the extent to which population estimates for villages were affected by
local fugitivism or temporary scattering of the natives at the advent
of the Spaniards. Very frequently the explorers left notations that the
inhabitants of a certain rancheria had fled, or that many were absent.
It seems clear that even by the year 1800 the natives were all too well
aware of the purpose of the missionaries and soldiers and took measures
to defeat that purpose. For this reason, remarkable as it may appear,
the largest estimates are likely to have been the most accurate.
Returning now to the population of Bubal we find Martin counting "no
less" than 200 children in 1804, indicating a total number somewhere in
the vicinity of 1,300, although most of the adults apparently had
absconded. In 1806 the same situation arose and Moraga found only 400
left in the village. In 1814 Cabot estimated that the village contained
700 people, despite the fact that some may have been missing. The
apparent increase in 1814 can be very simply explained by the
assumption that fewer natives had fled the village than had done so
when Moraga arrived. Cabot's figure may be quite near the truth for the
year 1814 since we must concede a drastic overall reduction of
population in the area between 1804 and 1814. Certainly the population
can never have been _less_ than 700. The weight of the evidence at hand
thus indicates that the estimate based upon Martin's account, i.e.,
1,300 persons, is essentially sound.
Further evidence of collateral importance is derived from consideration
of the location of the village of Bubal. Gifford and Schenck (1926, p.
27) place Bubal on Atwell's Island, near Alpaugh, in T23S, R23E, that
is, on the east side of Lake Tulare. Neither Martin (in 1804) nor
Moraga (Munoz diary of 1806) locates the rancheria with any precision
but Cabot (1815) left San Miguel on October 2, 1814, and on October 3
traveled over an immense plain, arriving late in the day at Bubal, on
the shore of a big lake. This can have been only Lake Tulare and the
west shore thereof. The next year Ortega (1815), approaching from the
north or northwest, passed through Sumtache (i.e., Chunut) and went on
to Bubal, where he arrived late at night, not having been able to find
the village "... por haverse mudado de su sitio propio ..." Estudillo
was the next visitor who has left us a detailed account of this area.
On October 22, 1819, he went from near Cholam to a place called Los
Alisos near the edge of the foothills of the coast range. On October 23
he went across the plain and on October 24 arrived at Bubal, obviously
from the west, and found it deserted, adding the comment that the
village "... manifesto aver ya dias q. se fueron a otra parte." The
following day he pushed five leagues south through tule swamp and found
the settlement on the bank of the lake although his soldiers had to
wade waist deep for two leagues farther in order to catch most of the
inhabitants. Apropos of this incident he says regarding Bubal: "Esta es
la rancheria de gentiles mas immediata a las misiones, y la q. con
mayor frecuencia se hacen cristianos en la de San Miguel."
From these accounts it is very clear that the original site of Bubal
was on the west, not the east, shore of the lake and that because of
the depredations of the Spaniards the inhabitants fled into the lake
itself, where they made at least temporary settlements. That these
became their permanent home is attested by the fact that no later than
1826 Pico stated that Bubal was situated on an island in the lake.
Subsequently contemporary writers as well as the modern ethnographers
agree that the principal village of the Wowol was on Atwell's Island.
From the demographic point of view the chief justification for tracing
the migration of Bubal in the first two decades of the nineteenth
century is to indicate how the constant pressure of the Spaniards,
through incessant military expeditions, could affect the population.
Through a series of years, their native village site having become
untenable, the people of Bubal were forced to seek precarious and
inadequate shelter where-ever they might find it in the depths of the
tule swamps until ultimately they could establish themselves in a new
home, an island fortress where they might remain relatively
undisturbed. Starvation, casual massacre, and disease coupled with
exposure must have strongly reduced the total number. Hence a 50 per
cent decrease in ten or fifteen years--from Martin to Cabot and
Estudillo--is not at all surprising.
