giveth reasons.] Fo: 1. pa: 2. For Campaneus you wolde reade
Capaneus, wherunto I cannott yelde. for althoughe Statius and
other latine authors do call hym Capaneus; yet all the writers
of Englande in that age call him campaneus; as Gower, in
confessione amantis, and Lidgat in the historye of Thebes taken
out of Statius, and Chaucer hym selfe in many other places. so
that yt semethe they made the pronu{n}tiatione of Campaneus to
be the dialecte of our tongue for Capaneus. Besides chaucer is
in this to be p{ar}doned, in that taking his knightes tale out
of the Thesayde of Bocas, written in Italiane (and of late
translated into frenche,) doth there, after the Italiane manner,
call him campaneus; for so the Italians pronounce woordes
beginninge with cap: with the interposit{i}one of the l{ette}re
m, pronouncinge yt camp: for, that w{hi}che the Latins call
capitoliu{m}, the Italians call campidoglio; and suche lyke.
Wherefore since yt was vniversallye receued in that age, to call
him Campaneus: lett vs not nowe alter yt, but p{er}mytte yt to
have free passage accordinge to the pronuntiat{i}one and
wrytinge of that age. since, in deducinge woordes from one
language to one other, there ys often additione and
substract{i}one of letters, or of Sillabes, before, in the
middle, and in the ende of those wordes. whereof infynyte
examples mighte be produced, whiche I nowe shonne for brevytye.
[Sidenote: Liketh the reading of Eros, but preferreth that of
Heros, and giveth reasons.] Fo: 3. pa: 2. ("Noughte comelye lyke
to lovers maladye of Hereos.") for whiche woorde hereos you
reade eros, i. cupide, a very good and probable correct{i}one,
well gathered out of Luciane. But (salua patient{i}a vestra,
and reservinge to myselfe better iudgmente hereafter yf I nowe
mystake yt,) I wolde, for the printed hereos of Chaucer, read
heroes. whiche two woordes onlye differ in misplacinge of the
letters; a comone thinge for the printer to do, and the
corrector to overpasse. for Arcyte, in this furye of his love,
did not shewe those courses of gouer[n]mente, whiche the Heroes,
or valiante p{er}sons, in tymes past vsed, for thoughe they
loued, yet that passione did not generallye so farre overrule
them (althoughe yt mighte in some one p{ar}ticuler personne) as
that theye lefte to contynewe the valor, and heroicke actions,
whiche they before performed. for the Heroes sholde so love, as
that they sholde not forgett, what they were in place, valor, or
magnanymytye, whiche Arcite, in this pass{i}one, did not observe
"lyke to lovers malady of Heroes." Whereof I coulde produce six
hundred examples, (as the proverbe ys,) were yt not that I
avoyde tedious prolixytye.
[Sidenote: Of florins and their name from the Florentines.]
Fo: 6. pa: 2. ("Manye a florence.") In whiche noote yo{u} expounde
a florence to be ij^s frenche, and a gelder to be the same in
dutche. Wherein yo{u} mistake the valewe of the florens, suche
as was vsed in Chaucers tyme, w{hic}he taking his name of the
woorkemenne, beinge florentynes, (of the terrytorye of florence
in Italye,) were called Florens; [Sidenote: Sterling money
taketh its name from the Esterlings.] as sterlinge money tooke
their name of Esterlinges, whiche refyned and coyned the silver
in the tyme of kinge Henry the seconde. for two shillinges
frenche ys not equall in valewe (as I nowe take yt) to two
shillinges Englishe: and much lesse equall to the florens in
Chaucers tyme, whiche was of the valewe of thre shillings, fowre
pence, or halfe a noble, or, at the leaste, of two shillinges
tenne pence farthinge, as apperethe by recorde and historye:
some of them being called florens de scuto or of the valewe of
the shelde or frenche crowne and some of them called florens
regall. Whereof yo{u} shall fynde, in the recorde of pellis
exitus in the exchequer in michelmas terme 41. Ed. 3. this note.
