtedly being carried into practice. There is no danger attendant
upon the whole of it being practised. But it is not right to scare away
people by reproducing from my writings passages that are irrelevant to
the issue before the country.
M. K. GANDHI,
_Young India, 26th January, 1921_.
CONTENTS
CHAP. PAGE
I The Congress and Its Officials 11
II The Partition of Bengal 18
III The Discontent and Unrest 21
IV What is Swaraj? 22
V The Condition of England 26
VI Civilization 30
VII Why was India Lost? 35
VIII The condition of India 39
IX Do. Railways 43
X Do. Hindus and Mahomedans 47
XI Do. Lawyers 55
XII Do. Doctors 60
XIII What is True Civilization? 63
XIV How can India become Free? 67
XV Italy and India 71
XVI Brute Force 75
XVII Passive Resistance 84
XVIII Education 97
XIX Machinery 105
XX Conclusion 110
Appendices 123
INDIAN HOME RULE
CHAPTER I
THE CONGRESS AND ITS OFFICIALS
READER: Just at present there is a Home Rule wave passing over India.
All our countrymen appear to be pining for National Independence. A
similar spirit pervades them even in South Africa. Indians seem to be
eager after acquiring rights. Will you explain your views in this
matter?
EDITOR: You have well put the question, but the answer is not easy. One
of the objects of a newspaper is to understand the popular feeling and
to give expression to it; another is to arouse among the people certain
desirable sentiments; and the third is fearlessly to expose popular
defects. The exercise of all these three functions is involved in
answering your question. To a certain extent the people's will has to be
expressed; certain sentiments will need to be fostered, and defects will
have to be brought to light. But, as you have asked the question, it is
my duty to answer it.
READER: Do you then consider that a desire for Home Rule has been
created among us?
EDITOR: That desire gave rise to the National Congress. The choice of
the word "National" implies it.
READER: That, surely, is not the case. Young India seems to ignore the
Congress. It is considered to be an instrument for perpetuating British
Rule.
EDITOR: That opinion is not justified. Had not the Grand Old Man of
India prepared the soil, our young men could not have even spoken about
Home Rule. How can we forget what Mr. Hume has written, how he has
lashed us into action, and with what effort he has awakened us, in order
to achieve the objects of the Congress? Sir William Wedderburn has given
his body, mind and money to the same cause. His writings are worthy of
perusal to this day. Professor Gokhale, in order to prepare the Nation,
embraced poverty and gave twenty years of his life. Even now, he is
living in poverty. The late Justice Buddrudin Tyebji was also one of
those who, through the Congress, sowed the seed of Home Rule. Similarly
in Bengal, Madras, the Punjab and other places, there have been lovers
of India and members of the Congress, both Indian and English.
READER: Stay, stay, you are going too far, you are straying away from my
question. I have asked you about Home or Self-Rule; you are discussing
foreign rule. I do not desire to hear English names, and you are giving
me such names. In these circumstances, I do not think we can ever meet.
I shall be pleased if you will confine yourself to Home Rule. All other
wise talk will not satisfy me.
EDITOR: You are impatient. I cannot afford to be likewise. If you will
bear with me for a while, I think you will find that you will obtain
what you want. Remember the old proverb that the tree does not grow in
one day. The fact that you have checked me, and that you do not want to
hear about the well-wishers of India, shows that, for you at any rate,
Home Rule is yet far away. If we had many like you, we would never make
any advance. This thought is worthy of your attention.
READER: It seems to me that you simply want to put me off by talking
round and round. Those whom you consider to be well-wishers of India are
not such in my estimation. Why, then, should I listen to your discourse
on such people? What has he whom you consider to be the father of the
nation done for it? He says that the English Governors will do justice,
and that we should co-operate with them.
EDITOR: I must tell you with all gentleness that it must be a matter of
shame for us that you should speak about that great man, in terms of
disrespect. Just look at his work. He has dedicated his life to the
service of India. We have learned what we know from him. It was the
respected Dadabhai who taught us that the English had sucked our
life-blood. What does it matter that, to-day, his trust is still in the
English nation? Is Dadabhai less to be honoured because, in the
exuberance of youth, we are prepared to go a step further? Are we, on
that account, wiser than he? It is a mark of wisdom not to kick against
the very step from which we have risen higher. The removal of a step
from a staircase brings down the whole of it. When, out of infancy we
grow into youth, we do not despise infancy, but, on the contrary, we
recall with affection the days of our childhood. If, after many years of
study, a teacher were to teach me something, and if I were to build a
little more on the foundation laid by that teacher, I would not, on that
account, be considered wiser than the teacher. He would always command
my respect. Such is the case with the Grand Old Man of India. We must
admit that he is the author of Nationalism.