The Chunut were first visited by Martin in 1804, who designated their
principal rancheria Chuntache but gave no population figures. Two years
later, in 1806, it was seen by Moraga, who called it Tunctache and said
it had 250 people. Cabot in 1814 said there were 700 persons and Ortega
in 1815 found 20 males. Estudillo in 1819 found 103 young braves
("indios gallardos mozos") and 200 women, old men, and children.
However, he also states that the captain and "la mayor parte de la
gente" were away on a visit toward Lake Buenavista.
The estimates of Cabot and Estudillo appear to be quite reliable. Cabot
describes Bubal and then passes on to Suntache. The latter place he
says had a population "about the same as the preceding," or 700
persons. Since Estudillo took the pains to count the young men
precisely, his remaining estimate must be fairly correct. The total
thus is 303 persons present plus more than the same number of
absentees, or approximately 700.
Since the location and history of Tuntache was very similar to that of
Bubal and since in the period 1815-1819 the population was nearly the
same, it is very probable that there was a reduction in population at
the former village analogous to that seen at the latter. Although we
have no concrete data, such as Martin's report for Bubal in 1804, which
may be applied to Tuntache, it may be assumed with safety that the
aboriginal inhabitants of this rancheria numbered at least 1,200.
The third lake tribe was the Tachi. This tribe, or its principal
village, was first recorded by Martin in 1804. He gives no direct
figures but implies that there were 4,000 inhabitants, although he may
have been referring to the entire lake area. The next visitor of
consequence was Cabot in 1814 who stated that Tache "... segun presenta
y por la caseria que la compone ..." had 1,000 souls. At a distance of
two leagues he found another rancheria, Guchame, which may have
belonged to the same tribe, which "... segun presenta y informes
tomados no pasara de 200 almas ..." The next year Ortega attacked the
rancheria but the people had been warned and had all fled when he
entered. They had not returned, moreover, in 1819, when they were seen
by Estudillo. They must have been in bad straits, because Estudillo
found them living deep in the swamp, in a "gran Bolson de Tule, sin
poder tener lumbre." Estudillo gives no figures but he makes the
interesting comment that the Tachi had four chiefs and that the
rancheria (or tribe) had several "parts," each at some distance from
the others. This raises the question whether Cabot saw the only
rancheria of the tribe or one of a number. The village he saw he
examined sufficiently carefully to enable him to count the houses. Such
an arrangement is incompatible with rancherias "each at some distance
from the others." Furthermore four chiefs would imply four more or less
equal subdivisions, or four rancherias and possibly 4,000 inhabitants.
At first sight this appears preposterous. However, the following facts
should be noted.
1. The area held by the tribe extended across the north and west shores
of Lake Tulare from the present town of Lemoore to Coalinga close to
the western foothills. This comprises a greater area than the Wowol and
Chunut together.
2. Modern informants have been able to give the ethnographers Kroeber,
Gayton, and Latta the names of 3 villages for the Wowol, 2 for the
Chunut, and 8 for the Tachi. Although the number of villages has no
strict quantitative significance, it does indicate the greater size of
the Tachi.
3. As mentioned previously, Derby in 1850 found the Tachi tribe to
contain about 8000 individuals, of whom 300 lived in the principal
rancheria. In view of the very great attrition to which all the open
valley tribes had been subjected between Estudillo's visit in 1819 and
that of Derby in 1850 it is almost incredible that the Tachi should
have diminished only from 1,000 to 800 during that period. It is much
more reasonable that the principal village should have declined from
1,000 to 300 as would be indicated by the figures of Cabot and Derby.
If so, then the tribe as a whole must have once contained much more
than 1,000 people.
4. Father Martin in the description of his trip implies that there were
4,000 people living in the vicinity of Tache. It has generally been
assumed, and is so stated by Gifford and Schenck (1926, p. 22), that
Martin was referring not only to the borders of Lake Tulare but also to
the lower reaches of the Kaweah and Kings rivers. This is simply an
assumption and rests upon no unequivocal evidence.
5. Cabot's quite careful estimate for the principal rancheria shows
that it was larger than Bubal or Tuntache in 1814. Martin's data for
Bubal showed that this town must have contained fully 1,330 persons in
1804. If we disregard any shrinkage prior to that year, the
contemporary population of Tache would have reached at least 1,600 if
Cabot's estimates for the two villages in 1814 are to be credited.
