CHAPTER CLXXXIX.

EXTENSION OF THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE LINE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN: MR.

DAVIS, OF MISSISSIPPI, AND MR. CLAY: THE WILMOT PROVISO.

In the resolutions of compromise submitted by Mr. Clay there

was one declaring the non-existence of slavery in the territory

recently acquired from Mexico, and affirming the "inexpediency"

of any legislation from Congress on that subject within the said

territories. His resolution was in these words:

"_Resolved_, That as slavery does not exist by law, and is not

likely to be introduced into any of the territory acquired by

the United States from the Republic of Mexico, it is inexpedient

for Congress to provide by law either for its introduction into

or exclusion from any part of the said territory; and that

appropriate territorial governments ought to be established

by Congress in all of the said territory, not assigned as the

boundaries of the proposed State of California, without the

adoption of any restriction or condition on the subject of

slavery."

This proposition, with some half-dozen others, formed the system

of compromise with which Mr. Clay expected to pacify the slavery

agitation in the United States. Mr. Davis, of Mississippi, did not

perceive any thing of a compromise in a measure which gave nothing

to the South in the settlement of the question, and required the

extension of the Missouri compromise line to the Pacific ocean as

the least that he would be willing to take. Thus:

"But, sir, we are called on to receive this as a measure of

compromise! Is a measure in which we of the minority are to

receive nothing, a measure of compromise? I look upon it as but

a modest mode of taking that, the claim to which has been more

boldly asserted by others; and that I may be understood upon

this question, and that my position may go forth to the country

in the same columns that convey the sentiments of the senator

from Kentucky, I here assert that never will I take less than

the Missouri compromise line extended to the Pacific ocean, with

the specific recognition of the right to hold slaves in the

territory below that line; and that, before such territories are

admitted into the Union as States, slaves may be taken there

from any of the United States at the option of their owners."

This was a manly declaration in favor of extending slavery into the

new territories, and in the only way in which it could be done--that

is to say, by act of Congress. Mr. Clay met it by a declaration

equally manly, and in conformity to the principles of his whole

life, utterly refusing to plant slavery in any place where it did

not previously exist. He answered:

"I am extremely sorry to hear the senator from Mississippi

say that he requires, first, the extension of the Missouri

compromise line to the Pacific, and also that he is not

satisfied with that, but requires, if I understood him

correctly, a positive provision for the admission of slavery

south of that line. And now, sir, coming from a slave State, as

I do, I owe it to myself, I owe it to truth, I owe it to the

subject, to say that no earthly power could induce me to vote

for a specific measure for the introduction of slavery where

it had not before existed, either south or north of that line.

Coming as I do from a slave State, it is my solemn, deliberate

and well matured determination that no power, no earthly power,

shall compel me to vote for the positive introduction of slavery

either south or north of that line. Sir, while you reproach,

and justly too, our British ancestors for the introduction of

this institution upon the continent of America, I am, for one,

unwilling that the posterity of the present inhabitants of

California and of New Mexico shall reproach us for doing just

what we reproach Great Britain for doing to us. If the citizens

of those territories choose to establish slavery, and if they

come here with constitutions establishing slavery, I am for

admitting them with such provisions in their constitutions;

but then it will be their own work, and not ours, and their

posterity will have to reproach them, and not us, for forming

constitutions allowing the institution of slavery to exist among

them. These are my views, sir, and I choose to express them; and

I care not how extensively or universally they are known."

These were manly sentiments, courageously expressed, and taking

the right ground so much overlooked, or perverted by others. The

Missouri compromise line, extending to New Mexico and California,

though astronomically the same with that in Louisiana, was

politically directly the opposite. One went through a territory

all slave, and made one-half free; the other would go through

territory all free, and make one-half slave. Mr. Clay saw this

difference, and acted upon it, and declared his sentiments honestly

and boldly; and none but the ignorant or unjust could reproach him

with inconsistency in maintaining the line in the ancient Louisiana,

where the whole province came to us with slavery, and refusing it

in the new territories where all came to us free.

Mr. Seward, of New York, proposed the renewal of the Wilmot proviso:

"Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, otherwise than by

conviction for crime, shall ever be allowed in either of said

territories of Utah and New Mexico."

Upon the adoption of which the yeas and nays were:

"YEAS.--Messrs. Baldwin, Bradbury, Bright, Chase, Clarke,

Cooper, Corwin, Davis of Massachusetts, Dayton, Dodge of

Wisconsin, Douglas, Felch, Greene, Hale, Hamlin, Miller, Norris,

Seward, Shields, Smith, Upham, Whitcomb, and Walker--23.

"NAYS.--Messrs. Atchison, Badger, Bell, Benton, Berrien, Butler,

Cass, Clay, Clemens, Davis of Mississippi, Dawson, Dickinson,

Dodge of Iowa, Downs, Foote, Houston, Hunter, Jones, King,

Mangum, Mason, Morton, Pearce, Pratt, Rusk, Sebastian, Soulé,

Spruance, Sturgeon, Turney, Underwood, Webster, and Yulee--33."

Thirty Years' View (Vol. 2 of 2) or, A History of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years, from 1820 to 1850 · 第 190 / 202 章