Bartholomeo de Burgershe militi in denariis sibi liberatis in
parte solutionis 8000 florenoru{m} de scuto pretii petii iij^s.
iiij^d. sibi debitis de illis 30000 florenoru{m} de scuto in
quibus Rex tenebatur eidem Bartholomeo pro comite de Ventadoure,
prisonario suo apud Bellu{m} de Poyters in guerra capto, et ab
eodem Bartholomeo ad opus Regis empt{o}, vt patet per litteras
Regis patentes, quas idem Bartholomeus inde penes se habet. in
Dors. de summa subscripta, per bre{ve} de magno sigillo, inter
mandata de Term. Michaelis de anno 36 --xx^li. To the valewe
whereof agreeth Hipodigma Neustriæ, pa. 127, [Sidenote: King
John of France, his ransom of three millions of florens.] where
setting downe the ransome of the frenche kinge taken at Poyters
to the valewe of thre milliones of florens, he sayethe "of
w{hic}he florens duo valebant vj^s. viij^d." These florens the
same Walsingha{m} in another place callethe scutes or frenche
crownes, pa. 170, sayinge: Rex quidem Franciæ pro sua
redemptione soluit regi Angliæ tres milliones scutoru{m},
quoru{m} duo valent vnu{m} nobile, videlicet, sex solidos et
octo denarios. Whiche scutes in lyke manner, in the tyme of
kinge Henry the sixte were of the same valewe, as apperethe in
Fortescues commentaries of the lawes of Englande. But as those
florens for the redempt{i}one of the frenche kinge, were of the
valewe of half one noble: so at the tyme of that kings reigne
there were also one other sorte of florens, not of lyke valewe,
but conteyned within the price of ij^s. x^d. [QR]. called
florene regales, as apperethe in this record, of Easter terme,
of Pellis exitus before sayed, where yt is thus entred one the
sixte of Julye: Guiscardo de Angles. Domino de pleyne martyne,
In denariis sibi liberatis per manus Walteri Hewett militis in
pretio 4000 florenoru{m} regaliu{m} pretii petii --ij^s. x^d.
[QR] de quibus florenis regal{ibus} 7 computantur pro tribus
nobilibus, eidem Guiscardo debitis. Whereby yo{u} see the
meanest of these florens did exceed the valewe of ij^s. frenche,
(although you sholde equall that with ii^s. Englishe,) as yt did
also in other countryes. for in the lowe countryes at those
dayes yt was much aboute the valewe of iij^s. iiij^d. beinge
halfe a pistolet Italiane or Spanyshe. for so sayethe Heuterius
Delphicus, (in the Historye of Burgundye, in the lyfe of
Philippe le hardye,) lyving at that tyme, and sonne to the
frenche kinge taken prisoner by the Inglishe. Heuterius' woordes
be these. Illustris viri aliorumq{ue} nobiliu{m} mors adeò
comite{m} com{m}ovit, vt relicta obsidione exercitus ad
co{m}meatus ducendos in proxima loca distribuerit. Decem
millibus florenorum (moneta Belgica est semipistoletu{m}
Italicu{m} pendens) pro Anglicani, aliorumq{ue} nobiliu{m}
cadaverum redemptione solutis, &c.
[Sidenote: Of the oken garland of Emelye.] Fo: 7. pa: 2. For
unseriall yo{u} will vs to reade cerriall, for cerrus[8] is a
kynde of tree lyke one oke, bearinge maste; and therefore by
yo{ur} correct{i}one yt sholde be a garland of grene oke
cerriall: But for the same reasone (because cerrus ys a kynde of
oke as ys also the Ilex) I judge yt sholde not be redde cerriall
but unseriall, that ys, (yf you will nedes have this worde
cerriall,) a garlande of greene oke not cerriall, as who sholde
saye, she had a Garlande of Grene oke, but not of the oke
Cerriall. and therefore a garlande of oke unseriall, signifyinge
a garlande that was freshe and Grene, and not of dedd wannyshe
Coolor as the oke Cerriall in some parte ys. for the Cerrus,
being the tree w{hi}che we comonly call the holme oke,
(as Cooper also expoundeth the ilex to be that which wee call
holme,) produceth two kyndes; whereof the one hathe greater, and
the other lesser acornes, whose leaves beinge somewhat grene one
the one syde, and of one ouer russett and darkyshe Coolor on the
other syde, were not mete for this garland of Emelye, whiche
sholde be freshe and Grene one everye parte, as were her younge
and grene yeres, lyke to the goddesse to whome she sacryfyced,
and therefore a garlande of Grene oke unseriall, not beinge of
oke cerriall, for yf yt had byn oke serriall, yt wolde haue
shewed duskyshe and as yt were of dedishe leaves, and not freshe
and orient as chaucer wolde haue her garlande. And this for
yo{u}r e[x]posit{i}one of unseriall, in some parte: for I wolde
suppose that this worde unseriall dothe not vnaptly signifye
perfectione of coolor, so that She having a Garlande of Grene
oke unseriall, doth signyfye the oke to be grene and unseriall,
that is, (as some do expounde this worde unseriall,) unsered,
unsinged, unwithered, of freshe coolor, lyke unto the oke
Quercus whiche hath no sered nor withered cooloor in his leafes.
