The citizens of New London--Augusta having thus perished---were from the

outset a people of mixed race. But the Saxons, and especially the East

Saxons, prevailed. Strangely, it is Essex which has always prevailed in

London. The modern Cockney dialect, which says "laidy" and "baiby" for

lady and baby, and "whoy" and "hoigh" for why and high, is pure Essex:

you can hear it spoken all over the country districts of that

little-visited county: it is a dialect so strong that it destroys all

other fashions of speech, even the burr of Cumberland and the broad

drawl of Devonshire. Saxon London was mainly East Saxon. But, besides

the new owners of London, there was, first of all, some remnant of the

scattered Welsh. I do not mean the miserable survivors of Augustan

London, found in the place when it was first entered, but those Britons

who had taken refuge in the forests of Surrey, Sussex, and Middlesex,

and there lived as they could, until they could safely venture forth

among their conquerors. Gildas, as we have seen, speaks of these people;

and their skulls remain in the Saxon cemeteries to prove how great a

Celtic element survived among the English conquerors. Next, there were

the foreign merchants. This class formed a considerable proportion of

the better class; and it grew larger every day, because the East Saxon

was certainly not so sharp in affairs as the "man of Rouen;" nor was he

in business capacity equal to the Fleming and the German. But as

happens, _mutatis mutandis_, at the present day, those who were Flemings

and the men of Rouen, speaking their own language, under Ethelred, had

all become Londoners, speaking the English tongue, under Henry

Beauclerk.

It was, indeed, a complete revolution in his manners and customs for the

East Saxon when he exchanged his village community for a walled town.

Consider: at first he lived retired in the country, farming and

cattle-breeding, banded with other families for safety; he kept up the

customs of his fatherland, he carried on no trade, he suffered the old

towns to fall into ruin; his kinglet had no capital, but roamed about

from place to place, administering justice in the royal wagon; he

enjoyed a ferocious and blood-thirsty religion suiting his savage

disposition; he knew only the simplest arts; he could till the ground,

grind his corn, brew beer and mead, and work a little in metals; his

women could spin; he knew no letters; he looked for nothing better than

ever-recurring war, with intervals of peace and feasting; to die on a

battle-field was an enviable lot, because it carried him away to

everlasting happiness. Look at the same man four hundred years later. He

is now a Christian; he is, in a way, a scholar; he is an architect, an

artist, an illuminator, a musician, a law-maker, a diplomatist, an

artificer, a caster of bells, a worker in gold and silver; he carries

on fisheries; he is a merchant; he builds ships; he founds

trade-guilds--he is as far removed from the fierce warrior who leaped

ashore at Thanet as the Romano-Briton whom he conquered was removed from

the naked savage who opposed the arms of Cæsar.

The difference is chiefly due to his conversion. This has brought him

under the influence of Rome Ecclesiastic. It has educated him, turned

him into a townsman, and made growth possible for him. No growth is

possible for any race until it first accepts the creed of civilization.

[Illustration: LONDON STONE, CANNON STREET, AS IT APPEARED IN 1800]

London was converted in A.D. 604. This was a hasty and incomplete

conversion, executed to order; for the citizens speedily relapsed. Then

they were again converted, and in sober earnest put away their old gods,

keeping only a few of the more favorite superstitions; some of these

remain still with us. They were so thoroughly converted that the city of

London become a veritable mother of saints. There was the venerable

Erkenwald, saint and bishop, he who built Bishopsgate on the site of the

old Roman gate. There was St. Ethelburga, the wife of Sebert, the first

Christian king; her church still stands, though not the earliest

building, close beside the site of the old gate. There was St. Osyth,

queen and martyr, the mother of King Offa; her name also survives in

Size, or St. Osyth's, Lane, but the Church of St. Osyth was rededicated

to St. Ben'et Sherehog (Benedict Skin-the-Pig); you may see the little

old church-yard still, black and grimy, surrounded on three sides by

tall houses. English piety loved to dedicate churches to English

saints--more likely these than Italian or French--to look after the

national interests. Thus there were in London churches dedicated to St.

