CHAPTER CLVI.

OREGON TREATY: NEGOTIATIONS COMMENCED, AND BROKEN OFF.

This was a pretermitted subject in the general negotiations which

led to the Ashburton treaty: it was now taken up as a question

for separate settlement. The British government moved in it, Mr.

Henry S. Fox, the British minister in Washington, being instructed

to propose the negotiation. This was done in November, 1842, and

Mr. Webster, then Secretary of State under Mr. Tyler, immediately

replied, accepting the proposal, and declaring it to be the desire

of his government to have this territorial question immediately

settled. But the movement stopped there. Nothing further took

place between Mr. Webster and Fox, and the question slumbered till

1844, when Mr. (since Sir) Richard Pakenham, arrived in the United

States as British minister, and renewed the proposition for opening

the negotiation to Mr. Upshur, then Secretary of State. This was

February 24th, 1844. Mr. Upshur replied promptly, that is to say,

on the 26th of the same month, accepting the proposal, and naming

an early day for receiving Mr. Pakenham to begin the negotiation.

Before that day came he had perished in the disastrous explosion of

the great gun on board the Princeton man-of-war. The subject again

slumbered six months, and at the end of that time, July 22d, was

again brought to the notice of the American government by a note

from the British minister to Mr. Calhoun, successor to Mr. Upshur

in the Department of State. Referring to the note received from Mr.

Upshur the day before his death, he said:

"The lamented death of Mr. Upshur, which occurred within a

few days after the date of that note, the interval which took

place between that event and the appointment of a successor,

and the urgency and importance of various matters which offered

themselves to your attention immediately after your accession

to office, sufficiently explain why it has not hitherto been in

the power of your government, sir, to attend to the important

matters to which I refer. But, the session of Congress having

been brought to a close, and the present being the season of the

year when the least possible business is usually transacted, it

occurs to me that you may now feel at leisure to proceed to the

consideration of that subject. At all events it becomes my duty

to recall it to your recollection, and to repeat the earnest

desire of her majesty's government, that a question, on which so

much interest is felt in both countries, should be disposed of

at the earliest moment consistent with the convenience of the

government of the United States."

Mr. Calhoun answered the 22d of August declaring his readiness

to begin the negotiation and fixing the next day for taking up

the subject. It was taken up accordingly, and conducted in the

approved and safe way of conducting such negotiations, that is to

say, a protocol of every conference signed by the two negotiators

before they separated, and the propositions submitted by each always

reduced to writing. This was the proper and satisfactory mode of

proceeding, the neglect and total omission of which had constituted

so just and so loud a complaint against the manner in which Mr.

Webster and Lord Ashburton had conducted their conferences. Mr.

Calhoun and Mr. Pakenham met seven times, exchanged arguments and

propositions, and came to a balk, which suspended their labors.

Mr. Calhoun, rejecting the usual arts of diplomacy, which holds in

reserve the ultimate and true offer while putting forward fictitious

ones for experiment, went at once to his ultimatum, and proposed the

continuation of the parallel of the 49th degree of north latitude,

which, after the acquisition of Louisiana, had been adopted by Great

Britain and the United States as the dividing line between their

possessions, from the Lake of the Woods (fixed as a land-mark under

the treaty of Utrecht), to the summit of the Rocky Mountains--the

United States insisting at the same time to continue that line to

the Pacific Ocean under the terms of the same treaty. Mr. Pakenham

declined this proposition in the part that carried the line to the

ocean, but offered to continue it from the summit of the mountains,

to the Columbia River, a distance of some three hundred miles;

and then follow the river to the ocean. This was refused by Mr.

Calhoun; and the ultimatum having been delivered on one hand, and no

instructions being possessed on the other to yield any thing, the

negotiations, after continuing through the month of September, came

to a stand. At the end of four months (January 1845) Mr. Pakenham,

by the direction of his government, proposed to leave the question

to arbitration, which was declined by the American secretary, and

very properly; for, while arbitrament is the commendable mode of

settling minor questions, and especially those which arise from the

construction of existing treaties, yet the boundaries of a country

are of too much gravity to be so submitted.

Mr. Calhoun showed a manly spirit in proposing the line of 49,

as the dominant party in the United States, and the one to which

he belonged, were then in a high state of exultation for the

boundary of 54 degrees 40 minutes, and the presidential canvass,

on the democratic side, was raging upon that cry. The Baltimore

presidential convention had followed a pernicious practice, of

recent invention, in laying down a platform of principles on which

the canvass was to be conducted, and 54-40 for the northern boundary

of Oregon, had been made a canon of political faith, from which

there was to be no departure except upon the penalty of political

damnation. Mr. Calhoun had braved this penalty, and in doing so had

acted up to his public and responsible duty.

The new President, Mr. Polk, elected under that cry, came into

office on the 4th of March, and acting upon it, put into his

inaugural address a declaration that our title to the whole of

Oregon (meaning up to 54-40), was clear and indisputable; and

a further declaration that he meant to maintain that title.

It was certainly an unusual thing--perhaps unprecedented in

diplomacy--that, while negotiations were depending (which was

still the case in this instance, for the last note of Mr. Calhoun

in January, declining the arbitration, gave as a reason for it

that he expected the question to be settled by negotiation), one

of the parties should authoritatively declare its right to the

whole matter in dispute, and show itself ready to maintain it by

arms. The declaration in the inaugural had its natural effect in

Great Britain. It roused the British spirit as high as that of the

American. Their excited voice came thundering back, to be received

with indignation by the great democracy; and war--"_inevitable

war_"--was the cry through the land. The new administration felt

itself to be in a dilemma. To stand upon 54-40 was to have war in

reality: to recede from it, might be to incur the penalty laid

down in the Baltimore platform. Mr. Buchanan, the new Secretary

of State, did me the honor to consult me. I answered him promptly

and frankly, that I held 49 to be the right line, and that, if

the administration made a treaty upon that line, I should support

it. This was early in April. The secretary seemed to expect some

further proposition from the British government; but none came.

The rebuff in the inaugural address had been too public, and too

violent, to admit that government to take the initiative again. It

said nothing: the war cry continued to rage: and at the end of four

months our government found itself under the necessity to take the

initiative, and recommence negotiations as the means of avoiding

war. Accordingly, on the 22d of July, Mr. Buchanan (the direction

of the President being always understood) addressed a note to Mr.

Pakenham, resuming the negotiation at the point at which it had been

left by Mr. Calhoun; and, conforming to the offer that he had made,

and because he had made it, again proposed the line of 49 to the

ocean. The British minister again refused that line, and inviting a

"fairer" proposition. In the mean time the offer of 49 got wind. The

democracy was in commotion. A storm was got up (foremost in raising

which was the new administration organ, Mr. Ritchie's Daily Union),

before which the administration quailed--recoiled--and withdrew its

offer of 49. There was a dead pause in the negotiation again; and so

the affair remained at the meeting of Congress, which came together

under the loud cry of war, in which Mr. Cass was the leader, but

followed by the body of the democracy, and backed and cheered on by

the democratic press--some hundreds of papers. Of course the Oregon

question occupied a place, and a prominent one, in the President's

message--(which has been noticed)--and, on communicating the failure

of the negotiation to Congress, he recommended strong measures

for the security and assertion of our title. The delivery of the

notice which was to abrogate the joint occupation of the country by

the citizens of the two powers, was one of these recommendations,

and the debate upon that question brought out the full expression

of the opinions of Congress upon the whole subject, and took the

management of the questions into the hands of the Senate and House

of Representatives.

Thirty Years' View (Vol. 2 of 2) or, A History of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years, from 1820 to 1850 · 第 157 / 202 章