And yt was of necessytye that Emely (sacryfysinge to Diana) must
haue a garlande of the Grene oke Quercus, because that they
whiche sacryfyced vnto Diana, otherwise called Hecate, (which
name is attribute to Diana, as natalis Comes affirmethe with
statius in his Acheleidos in his first Booke sayinge,
Sic vbi virgineis Hecate lassata pharetris,
being Diana adorned with her bowe and arrowes, called also
Triuia because Luna, Diana, and Heccate, were all one, whereof
Virgil speaketh,
Tergemina{m}q{ue} Hecaten, tria virginis ora Dianæ,)
were adorned w{i}th a crowne of the grene oke Quercus, because
that Heccate was wont to be crowned therewith, as hath Pierius
Valerianus in his 51 booke of Hieroglyphes, sayinge, Heccate
quoquè Quercu coronari solita est. for although Quercus be
consecrate to Jupiter, because he gave his oracles in the same
in Sylva Dodonea, and therefore called Jupiter Dodoneus; yet
Antiqutye adorned and crowned Diana Heccate with the same crowne
also. Wherefore I conclude, since she (Emelye) had a garlande of
Grene oke, (as Chaucer of purpose addeth that woorde Greene to
explane unseriall, whiche signyfyethe unsered, unparched,
unwithered in every parte, not lyke to the oke Serriall, whose
leafe one the one syde is duskyshe as though yt were somewhat
withered,) that the same word unseriall must stand unamended,
as well (as I sayed before) by youre owne correct{i}one and the
nature of the worde; as for that Diana, called Heccate, was
crowned with the oke Quercus and not with the oke cerrus. But yf
yo{u} obiecte to mee that, in this place, yt must be a garlande
of oke cerriall accordinge to the woordes of Chaucer in one
other place, because that he in the flower and the leafe (newely
printed by yo{u}) hath these woordes;
I sie come first all in theire clokes white
a companye that were for delight.
Chapletts freshe of oke serriall
Newly spronge and Trompetts they were all;
I denye that therefore in the Knightes Tale yt must be oke
serriall. for yt may well bee, that such meane persons as
trompettes might be crowned with so base one oke as the serriall
ys, whiche I call base in respecte of the oke Quercus (dedicate
to the godd Jupiter) wherewithe Heccate was crowned, and whereof
Garlands were gyven to the Romans for their nooble desarts in
the warres, as apperethe in the Quernall crowne gyven to those
whiche had saved a cytyzen. Wherefore Chaucer dothe rightly (and
of purpose with great iudgm{en}t in my conceyte) make a
difference in the chaplettes of the Trompettes and the garlands
of Emelye, in that the trompetts chapletts were of oke seriall
newly spronge; and not come to perfect{i}one, whiche yet yf they
had byn p{er}fecte wolde not haue byn soo oryente and Greene one
bothe sydes as ys the oke Quercus, wherewithe he wolde haue this
Emelye crowned, as was her goddesse Heccate Diana (to whom she
dyd sacryfyce) accustomed to bee. for so in tymes past (as I
sayed before) the sacryfycer sholde be adorned with garlandes of
suche thinges, as were consecrate to the goddes to whome they
sacryfyced. for whiche cause also I ame not moved, thoughe
Caxtone in his seconde editione do call yt one oke serriall. for
I knowe (not withstandinge his fayre prologe of printing that by
a true copye) there be manye imperfections in that Booke.
[Footnote 8: _The Quercus cerris, the mossy cupped oak?_]
[Sidenote: Eyther for euerye, an overnice correction.] Fo: 9.