Dunstan, St. Swithin, St. Botolph (whose affection for the citizens was

so well known that it was recognized by four churches), St. Edmund the

Martyr, and, later on, when the Danes got their turn, churches to St.

Olaf and St. Magnus.

The Englishman, thus converted, was received into the company of

civilized nations. Scholars came across the Channel to teach him Latin,

monks came to teach him the life of self-sacrifice, obedience,

submission, and abstinence. The monastery reared its humble walls

everywhere; the first foundation of the first bishop of London was a

monastery. In times of war between the kinglets--when were there no

wars?--the monasteries, after the whole country had been converted, were

spared. Therefore the people settled around them, and enjoyed their

protection. The monastery towns grew rapidly and prospered. New arts

were introduced and taught by the monks, new ideas sprang up among the

people, new wants were created. Moreover, intercourse began with other

nations--the ecclesiastic who journeyed to Rome took with him a goodly

troop of priests, monks, and laymen; they saw strange lands and observed

strange customs. Some of them learned foreign languages, and even made

friendships with the men who spoke them, discovering that a man who

speaks another tongue is not necessarily an enemy. The Englishman was

changed; yet he remained still, as he always does, whether he creates a

new empire in America, or one in Australia, always an Englishman.

Meantime the kinglets made war with each other, and London became a

prize for each in turn. It passed from the East Saxon to the

Northumbrian, to the Mercian, to the West Saxon, as the hegemony passed

from one to the other. Each kinglet learned more and more to recognize

its importance and its value. One of the oldest civic documents extant

is a grant of King Ethelbald to the Bishop of Rochester. He gives him

the right of passing one ship of his own, or of another's, free of toll

into the port of London. The toll of incoming and outgoing vessels

formed, therefore, part of the royal revenue.

The history of London between A.D. 600 and the Norman Conquest is the

history of England. How the City fell into the hands of the Danes, how

it was finally secured by Alfred, how the Danes again obtained the City

without fighting, and how the Norman was received in peace, belong to

history. All this time London was steadily growing. Whatever king sat on

the throne, her trade increased, and her wealth.

The buildings, till long after the Norman Conquest, were small and mean:

the better houses were timber frames, with shutters or lattices, but no

glass for the windows; the poorer houses were of wattle and daub. The

churches were numerous and small. Some of them were still of wood,

though a few were built of stone, with the simple circular arch. The

first church of St. Paul's was destroyed by fire, a fate which awaited

the second and the third. By the time of Edward the Confessor the second

church was completed; but of this church we have no record whatever. The

Saxon period, as concerns London, is the darkest of any. You may see at

the Guildhall nearly everything that remains of Roman London. But there

is nothing, absolutely not one single stone, to illustrate Saxon London.

The city which grew up over the deserted Augusta and flourished for four

hundred years has entirely disappeared. Nothing is left of it at all.

The chief destroyer of Saxon London was the great fire of 1135, which

swept London from end to end as effectually as that of 1666. Had it not

been for these two fires, we should very likely have still standing one

or two of the sturdy little Saxon churches of which the country yet

affords one surviving example. Yet London is not alone in having no

monuments of this period. If we take any other town, what remains in it

of the years A.D. 600-1000? What is left in Rome to mark the reigns of

the eighty Popes who fill that period? What in Paris to illustrate the

rule of the Carlovingians? Fire and the piety of successive generations

have destroyed all the buildings.

For outside show the city of Edward the Confessor and that of the second

Henry were very nearly the same, and so may be treated together. The

churches burned down in 1135 were rebuilt in stone, but the houses

presented much the same appearance. Now, everybody who speaks of Norman

London must needs speak of William Fitz Stephen. He is our only

authority; all that we can do is to make commentaries and guesses based

on the text of Fitz Stephen.