On the basis of all these facts the author believes that the Tachi
aboriginally possessed one village with at least 1,600 inhabitants and
that Cabot's figure for this village was reasonably accurate. In
addition, the statements of Estudillo in 1819 and Derby in 1850--and
both of these observers were trustworthy persons--point definitely to
the existence of at least three other villages. These were undoubtedly
smaller than the principal rancheria. In default of any concrete data
each may be estimated as half the size of Tache, or 800 persons apiece.
The total for the tribe would then be 4,000 or nearly twice as much as
for the Wowol and Chunut combined.
An aggregate of 6,500 natives for precontact times seems to be
indicated in the Tulare Lake basin. The figure 1,100 was obtained for
the period of approximately 1850-1852. The reduction would then have
been to a value of 16.9 per cent of the aboriginal level. If this seems
excessive, it should be borne in mind that the area was subjected to
the ravages of disease, both epidemic and venereal, from 1770 forward,
as is attested or implied by both Garces in 1776 and Martin in 1804.
It was overrun by clerical and military expeditions in 1804, 1812,
1814, 1815, and 1819, not to mention an indefinite number of private
raiding parties which have left no trace in the documents. From 1820 to
1850 it was entered repeatedly by ranchers from the coast, American
trappers of the Jedediah Smith variety from the southwest or north, and
by New Mexican bandits. All these took a toll in the form of mission
converts, battle casualties, burnt food stores, and disrupted village
life. Finally, it should be remembered that the dry and arid plains of
modern Kings, Tulare, and Kern counties bear no resemblance to the
former region of rivers, sloughs, swamps, and lakes which once
supported uncounted millions of game birds and animals, together with a
luxurious vegetation capable of supporting a very dense human
population.
TULARE LAKE BASIN ... 6,500
___________________________
THE KAWEAH RIVER
Together with the Tulare Lake Basin the lower Kaweah River and its
delta from Lemon Cove to below the town of Tulare was probably one of
the most densely populated spots in California, or possibly even north
of the Valley of Mexico (see maps 1 and 3, area 3). The repeated
comment of the missionaries with respect to the "infinidad de gentiles"
to be found there creates a subjective impression which is borne out by
the numerical data we possess.
There seem to have been two rather indistinctly separated divisions of
the region. One, centering around Visalia and occupying the delta and
sloughs, contained three tribes, the Telamni, Wolasi, and Choinok, of
which the Telamni were the most important and numerous. The other,
centering around Lemon Cove and probably extending some distance into
the lower foothills, included the Wukchamni, Gawia, and Yokod, the
largest group being the Wukchamni.
Martin entered the delta in 1804 and called the people Telame. Moraga
in 1806 explored it more thoroughly. According to the Munoz diary (Oct.
19-20), the party noted Telame with 600 souls, together with a "big
rancheria" one league east and the rancheria Cohochs two and one-half
leagues east. In addition there were "otras varias rancherias" in the
vicinity. The village list appended to the diary gives Telami I
("tendra segun corto computo 600 almas"), Telame II with 200 souls,
Uholasi with 100, Eaguea with 300, and Cohochs with 100. Uholasi is no
doubt Wolasi, and Eaguea and Cohochs are probably respectively Gawia
and Yokod. If the last two are omitted, it is evident that Moraga saw
or knew about four rancherias, Telame I and II, Uholasi, and the
unnamed big rancheria. To these must be added the "otras varias
rancherias," which may have amounted to another four, or eight in all.
A population of 2,000 to 4,000 is certainly indicated.
Cabot in 1814 was the next visitor who left a record. He referred to
the "Roblar de Telame Rio," which included Telame, the largest
rancheria in the Tulares. Cabot's Telame may well have included both
the villages to which this name was ascribed by Morgan. If so, on
Moraga's figures it must have contained a minimum of 800 persons. A
higher number is more probable, however, in view of the fact that it
was the largest in the area.