pa: 1. For euerye) yo{u} will us to reade eyther. But the sence
ys good, as well that they dyd ryde one euerye syde of hym, as
of eyther syde of him. for they boothe colde not ryde of euerye
syde of hym, no moore then they both colde ryde of eyther syde
of him; and therefore they two ryding one euerye side of hym,
canne haue noone other construct{i}one then that the one did
ryde of the one syde and the other one the other side, aud
therefore an ouer nice correct{i}one, thoughe some coppies do
warrant yt:
[Sidenote: The intellect of Arcite had not wholly gone, or he
would not have known Emelye.] Fo: 10. pa: 1. for save only the
intellecte,) yo{u} wolde haue us to reade "and also the
intellecte." But yf yo{u} well consider the woordes of Chaucer,
(as I have donne in all the written copyes whiche I haue yet
seene,) his meaninge ys not that the intellecte was wholye
goonne, as yt wolde bee yf yo{u} sholde reade, "and also the
intellecte" for "save only the intellecte." for Chaucers
meanynge ys, that all his streng[t]he and vitall Sprites aboute
his outewarde partes were gonne, save onlye the intellecte or
vnderstandinge, w{hi}che remayned sounde and good, as apperethe
after by the followinge woordes, for when deathe approched, and
that all outwarde senses fayled, he (Arcite) yet cast eye vppon
Emelye, remembringe her, thoughe the cheifest vitall sprite of
his harte and his streng[th]e were gonne from hym. but he colde
not haue cast his eye vppon Emelye, yf his intellecte had fayled
hym. Yet yf you liste to reade, "and also the intellecte," for
saue only the intellecte, yt may after a sorte somewhat be borne
withall, notwithstandinge that a pointe at streng[t]he is
looste; and a parenthesis includynge (Save only the intellecte,
without moore,) will make the sence good in this sort as I have
here pointed yt:
And yet moore ouer from his armes two
the vital streng[t]he is lost; and all agoo
(save only the intellecte without moore)
that dwelleth in his hart sicke and sore
gan faylen: When the hart felt death &c.
[Sidenote: Straught, a better word than haughte.] Fo: 10. pa: 2.
For armes straughte you wolde reade yt haughte, when straughte
is moore significa{n}t (and moore answerable to Chaucers woordes
whiche followethe) than haughte ys. for he speakethe of the
Bredthe and spredinge of the boughes or armes or branches of the
tree, whiche this woorde straughte doth signyfye, and is moore
aptlye sett downe for stretched, then this woorde haughte,
whiche signyfyethe catchinge holde, or holdinge faste, or (yf
you will streyne yt againste his nature) stretching on heigh,
whiche agreethe not well with Chaucers meanynge. for these be
his words:
And twenty fadome of breedth, armes straughte;
That is to sayen, the Bowes were so broode, &c.
[Sidenote: Visage for vassalage, an impertinent correction.]
Fo: 11. pa: 1. For all forgotten in his vassalage, yow wolde haue
vs reade, "for all forgotten is then his visage;" a thinge mere
impertinente. for the forgettinge of his visage and personage is
not materiall, nor regarded of anye to haue his face forgotten,
but yt is muche materiall (and so ys Chaucers meanynge) that his
vassalage, and the good service donne in his youthe, shold be
forgotten when he waxethe olde. And therefore yt must bee "his
vassalage forgotten;" as presently after Chaucer sayeth, better
for a manne to dye when he is yonge, and his honor in price,
than when he is olde, and the service of his youthe forgotten;
w{hic}he I coulde dilate and prove by manye examples; but I
cannott stande longe vppon euerye pointe, as well for that I
wolde not be tedious vnto yo{u}, as for that leysure serveth me
not thereunto.
[Sidenote: Leefe for lothe, a nedeless correction.] Fo: 13.
pa: 1. For lothe yo{u} bidde vs reade leefe, which annotacione
neded not to haue byn there sett downe, because the verye woorde
in the texte is lefe.
[Sidenote: It is more likely that Absolon knocked than that he
coughed at the window.] Fo: 14. pa: 1. for knocked yo{u} reade
coughed, but, the circumstance considered, (althoughe they may
both stande,) yt is moore probable that he[9] knocked at her[10]
windowe, than that he coughed. for although those woordes "with
a semely sownde" may haue relatione to the voyce, yet they may
as well and with as much consonancye haue reference to a semely
and gentle kynde of knockinge at the windowe as to the voyce,
and so his meanynge was by that sounde to wake her, whiche wolde
rather be by the noyse of a knocke than of a coughe. for so he
determyned before to knocke, as apperethe in these verses, when
he sayed,
So mote I thryve, I shall at cockes crow
Full priuily knocke at his windowe:
And so apperethe by the tale afterwarde that he knocked, as he
did before, although he coughed also at the latter tyme, for he
knocked twyce.
[Footnote 9: [_Absolon._]]
[Footnote 10: [_The Carpenter's wife's._]]
[Sidenote: Surrye or Russye, indifferent which.] Fo: 23. pa: 2.