[Illustration: BATTLE BETWEEN TWO ARMED KNIGHTS]

He was a clerk in the service of Thomas à Becket; he was present at the

archbishop's murder; he wrote a Life of the saint, to which he prefixed,

by happy inspiration, a brief eulogy of the City of London. It is far

too brief, but it contains facts of the most priceless importance.

London, we learn, possessed, besides its great cathedral, thirteen large

conventual churches and one hundred and twenty-six parish churches. The

White Tower was already built on the east side; the walls of the City,

now kept in good repair, encircled it on all sides except the river;

here the wall which had formerly defended the river front had been taken

down to make way for warehouses and quays; the Royal Palace stood

without the City, but connected with it by a populous suburb. Those who

lived "in the suburbs"--that is, about Chancery Lane and Holborn--had

spacious and beautiful gardens; there were also on this side pasture and

meadow lands, with streams and water-mills; beyond the pastures was a

great forest filled with wild creatures; many springs of water rose on

the north side. The City was so populous that of those who went out to a

muster, 20,000 were chosen as horsemen and 60,000 for the foot. We will

discuss the question of population later on. Meantime one may remark

that a force of 80,000 always ready to be called out means a population

of 320,000 at least, which is indeed absurd, especially when we consider

that the population of London, as shown by the poll-tax of Richard II.,

was only about 40,000.

There were three principal schools, but sometimes other schools were

opened "by favor and permission." We are not told what schools these

were; but there was always a school of some kind attached to every

monastery and nunnery. The boys were taught Latin verse, grammar, and

rhetoric; they disputed with each other in the churches on feast-days,

especially about the "principles of grammar, and the rules of the past

and future tenses"--truly, an agreeable pastime.

The different trades of the City were allotted their own places of work

and sale. Fitz Stephen does not name the various quarters, but they can

be easily ascertained from Stow, though the place assigned to each was

sometimes changed. Thus, the chief market and trading-place of the City

was always Cheap, a broad, open place with booths and sheds for the

exposure of wares, on the north and south. The names of the streets

leading out of Cheap indicate the trades that were carried on in them.

The streets called Wood, Milk, Iron, Honey, Poultry, mark the site of

certain markets on the north. Those named after Bread, Candles, Soap,

Fish, Money-changing, are shown on the south. Along the rivers were

breweries, of which one remains to this day; artificers of various kinds

were gathered together in their own streets about the town. This custom

of congregation was useful in more ways than one: it gave dignity to the

craft and inspired self-respect for the craftsmen, it kept up the

standard of good work, it made craftsmen regard each other as brethren,

not as enemies; it gave them guilds, of which our trades-unions, which

think of nothing but wages, are the degenerate successors; and it

brought each trade under the salutary rule of the Church.

There was then--there has always been--a great plenty of food in the

city of London; on the river-bank, among the vintners, there were

eating-houses where at all times of the day and every day there were

cooked and sold meat and fish and every kind of food. Once a week, on

Friday, there was a horse-fair in Smithfield without the walls; at this

fair there were races every week.

The young men of the City were greatly addicted to sports of all kinds:

they skated in winter, they tilted on the water and on land, they

fought, wrestled, practised archery, danced, and sang. They were a

turbulent, courageous, free and independent youth, proud of their city

and its wealth, proud of their power and their freedom, proud of the

trade which came to their quays from every part of the world. What says

Fitz Stephen?

"Aurum mittit Arabs: species et thura Sabæus:

Arma Scythes: oleum palmarum divite sylva

Pingue solum Babylon: Nilus lapides pretiosos:

Norwegi, Russi, varium grisum, sabelinas:

Seres, purpureas vestes: Galli, sua vina."

The good cleric is a little mixed in his geography. The Arabs certainly

had no gold to send; the Sabæans were, however, Arabs of Saba, in Arabia

Felix: they sent myrrh and frankincense; spices came from another

country. Why does he assign arms to the Scythians? Egypt had turquoise

mines, but no other precious stones. The purple garments of the Seres,

or Chinaman, are silks. Norway and Russia still send sables and other

furs, and France, happily, still sends claret.