In 1816 Father Luis Antonio Martinez passed through the region and
left a circumstantial account of his visit. Starting from Bubal, he
approached the Telame area, reaching first the village of Gelecto,
where "... encontraron no mas el cementerio: se habia destruido por las
guerras ..." These wars apparently were raids and skirmishes in which
refugees from the missions and other Indian villages participated. From
Gelecto the party went to Telamni "... al llegar alli los divisaron de
Lihuauhilame el grande ... done al dia anterior habian tenido una gran
refriega cuyo resultado fue dar muerte a unos 8 hombres ..." The
captain of the latter rancheria sent a messenger to Martinez with the
report the place contained "como de 300 casados." Gelecto was one
league from Lihuauhilame and since the latter village could be seen
from Telame the distance between the two could not have been more than
a league. Martinez then went six leagues south to Quihuama, before
proceeding westward on the way home.
Lihuauhilame contained 300 married men, or heads of families. The
aboriginal social family consisted of at least five persons, and even
after the disruption suffered from 1804 to 1816 must have amounted to
four. The total population, according to this assumption, must have
reached fully 1,200, with a probable pre-invasion value of at least
1,500. Martinez therefore gives us four sizable places: Gelecto
(depopulated), Telame (minimum 800 according to Moraga and Cabot),
Lihuauhilame (1,200), and Quihuama.
Subsequent visitors (e.g., Estudillo, 1819, and Rodriguez, 1828)
mention Telame but give no data with respect to size nor do they
specify any other rancherias in the immediate vicinity. For basic
population data we are consequently forced to depend upon Cabot,
Moraga, and Martinez.
In the discussion of Bubal mention was made of the attrition of
population due to war and disease during the period following the first
entry of the Spaniards in or about the year 1800. That these factors
were very serious becomes even more evident from the accounts of the
Telame region. Martinez describes the total obliteration of Gelecto,
which he ascribes to the "wars." Elsewhere in his report he refers to
much internecine fighting among villages and between natives and
fugitives from the missions. Moreover, the Spanish accounts repeat ad
nauseam the statement that this or that village was attacked or
destroyed in the course of various expeditions, or that village after
village was deserted by its inhabitants because of fear of the
soldiers. It is highly probable that there is a great deal of lost
history pertaining to the central valley during this period and that
tremendous destruction was inflicted upon the native villages which was
never recorded in the official documents.
Hunger and disease were likewise rampant. Clear indication of this
condition is contained in the sentence of Ortega, in 1815, with respect
to Telame: "... encontrando esta grande rancheria toda desparramada por
la mucha mortandad que havian tenido, y la much hambre que padecian
..." With regard to the cause of the "mortality" it is clear that a
part was due to the killing by the Spaniards and other Indians during
the "wars," a part was due to famine, and very likely the remainder was
due to disease. Although this factor is not specifically mentioned, the
word "mortandad" was widely employed by the Spaniards and Mexicans to
connote the effects of an epidemic. Furthermore, the absence of disease
would be more difficult to explain than its presence in view of the
wide intercourse between the peoples of the southern valley and those
of the coast at a time when the Indians of the missions were dying by
thousands from measles, dysentery, and other contagious maladies
introduced by the whites. The whole picture is one of ruinous
devastation in the Kaweah delta just prior to 1816, with accompanying
disorganization of the local economy and reduction of population.
The effect of war, disease, and starvation cannot be emphasized too
strongly, nor can mention be made of them too often. On account of
their debilitating influence the populations seen in the Kaweah delta
and reported in the documents cannot possibly be overestimates of the
aboriginal number. On the contrary, they undoubtedly represent too low,
rather than too high, a figure.
Reverting now to the villages reported, Moraga mentions eight places,
four of them by name or other specific reference. Martinez mentions
four, all by name. Cabot refers to Telame as the largest village in the
Tulares. Elsewhere (MS, 1818) he states that before reaching Telame
there are five rancherias, including Quiuamine and Yulumne. Quiuamine
is no doubt the Quihuama of Martinez.