READER: You have spoken well. I can now understand that we must look
upon Mr. Dadabhai with respect. Without him and men like him, we would
probably not have the spirit that fires us. How can the same be said of
Professor Gokhale? He has constituted himself a great friend of the
English; he says that we have to learn a great deal from them, that we
have to learn their political wisdom, before we can talk of Home Rule.
I am tired of reading his speeches.
EDITOR: If you are tired, it only betrays your impatience. We believe
that those who are discontented with the slowness of their parents, and
are angry because the parents would not run with their children, are
considered disrespectful to their parents. Professor Gokhale occupies
the place of a parent. What does it matter if he cannot run with us? A
nation that is desirous of securing Home Rule cannot afford to despise
its ancestors. We shall become useless if we lack respect for our
elders. Only men with mature thoughts are capable of ruling themselves
and not the hasty-tempered. Moreover, how many Indians were there like
Professor Gokhale, when he gave himself to Indian education? I verily
believe that whatever Professor Gokhale does he does with pure motives
and with a view to serving India. His devotion to the Motherland is so
great, that he would give his life for it if necessary. Whatever he says
is said not to flatter anyone but because he believes it to be true. We
are bound, therefore, to entertain the highest regard for him.
READER: Are we, then, to follow him in every respect?
EDITOR: I never said any such thing. If we conscientiously differed from
him, the learned Professor himself would advise us to follow the
dictates of our conscience rather than him. Our chief purpose is not to
cry down his work, but to believe that he is infinitely greater than we,
and to feel assured that compared with his work for India, ours is
infinitesimal. Several newspapers write disrespectfully of him. It is
our duty to protest against such writings. We should consider men like
Professor Gokhale to be the pillars of Home Rule. It is a bad habit to
say that another man's thoughts are bad and ours only are good, and that
those holding different views from ours are the enemies of the country.
READER: I now begin to understand somewhat your meaning. I shall have to
think the matter over, but what you say about Mr. Hume and Sir William
Wedderburn is beyond comprehension.
EDITOR: The same rule holds good for the English as for the Indians. I
can never subscribe to the statement that all Englishmen are bad. Many
Englishmen desire Home Rule for India. That the English people are
somewhat more selfish than others is true, but that does not prove that
every Englishman is bad. We who seek justice will have to do justice to
others. Sir William does not wish ill to India--that should be enough
for us. As we proceed, you will see that, if we act justly, India will
be sooner free. You will see, too, that, if we shun every Englishman as
an enemy, Home Rule will be delayed. But if we are just to them, we
shall receive their support in our progress towards the goal.
READER: All this seems to me at present to be simply nonsensical.
English support and the obtaining of Home Rule are two contradictory
things. How can the English people tolerate Home Rule for us? But I do
not want you to decide this question for me just yet. To pass time over
it is useless. When you have shown how we can have Home Rule, perhaps I
shall understand your views. You have prejudiced me against you by
discoursing on English help. I would, therefore, beseech you not to
continue this subject.
EDITOR: I have no desire to do so. That you are prejudiced against me is
not a matter for much anxiety. It is well that I should say unpleasant
things at the commencement, it is my duty patiently to try to remove
your prejudice.
READER: I like that last statement. It emboldens me to say what I like.
One thing still puzzles me. I do not understand how the Congress laid
the foundation of Home Rule.
EDITOR: Let us see. The Congress brought together Indians from different
parts of India, and enthused us with the idea of Nationality. The
Government used to look upon it with disfavour. The Congress has always
insisted that the Nation should control revenue and expenditure. It has
always desired self-government after the Canadian model. Whether we can
get it or not, whether we desire it or not, and whether there is not
something more desirable, are different questions. All I have to show is
that the Congress gave us a foretaste of Home Rule. To deprive it of the
honour is not proper, and for us to do so would not only be ungrateful,
but retard the fulfilment of our object. To treat the Congress as an
institution inimical to our growth as a Nation would disable us from
using that body.