THE KINGS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND, AND MELANCHTHON.
The reigning King of France, FRANCIS I., as well as King HENRY VIII., of
England, were little pleased with the victorious advances of the
Emperor. Francis had waged war against him some years before this, but
was completely vanquished, and taken prisoner, at the battle of Pavia,
1525. He was, indeed, liberated upon certain conditions, after one year
of captivity; but inveterate enmity remained, for Francis had suffered
great losses. It was to be expected that such a man would unite with the
enemies of the Emperor at the first good opportunity. He recognized an
ally in the League of Smalkald, which was daily assuming a more decided
form. But the principles of this League were quite different, for it
aimed principally to secure spiritual rights, while the King of France
was merely prompted by ambition.
But the Reformation had also penetrated into France, and he may have
thought that it would be expedient to do something in reference to
ecclesiastical matters. He was persuaded to this by his minister,
William Bellay, his brother John Bellay, Bishop of Paris, and
particularly also by John Sturm, of Strasburg, who was favorably
disposed towards the Reformation. These men endeavored to gain over the
King for the cause of the Reformation, and recommended the amiable
Melanchthon to him, who was already known to him, and also highly
esteemed by Queen Margaret of Navarre.[16] When the King sent an
ambassador, Barnabas Voraeus Fossa, to Germany, in 1534, in order to
unite with the Evangelical States, Bellay, the minister, requested the
man of peace, Melanchthon, to state, in a written opinion, in what way a
union might be brought about between the divided parties. He complied
with this request, and on the first of August sent a very conciliatory
opinion to the minister, in which he gave prominence to eight articles.
In the _first_, he grants outward power to the Pope and the Bishops,
provided "they do not abuse their power to suppress the true doctrine."
In the _second_, that it would be easy to agree about _non-essentials_,
such as meats, holidays, dress of the priests, and similar ceremonies,
provided there would be uniformity in doctrine. In the _third_, he
expresses himself in favor of retaining _Confession_, but without the
superstitious enumeration of sins. In the _fourth_, he treats of
_Justification_. It is now generally conceded that faith in Christ is
necessary. It is necessary to insist upon it, that a man is justified by
faith. In the _fifth_, he speaks of the _Mass_. This is an almost
inextricable knot. He declares himself opposed to secret masses, and
demands both kinds in the Sacrament. In the _sixth_, he speaks of the
_Invocation of Saints_. This is opposed to Scripture. Yet he proposes
the following form, after the pattern of ancient forms in the Church:
"Grant, O God, that they may be assisted by the prayers of the Saints."
In the _seventh_, he says of _Convents_, that it is not necessary
utterly to destroy them, but that it was rather to be preferred that
they should become schools, as they formerly were. Yet no one ought to
be detained in a convent against his will. In reference to the
_Celibacy_ of the clergy, he says, in the _eighth_, that the Pope ought
to abolish it. They might select unmarried men for the highest
dignities. It would be possible to come to an agreement on all the
articles, with the exception of the one on the Mass. After adding: "Let
us beseech Christ, that he would in mercy regard and lead back to a
cordial true unity, the Church for which he prayed and suffered," he
says, that he had only written these things, in order that learned men
might jointly deliberate upon such important matters.
It was a long time before anything was heard of the effect of this
Opinion. However, at last, in the month of March, 1535, JOHN STURM broke
this silence in a manner not very agreeable to the friends of the
Reformation. The king was highly incensed against the friends of these
novelties, who seemed to him to check a too rapid advance. He even
permitted his rage to lead him to burn several of them.[17] Very little
could be hoped for the kingdom of God, from a man of this character.
However, Sturm strongly urged Melanchthon to come to France, because the
king reposed the greatest confidence in him, and called himself his
pupil. On the 22d of April, Melanchthon wrote a suppliant letter to
Bishop Bellay, that he would exert his influence to arrest the
persecution. In his reply to Sturm, on May 4th, he said that he had
never found it more difficult to decide in any matter, than in reference
to this journey to France. "But you must not think that I am restrained
by domestic ties, or that I fear any danger. For nothing human is so
important in my eyes, that I would not prefer the honor of Christ, the
salvation of so many of the righteous, and the peace of the Church, to
it. But I am thinking of, and exceedingly troubled by this _one_
apprehension, that I am doubtful whether I would indeed accomplish any
good by going." At the close of the letter, he advises that the king, if
he desired to do anything for the honor of Christ, and the peace of the
Church, should be earnestly entreated to convene a council, in order to
discuss the affairs of the Church. He would attend this, provided he
could obtain the permission of his sovereign. But what happened? What,
indeed, he did not think of in the remotest degree. The king addressed
him in a most friendly letter, on June 23. The French Ambassador
delivered this letter in person, which closes in the following manner:
"Your coming will give me great pleasure, whether you come as a private
individual, or in the name of the Evangelical states." At the same time
Bellay, who had been made a Cardinal in the meantime, and Sturm, pressed
him to come, and gave him the strongest assurances of a happy result.
The latter concluded his lengthy letter in the following manner: "I
exhort, yea, I conjure you, in the name of Christ, not to neglect this
opportunity to further the best of causes among men." Towards the end of
the month of July, Melanchthon left Wittenberg on account of the
appearance of the plague, and with some other teachers resided in JENA,
until the middle of February. When he had received such a pressing
invitation to come to France, and also a safe-conduct, he proceeded to
Torgau, where the Elector was sojourning at the time, and in writing
applied for leave of absence for two or three months. Luther also
seconded Master Philip's application, by a most earnest petition. He
said: "May it please your Grace to permit M. Philip to venture for these
three months, trusting to the grace of God. Who knows what it may please
God to do, whose thoughts are at all times higher and better than our
own? As for myself, too, it would pain me that so many pious hearts, who
so anxiously call, and certainly expect M. Philip, should be
disappointed, and might also be led to entertain evil thoughts
concerning us." But the Elector was of a different opinion. He
understood King Francis' relation to the Emperor at this time, far too
well, to be anxious unnecessarily to excite the suspicions of the latter
against himself. He therefore refused the request of his petitioner.