Telame was one village, according to all observers except Moraga
(actually Munoz, who wrote the diary). Moraga ascribes 600 people to
the first Telame and 200 to the second. The first estimate, be it
noted, was "segun corto computo," or according to a short count. The
estimate must therefore on Moraga's own admission be increased,
certainly to 1,000 and perhaps more. In view of the size of the well
known rancheria Bubal, fully 1,300, Telame must have contained 1,200
persons.
In addition to the two Telames Moraga mentions a "big rancheria" one
league to the east. Hence there were three villages which comprised
what may be termed the Telame complex. No figures were given by Moraga
for the unnamed rancheria, since it was entirely deserted. However,
since it was regarded as "big," there must have been several hundred
inhabitants, say 500. The total for the triad then would have reached
nearly 2,000.
The Martinez description is apparently somewhat at variance with that
of his predecessor. Martinez saw, cites distances for, and mentions by
name three rancherias: Telame, Lihuauhilame, and Gelecto. They were
located within a radius of one league of each other and must correspond
to the three seen by Moraga. Gelecto was in ruins, with only the
cemetery still in evidence. Hence Gelecto may very well have been the
big, deserted rancheria of Moraga. Martinez gives no population data
for Telame but says there were 300 heads of families in Lihuauhilame,
which was, therefore, without much doubt the largest of the three.
According to Moraga's figures, Telame I was the largest. Hence the
concordance seems to be that Telame, Lihuauhilame, and Gelecto of
Martinez correspond respectively to Telame II, Telame I and the "big"
rancheria of Moraga. As pointed out previously, the total inhabitants
to be deduced from 300 heads of families, under the conditions existing
in 1816 was 1,200. This is twice the estimate of Moraga.
An important point arises here with respect to Moraga's estimates. At
Bubal, it will be remembered, Martin found evidence of 1,300 people in
1804 whereas Moraga reported only 400 in 1806. At Lihuauhilame Martinez
found according to the statement of the village chief 1,200, although
Moraga had reported ten years previously only 600. Furthermore Cabot,
at Bubal eight years after Moraga, found 700 persons. For these two
important villages therefore Moraga differs flatly with three other
competent authorities by a factor of two or three. Similar instances
may be found elsewhere in which Moraga's population figures are far
too low. It seems difficult to escape the conclusion, consequently,
that Moraga (or Munoz) consistently underestimated the native
population. The reason is not immediately apparent, although several
possible suggestions may be offered. Moraga personally had little
interest in such matters. Although he himself did not write the account
of the expedition to the Tulares in 1806, he did write that of his
expedition to the Sacramento Valley in 1808. The latter diary shows
very clearly, through the extreme paucity of its population data, that
Moraga either made no direct counts or estimates, or considered them
too unimportant to mention in his manuscript. For the 1806 trip the
estimates were all supplied, obviously, by Munoz. There is no reason to
impugn either the judgment or veracity of this missionary. However, if
one examines his account, it becomes evident that Munoz based his
figures either (1) on statements of gentiles or (2) on the number of
natives seen by him. The former source might or might not be accurate.
The latter was almost certain to yield too low values because the
Moraga expedition was notoriously hostile to the natives and at nearly
every village approached the inhabitants fled if they could possibly do
so. Munoz therefore consistently saw only the residue, a fraction of
the actual number.
For the above reasons the writer believes that a correction factor
should be applied to the Moraga-Munoz data, and unless there is
specific reason to believe otherwise, the figures should be regarded as
indicating only about 50 per cent of the true population. Such a
correction should not be applied to the figures of other explorers,
like Cabot or Estudillo, who were far more careful in their methods of
estimate.
If, now, we apply a correction factor of 2, Moraga's estimate for
Telame I becomes 1,200, or the same as that found by Martinez for the
same village (Lihuauhilame). On the same basis Telame II (Telame of
Martinez) would have had 400 persons. Gelecto (unnamed by Moraga) was
"big" but probably not as big as Telame I. Hence we may assume an
intermediate value, say 800. The total for the Telame complex, or the
triad of villages, would have been 2,400.