LAST MESSAGE OF MR. POLK.
The message opened with an encomium on the conquest of Mexico, and
of the citizen soldiers who volunteered in such numbers for the
service, and fought with such skill and courage--saying justly:
"Unlike what would have occurred in any other country, we were
under no necessity of resorting to draughts or conscriptions.
On the contrary, such was the number of volunteers who
patriotically tendered their services, that the chief difficulty
was in making selections, and determining who should be
disappointed and compelled to remain at home. Our citizen
soldiers are unlike those drawn from the population of any other
country. They are composed indiscriminately of all professions
and pursuits: of farmers, lawyers, physicians, merchants,
manufacturers, mechanics, and laborers; and this, not only
among the officers, but the private soldiers in the ranks. Our
citizen soldiers are unlike those of any other country in other
respects. They are armed, and have been accustomed from their
youth up to handle and use fire-arms; and a large proportion of
them, especially in the western and more newly settled States,
are expert marksmen. They are men who have a reputation to
maintain at home by their good conduct in the field. They are
intelligent, and there is an individuality of character which
is found in the ranks of no other army. In battle, each private
man, as well as every officer, fights not only for his country,
but for glory and distinction among his fellow-citizens when he
shall return to civil life."
And this was the case in a foreign war, in which a march of two
thousand miles had to be accomplished before the foe could be
reached: how much more so will it be in defensive war--war to
defend our own borders--the only kind in which the United States
should ever be engaged. That is the kind of war to bring out all
the strength and energy of volunteer forces; and the United States
have arrived at the point to have the use of that force with a
promptitude, a cheapness, and an efficiency, never known before,
nor even conceived of by the greatest masters of the art of war.
The electric telegraph to summon the patriotic host: the steam
car to precipitate them on the point of defence. The whole art of
defensive war, in the present condition of the United States, and
still more, what it is hereafter to be, is simplified into two
principles--accumulation of masses, and the system of incessant
attacks. Upon these two principles the largest invading force would
be destroyed--shot like pigeons on their roost--by the volunteers
and their rifles, before the lumbering machinery of a scientific
army could be got into motion.
The large acquisition of new territory was fiercely lighting up
the fires of a slavery controversy, and Mr. Polk recommended the
extension of the Missouri compromise line to the Pacific Ocean, as
the most effectual and easy method of averting the dangers to the
Union, which he saw in that question. He said:
"Upon a great emergency, however, and under menacing dangers to
the Union, the Missouri compromise line in respect to slavery
was adopted. The same line was extended further west on the
acquisition of Texas. After an acquiescence of nearly thirty
years in the principle of compromise recognized and established
by these acts, and to avoid the danger to the Union which might
follow if it were now disregarded, I have heretofore expressed
the opinion that that line of compromise should be extended
on the parallel of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes from the
western boundary of Texas, where it now terminates, to the
Pacific Ocean. This is the middle line of compromise, upon which
the different sections of the Union may meet, as they have
hitherto met."
This was the compromise proposition of the President, but there
were arrayed against it parties and principles which repelled its
adoption. First, the large party which denied the power of Congress
to legislate upon the subject of slavery in territories. Some of
that class of politicians, and they were numerous and ardent,
though of recent conception, were, from the necessity of their
position, compelled to oppose a proposition which involved, to the
greatest extent, the exercise of that denied power. Next, the class
who believed in the still newer doctrine of the self-extension of
slavery into all the territories, by the self-expansion of the
constitution over them. This class would have nothing to do with any
law upon the subject--equally repulsing congressional legislation,
squatter sovereignty, or territorial law. A third class objected
to the extension of the Missouri compromise line, because in its
extension that line, astronomically the same, became politically
different. In all its original extent it passed through territory
all slave, and therefore made one side free: in its extension it
would pass through territory all free, and therefore make one
side slave. This was the reverse of the principle of the previous
compromises, and although equal on its face, and to shallow
observers the same law, yet the transfer and planting of slavery
in regions where it did not exist, involved a breach of principle,
and a shock of feeling, in those conscientiously opposed to the
extension of slavery, which it was impossible for them to incur.
Finally, those who wanted no compromise--no peace--no rest on the
slavery question: These were of two classes; first, mere political
demagogues on each side of the agitation, who wished to keep
the question alive for their own political elevation; next, the
abolitionists, who denied the right of property in slaves, and were
ready to dissolve the Union to get rid of association with slave
States; and the nullifiers, who wished to dissolve the Union, and
who considered the slavery question the efficient means of doing it.
Among all these parties, the extension of the Missouri compromise
line became an impossibility.
The state of the finances, and of the expenditures of the government
for the last year of the war, and the first year of peace, was
concisely stated by the President, and deserves to be known and
considered by all who would study that part of the working of our
government. Of the first period it says:
"The expenditures for the same period, including the necessary
payment on account of the principal and interest of the public
debt, and the principal and interest of the first instalment due
to Mexico on the thirtieth of May next, and other expenditures
growing out of the war, to be paid during the present year, will
amount, including the reimbursement of treasury notes, to the
sum of fifty-four millions one hundred and ninety-five thousand
two hundred and seventy-five dollars and six cents; leaving an
estimated balance in the Treasury on the first of July, 1849, of
two millions eight hundred and fifty-three thousand six hundred
and ninety-four dollars and eighty-four cents."
Deducting the three heads of expense here mentioned, and the
expenses for the year ending the 30th of June, 1848, were about
twenty-five millions of dollars, and about the same sum was
estimated to be sufficient for the first fiscal year of entire
peace, ending the 30th of June, 1849. Thus:
"The Secretary of the Treasury will present, as required by
law, the estimate of the receipts and expenditures for the next
fiscal year. The expenditures, as estimated for that year, are
thirty-three millions two hundred and thirteen thousand one
hundred and fifty-two dollars and seventy-three cents, including
three millions seven hundred and ninety-nine thousand one
hundred and two dollars and eighteen cents, for the interest
on the public debt, and three millions five hundred and forty
thousand dollars for the principal and interest due to Mexico
on the thirtieth of May, 1850; leaving the sum of twenty-five
millions eight hundred and seventy-four thousand and fifty
dollars and thirty-five cents; which, it is believed, will be
ample for the ordinary peace expenditures."
About 25 millions of dollars for the future expenditures of the
government: and this the estimate and expenditure only seven years
ago. Now, three times that amount, and increasing with frightful
rapidity.