The city (Fitz Stephen adds), like Rome, is divided into wards, has

annual sheriffs for its consuls, has senatorial and lower

magistrates, sewers and aqueducts in its streets--its proper places

and separate courts for cases of each kind, deliberative,

demonstrative, judicial--and has assemblies on appointed days. I do

not think there is a city with more commendable customs of church

attendance, honor to God's ordinances, keeping sacred festivals,

almsgiving, hospitality, confirming betrothals, contracting

marriages, celebration of nuptials, preparing feasts, cheering the

guests, and also in care for funerals and the interment of the dead.

The only pests of London are the immoderate drinking of fools, and

the frequency of fires. To this may be added that nearly all the

Bishops, Abbots, and Magnates of England are, as it were, citizens

and freemen of London, having their own splendid houses to which

they resort, where they spend largely when summoned to great

Councils by the King or by their Metropolitan, or drawn thither by

their own private affairs.

A noble picture of a noble city!

[Illustration: RIVER TILTING IN THE TWELFTH CENTURY]

Let us consider the monuments of the City. There remains of Saxon London

nothing. Of Norman London, the great White Tower, the crypt of Bow, the

crypt of St. John's Priory (outside the City), part of the church of

Bartholomew the Great, part of St. Ethelburga's, Bishopsgate; there is

nothing more.[7]

The cathedral of St. Paul's when Fitz Stephen wrote was slowly rising

from its ashes. It had been already twice destroyed by fire. First, the

church founded by Mellitus and beautified by Bishop Cedd and King Sebbi

was burned to the ground in the year 961. We know nothing at all of this

building or of its successor, which was destroyed in the year 1086.

Bishop Maurice began to rebuild the church in the following year, but it

was two hundred years before it was completed. This cathedral therefore

belongs to a later period. That which was destroyed in 1084 must have

resembled in its round arches and thick pillars the cathedral of Durham.

The church and the various buildings which belonged to it in the reign

of Henry I. were surrounded by a wall. This wall included the whole area

now known as St. Paul's Church-yard, and as far as Paternoster Row on

the north side. There were six gates to the wall; the sites of two are

preserved in the names of St. Paul's Alley and Paul's Chain. The

Bishop's Palace was on the north-west corner; the chapter-house was on

the south side of the church; on the north was a charnel-house and a

chapel over it; close beside this was a small enclosure called Pardon

Church-yard, where a chapel was founded by Gilbert à Becket, the saint's

father. This enclosure was afterwards converted into a beautiful

cloister, painted with a Dance of Death, called the Dance of St.

Paul's. Close beside Pardon Church-yard was the chapel of Jesus,

serving for the parish church of St. Faith until the chapel was

destroyed, when the parish obtained the crypt for its church. St.

Faith's is now coupled with St. Augustine's.

[Illustration: CRYPT: REMAINS OF THE COLLEGIATE CHURCH OF ST.

MARTIN-LE-GRAND, N.E.]

Of the thirteen large conventual churches mentioned by Fitz Stephen, we

may draw up a tolerably complete list: St. Martin-le-Grand, St.

Katherine's by the Tower, St. Mary Overies, Holy Trinity Priory, St.

Bartholomew's Priory, St. Giles's Hospital, St. Mary of Bethlehem, the

priory of St. John of Jerusalem, the nunnery afterwards turned into

Elsing's Spital, the nunnery of St. John Baptist, Hollywell, the nunnery

of Clerkenwell, the new Temple in Fleet Street, and the old Temple in

Holborn, perhaps make up the thirteen. I cannot believe that Fitz

Stephen could have included either Barking Abbey or Merton Abbey in his

list.

