Commercial Treaties After the War

By P. Maslov.

[From Russkia Vedomosti, No. 207, Sept. 10, (23,) 1914.]

For reasons beyond my control,[2] I am unable as a member of the Free

Economic Association[3] to participate in the discussion of the methods

of raising money by taxation for the war expenditures. The political

group to which I belong may not give full expression to its views. What

follows is my personal opinion shared by several men.

[Footnote 2: Mr. Maslov, who is a well-known Russian economist, was

arrested shortly after the beginning of the war on suspicion of not

being loyal enough.--Translator.]

[Footnote 3: The Russian Free Economic Association is one of the oldest

scientific bodies of Russia. It considers at its meetings proposed

taxation and various questions of economic policy. It is but natural

that the proposed new taxes should have provoked ardent discussion in

this association. How the war taxes should be levied (direct versus

indirect taxation) and who shall be the taxpayers, were among the chief

topics discussed at its recent meetings.--Translator.]

The attack by Germany is not only a menace to the democracy of France

and Belgium, it not only threatens a political dictatorship by the

Prussian nobility over Europe, but is a danger of far greater magnitude

than these. For the first time Europe is in peril of having her

commercial treaties determined by the sword. Up to this time even the

smaller countries have been saved from such a violent course, and

European capital has been obliged to restrict itself to the oppression

of Asiatic countries. Now for the first time--in case of a German

victory--Europe stands in danger of having her commercial arrangements

forced upon her by an iron hand, and is threatened with being turned

into a German colony. For in the case of a German victory no power in

Europe will be able to withstand Germany. And Germany will deal without

ceremony even with Austria.

On the other hand, in case of German defeat, the foremost capitalistic

country, Great Britain, may not menace Europe for two reasons: First,

Great Britain holds to the policy of free trade; second--and this is the

main point--she cannot support with armed force her policy as against

her allies.

In the meantime the danger indicated above threatens economically

backward Russia; her agricultural population may be ruined, her

industries may be destroyed. An unprecedented situation has arisen for

Russia. All the social classes of the empire are deeply interested in

the repulse of the armies of the Kaiser. The working class is just as

much interested in the existence of Russian industries as are the

employers. The peasants are in no lesser degree interested in the

development of agriculture; the killing of industries and agriculture

like that committed by England in Ireland centuries ago is a gloomy

prospect for all classes of society. If France and Belgium are

threatened with a political oppression then Russia is threatened with an

even more terrible economic subjugation. Such is the situation.

The poorest classes of the people are taking part in this fight with

what they have, with their blood. It is but natural that they should

expect that the material burdens of the war will fall not upon their

shoulders, but upon big business.

It seems to me that in discussing the sinews of war the Free Economic

Association has not considered fully the psychology of the masses. And

yet this psychology has a decisive influence upon the war, and is bound

to be unfavorable to the war, if the masses of the people feel that the

financial burdens of the war are to be placed upon the weakest

shoulders.

Considering that at the present moment our supreme duty is to repel the

German invasion at all costs, I think that this duty will be better

performed by putting the economic burden of the war upon the shoulders

of the well-to-do classes, for we have to reckon not only with the

taxpaying capacity of the mass of the people, but also with their

psychology.

I regard it as a great mistake that the important problem of the most

economical methods of spending money raised by taxation has not been

considered.

The New York Times Current History: the European War, February, 1915 · 第 34 / 119 题