Perhaps he also entertained the opinion, not altogether without
foundation too, that Melanchthon might yield too much, "which would
displease many, and do great harm to the Gospel." He said to Dr. Brueck,
in the most positive manner: "We are determined, once for all, that
Philip shall not go with our permission and good will, even if we
should, in consequence, lose his services altogether."
When Melanchthon, therefore, applied again for leave, a severe decree
of the Elector was handed to him, in which he was told that he should
not, as a good subject, have meddled in this matter, without the
knowledge of the Elector. No good, but rather evil, was to be expected
from such a journey. "But if, over and above all these considerations,
you think that you cannot omit this journey conscientiously, we must in
such a case suffer you to take your own way, and to gratify your own
will; and it remains for you to decide what you will do under these
circumstances." The Elector also sent a letter of apology to King
Francis, stating why he could not, under present circumstances, permit
Philip to go. But at some future time, if Philip's services could be
dispensed with, and the present difficulties and apprehensions should
cease, he would permit him to visit France.
On the 28th of August, Melanchthon himself wrote to King Francis,
expressing his regrets that he was not permitted to visit France at this
time, and praying the King most earnestly not to suffer himself to be
led, by the severe judgments and writings of some persons, to destroy
things that were really good and useful for the Church. He also excused
himself in letters to BELLAY the Minister, and to JOHN STURM, and
expressed himself in rather strong terms in regard to the Elector. To
Camerarius, to whom he was in the habit of opening his whole heart, he
wrote, August 31, that he feared that the prince had been estranged from
him by the efforts of evil-minded persons; and in a letter to Spalatin,
he said: "His most serene Highness prevents me from taking a journey to
France. And besides this, he gave me a very severe reply, although I am
willing to stay at home, and take no delight in these French
Conferences." This caused him great sorrow for several weeks, until he
met the Elector in October, and saw that he was as friendly towards him
as ever. He was also more and more convinced in his own mind that his
journey to France would not have accomplished the good he expected.
Francis was a politician, and he merely regarded religion as a means to
gratify his ambition. For when the Sorbonne in Paris pronounced
Melanchthon's opinion heretical, he fully agreed with this sentence.
Thus this matter terminated. The case of Henry VIII. of England was a
similar one. He is well known on account of his attack upon Luther, for
which the Pope gave him the title of "A Defender of the Faith." It is
also well known what a scandalous, adulterous life he led. It was such a
marriage matter which at this time separated him from Rome, and brought
him nearer to the Evangelical States. He wished to be divorced from his
wife CATHARINE, who was an aunt of the Emperor Charles. As the Pope
would not comply with his request, Henry renounced all allegiance to the
Pope, and proclaimed himself the Supreme Bishop of the Church of
England. This happened in the year 1534. We learn from a letter to
Camerarius, that during this year Henry had invited Melanchthon twice to
come to England. The King was anxious to settle his matrimonial matters,
and to enter into a union with the Evangelical States. He therefore sent
a special envoy, ANTHONY BARNES, who came to Wittenberg March 11, 1535,
to enter into a negotiation. Melanchthon, who believed that he could and
should embrace this opportunity to recommend and promote the truth,
wrote to the King two days after this, in which he most earnestly
commends the cause of the Gospel to him. He even dedicated the second
edition of his _Loci Communes_ to the King, in a most winning letter.
Henry esteemed this honor highly, and sent him 200 gold florins, with a
very gracious letter, in which he calls Melanchthon his "dearest
friend," and signs himself: "Your friend Henry, King." In September we
again find Dr. Barnes in Wittenberg. In the matter of divorce he had not
found the Wittenbergians favorably disposed. But now he also came to
negotiate concerning doctrine, and to ask leave of absence for
Melanchthon, that he might visit England. The Elector, whose sagacity in
this matter cannot be denied, understood very well that Henry was merely
anxious to unite with the Evangelical party from impure motives,
particularly his matrimonial matters; and therefore in his letter to the
English envoy gave his permission to hold a Religious Conference, but
did not permit Melanchthon to go to England, because he could not spare
this Professor, owing to the breaking out of the plague in Wittenberg,
by which the Professors had been dispersed. In December, the religious
negotiations were commenced with the utmost zeal. Besides Barnes, Bishop
Fox, and Archdeacon Heyth or Hethe, had also arrived. These negotiations
were carried on in Wittenberg. On this account Melanchthon, who then
resided at Jena, was obliged to go to Wittenberg, January 15, 1536. The
marriage difficulty continued to occupy the foreground, but the
Wittenbergians would not accommodate themselves to the views of the
Englishmen. As to doctrine, the articles of the mass and the marriage of
priests continued to be _the_ points on which they could not agree.
February 11th, Melanchthon returned to Wittenberg. The negotiations were
continued until the end of April, without arriving at any definite
result. But gradually all hopes of an Evangelical change of doctrine and
worship in England disappeared, and Melanchthon entirely relinquished
his desire to visit England, as he says to Camerarius in a letter, June
9: "I am perfectly freed from my anxiety about that English journey."