For Surrye you read Russye. true yt is, that some written copies
haue Russye, and some Surrye. And therefore indifferent after
the written copies, and some auncient printed copies before my
fathers editione. But yf I shall interpone my opynione, I wolde
more willingly (for this tyme) receve Surrey, because yt is most
lykelye that the tartarians whiche dwelt at Sara (a place yet
well knowen, and bordering vppon the lake Mare Casp{iu}m,) are
nerer to Sorria or the countryes adioynynge called Syria, than
to Russya. For as Hato the Armeniane, in his Tartariane
Historye, sayeth, The cyttye of Sara was auncyently the famous
cyttye of the countrye of Cumania; and the Tartarians obteyned
the kingdome of Syria in the yere 1240, w{hi}che must be in the
tyme of the fyrst Tartariane emperor called Caius canne,
[Sidenote: Cambuscan is Caius canne.] beinge (as I suppose) he
whome Chaucer namethe Cambiuscan, for so ys the written copies,
such affynytye is there betwene those two names. And, as I
gather, yt was after that tyme that the Tartarians had warres in
Russia. But I leave yt indifferent at this tyme, as meanynge
further to consider of yt.
[Sidenote: "That may not saye naye," better than "there may no
wighte say naye."] Fo: 31. pa: 2. for these woordes, "that may
not saye naye," yo{u} reade "there may no wighte say naye."
bothe whiche are good, and boothe founde in written coppyes; and
yet the firste will better stande, in my conceyte, because [_the
king of Faerie_] there speakinge to his wyfe, he urgethe her
that she cannott denye yt; when he sayeth, my wyfe that cannott
say naye, as who sholde saye yo{u} cannot denye yt because you
knowe yt; and experience teacheth yt, so that these woordes,
"that cannott say naye," must be taken as spoken of his wyfes
knowledge, and so as good or rather better than "there may no
wighte saye naye," consideringe that these wordes "that cannott
saye naye," dothe signyfye, "whoe cannott saye naye," in such
sorte that this relatyve (that) meanynge (whoe) must haue
reference to his antecedente, i. e. this worde wyfe.
[Sidenote: Theophraste, not Paraphraste.] Fo: 35. pa: 2. For "He
cleped yt valerye and theophraste," you saye some wolde haue vs
reade "Valery and his Paraphraste." But as yo{u} haue left yt at
libertee to the reader to iudge, so I thinke yt must nedes be
Theophraste; as the author [of] Policraticon in his eighte
Booke, ca. 11. [Sidenote: The wife of Bath's Prologue taken from
the author of Policraticon.] (from whome Chaucer borrowethe
almost worde for worde a great parte of the Wyfe of Bathes
Prologe,) doth vouche yt, for the author of that booke, Johannes
Sarisburiensis, lyvinge in the tyme of Henrye the seconde,
sayethe, Fertur authore Hieronimo Aureolus Theophrasti liber, de
nuptiis, in quo quæritur an vir sapiens ducat vxorem, etc. And
the frenche molinet, moralizinge the Romant of the roose in
frenche, and turnynge it oute of verse into proese, writeth,
Ha si i'eusse creu Theophraste, &c. Oh, yf I had beleved
Theophraste, I had never maried womanne, for he doth not holde
hym wise that marieth anye womanne, be she fayre, foule, poore,
or riche; as he sayeth in his Booke Aureolle; whiche verye
wordes chaucer doth recyte.
[Sidenote: Country, not Couentry.] Fo: 38. pa: 2. for this worde
Countrye you will vs to reade Couentrye. But in my writtene
copies yt is, "in my Countrye," whiche I holde the truer and for
the sence as good yf not better.