The most ancient monastic foundation, next to that of St. Paul's, was

St. Martin's House or College. Why St. Martin was so popular in this

country, which had so many saints of her own, is not easily

intelligible. Perhaps the story of the partition of the cloak at the

gate of Amiens, while the saint was still a soldier, struck the

imagination of the people. Certainly the saint's austerities at Ligujé

would not attract the world. In London alone there were the church of

St. Martin's, Ludgate Hill, said to have been founded in very early

Saxon times, that of St. Martin's Outwich, of St. Martin Orgar, St.

Martin Pomary, and St. Martin Vintry--five parish churches to attest his

sanctity and his popularity.

St. Martin-le-Grand, sanctuary and collegiate church, was a Liberty to

itself. Here criminals found safety and could not be arrested, a

privilege which lasted long after the dissolution of the religious

houses. Among the deans of St. Martin's was William of Wykeham.

One church only of the whole thirteen still stands. Part of the present

church of St. Bartholomew the Great is that actually built by Rahere,

the first founder, in the beginning of the twelfth century.

The story of Rahere is interesting but incomplete, and involved in many

difficulties. He is variously said to have been the king's minstrel,

the king's jester, a knight of good family, and a man of low origin, who

haunted great men's tables and made them laugh--nothing less than the

comic person of the period, entirely given over to the pleasures of the

world. In short, the customary profligate, who presently saw the error

of his ways, and was converted. The last statement is quite possible,

because, as is well known, there was at this time a considerable revival

of religion. The story goes on to say that, being penitent, Rahere went

on a pilgrimage. Nothing more likely. At this time, going on pilgrimage

offered attractions irresistible to many men. It was a most agreeable

way of proving one's repentance, showing a contrite heart, and procuring

absolution. It also enabled the penitent to see the world, and to get a

beneficial change of air, food, and friends. There were dangers on the

way: they lent excitement to the journey; robbers waylaid those of the

pilgrims who had any money; fevers struck them low; if they marched

through the lands of the infidel, they were often attacked and stripped,

if not slain; the plains of Asia Minor were white with the bones of

those cut off on their way to the Holy Land. But think of the joy, to

one of an inquiring and curious mind who had never before been beyond

sight of the gray old London walls, to be travelling in a country where

everything was new--the speech, the food, the wine, the customs, the

dress--with a goodly company, the length of the road beguiled by

pleasant talk! Everybody pilgrimized who could, even the poorest and the

lowest. The poorest could go as well as the richest, because the pilgrim

wanted no money--he would start upon his tramp with an empty scrip.

Such an one had naught to lose, and feared no robbers; he received bed

and supper every night at some monastery, and was despatched in the

morning after a solid breakfast. When he at length arrived at the

shrine for which he was bound, he repeated the prayers ordered,

performed the necessary crawlings, and heard the necessary masses; he

then returned home, his soul purified, his sins forgiven, his salvation

assured, and his memory charged with good stories for the rest of his

life. The English pilgrim fared sometimes to Walsingham, sometimes to

Canterbury, sometimes farther afield. He journeyed on foot through

France and Italy to Rome; he even tramped all across Europe and Asia

Minor, if he could be received in some great company guarded by the

knights of St. John to the Holy Land. The roads in the eleventh and

twelfth centuries were covered with pilgrims; the Mediterranean was

black with ships going from Marseilles, from Genoa, from Naples, to the

port of St. Jean d'Acre. Even the rustic, discovering that he, too,

simple and unlettered as he was, had a soul to be saved, and that it

would be better not to trust altogether to the last offices of the

parish priest, threw down his spade, deserted his wife and his children,

and went off on pilgrimage. At last the bishops interfered, and enjoined

that no one should be considered and received as a pilgrim who could not

produce an episcopal license. It was no longer enough for a man to get

repentance in order to get the run of the road and of his teeth; and,

since the episcopal license was not granted to everybody, the rustics

had to fall back on what the parish church afforded, and have ever since

been contented with her advice and authority.

[Illustration: THE FOUNDER'S TOMB, ST. BARTHOLOMEW THE GREAT, E.C.,

FOUNDED 1123]

There was an Office of Pilgrims, which was to be rendered in the

following fashion:

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