[Sidenote: Maketh, not waketh.] Fo: 41. pa: 1. This woorde
makethe is corrected by you, who for the same do place wakethe;
w{hi}che cannott well stande, for Chaucers woordes being, "this
maketh the fende," dothe signyfye (by a true conuers{i}one after
the dialecte of our tonge, w{hi}che with beawtye vsethe suche
transmutac{i}one as I coulde gyve yo{u} manye pretye instances,)
that the sence thereof ys, "the fende makethe this," for whiche
Chaucer vseth these wordes by Transposit{i}one, (accordinge to
the rhethoricall figure Hiperbatone) "This makethe the fende:"
Whiche this? Anger: for that comethe, ys made, or occasioned,
by the deuell. But yf yt sholde be wakethe, then must the sence
bee, that this (whiche is the anger he speakethe of before)
wakethe the fende; whiche oure offences cannot do, because he
cannott be waked, in that he neyther slumbrethe nor slepethe,
but alwayes watcheth and howrely seekethe occas{i}one to
destroye us, lyke a roringe lyone. But yf you will nedes saye
"this wakethe the fende," that is, by conuersione after this
manner, "the fende waketh this," whiche signyfyeth the fende
waketh or styrreth this in manne, yt may, after a harde and
over-streyned sorte, beare some sence, whiche yet hath not that
energye, sprite or lyfe, w{hi}che haue Chaucers woordes, "this
maketh the fende." Whiche woordes are in my written copies, and
in all written and auncient printed copies whiche I have yet
seene.
[Sidenote: Hugh of Lincoln.] Fo: 96. pa: 2. vppon these woordes,
"O hughe of Lincolne sleyne also, &c." You saye, that in the 29.
H. 3. eightene Jewes were broughte fro{m} Lincolne, and hanged
for crucyfyinge a childe of eight yeres olde. Whiche facte was
[in] the 39. H. 3. so that yo{u} mighte verye well haue sayed,
that the same childe of eighte yeres olde was the same hughe of
Lincolne; of whiche name there were twoe, viz. thys younger
Seinte Hughe, and Seinte Hughe bishoppe of Lincolne, whiche dyed
in the yere 1200, long before this litle seinte hughe. And to
prove [that] this childe of eighte yeres olde and that yonge
hughe of Lincolne were but one; I will sett downe two
auctoryties out of Mathewe Paris and Walsinghame, whereof the
fyrste wryteth, that in the yere of Christe 1255, beinge the 39.
of Henrye the 3, a childe called Hughe was sleyne by the Jewes
at Lyncolne, whose lamentable historye he delyvereth at large;
and further, in the yere 1256, being 40. Hen. 3, he sayeth,
Dimissi sunt quieti 24 Judei à Turri London, qui ibidem infames
tenebantur compediti pro crucifixione sancti Hugonis Lincolniæ:
All whiche Thomas Walsingham, in Hypodigma Neustriæ, confirmeth;
sayinge, A^o. 1255. Puer quidam Christianus, nomine HUGO, à
Judeis captus, in opprobriu{m} Christiani nominis crudelitèr est
crucifixus.
[Sidenote: "Where the sunne is in his ascensione," a good
reading.] Fo: 86. pa: 8. (Where the sunne is in his
ascensione, &c.) You will us to reade for the same,
Ware the soone in his ascensione
Ne fynde you not replete of humors hotte,
For yf yt doe, &c.
But, savinge correct{i}one, the former sence is good: for these
woordes: Where the sonne is in his ascensione, must haue
relat{i}one to the woordes of the verse before,
Ye be righte colericke of complex{i}one,
and then is the sence, that she [_the fair Pertelote_] willed
hym to purge, for that he was righte (that is, extremelye and in
the highest degree) collericke of complex{i}one, where (whiche
signyfyeth when) the sonne is in his ascent{i}one. Wherefore he
must take heede, that he did not fynde hym repleate (at that
tyme of the sonnes being in his ascent{i}one) of hoote humors,
for yf he did, he sholde surelye haue one ague. And this will
stand with the woordes Where the sonne is in his ascentione,
taking where for when, as yt is often vsed. But yf yo{u} mislyke
that gloosse, and will begyn one new sence, as yt is in some
written copyes, and saye, Ware the sonne in his ascentione ne
fynde you not repleate, &c. yet yt cannott bee that the other
wordes, (for yf yt doo,) canne answer the same, because this
pronoune relative (yt) cannot haue relat{i}one to this worde
(you) which wente before in this lyne, Ne fynde yo{u} not
repleate of humors hotte. So that yf you nowe will nedes reade
ware for where, yet the other parte of the followinge verse must
nedes be, "for yf you doe," and not "for yf yt dooe;" vnleste
you will saye that this woorde (yt) must haue relat{i}one to
these woordes, (the sonne in his ascentione,) whiche yt cannott
have, those woordes goinge two lynes before, and the pronowne
(you) interposed betwene the same and that his correlative (yt.)
Wherefore these woordes, (for yf yt doe,) must nedes stande as
they did before, though you will correcte "Where the sonne &c."
and saye "Ware the sonne &c." W{hi}che yf you will nedes haue,
you must correcte the rest in this sorte: