CHAPTER CXI.

MILITARY ACADEMY AND ARMY EXPENSES.

The instincts of the people have been against this academy from

the time it took its present form under the act of 1812, and those

subsequent and subsidiary to it: many efforts have been made to

abolish or to modify it: and all unsuccessful--partly from the

intrinsic difficulty of correcting any abuse--partly from the great

number interested in the Academy as an eleemosynary institution

of which they have the benefit--and partly from the wrong way in

which the reformers go to work. They generally move to abolish the

whole system, and are instantly met by Washington's recommendation

in favor of it. In the mean time Washington never saw such an

institution as now shelters behind his name; and possibly would

never have been in the army, except as a private soldier, if it

had existed when he was a young man. He never recommended such an

academy as we have: he never dreamed of such a thing: he recommended

just the reverse of it, in recommending that cadets, serving in the

field with the companies to which they were attached, and receiving

the pay, clothing, and ration of a sergeant, should be sent--such

of them as showed a stomach for the hardships, as well as a taste

for the pleasures and honors of the service, and who also showed a

capacity for the two higher branches of the profession (engineering

and artillery)--to West Point, to take instruction from officers in

these two branches of the military art: and no more. At this session

one of the usual movements was made against it--an attack upon the

institution in its annual appropriation bill, by moving to strike

out the appropriation for its support, and substitute a bill for

its abolition. Mr. Hale made the motion, and was supported in it by

several members. Mr. McKay, chairman of the committee, which had the

appropriation bill in charge, felt himself bound to defend it, but

in doing so to exclude the conclusion that he was favorable to the

academy. Begging gentlemen, therefore, to withdraw their motion, he

went on to say:

"He was now, and always had been, in favor of a very material

alteration in the organization of this institution. He did not

think that the government should educate more young men than

were necessary to fill the annual vacancies in the army. It was

beyond dispute, that the number now educated was more than the

average annual vacancies in the army required; and hence the

number of supernumerary second lieutenants--which he believed

was now something like seventy; and would be probably thirty

more the next year. This, however, did not present the true

state of the question. In a single year, in consequence of an

order issued from the war department, that all the officers who

were in the civil service of the railroad and canal companies,

&c., should join their respective regiments, there were upwards

of one hundred resignations. Now, if these resignations had

not taken place, the army would have been overloaded with

supernumerary second lieutenants. He was for reducing the

number of cadets, but at the same time would make a provision

by which parents and guardians should have the privilege of

sending their sons and wards there to be educated, at their own

expense. This (Mr. M. said) was the system adopted in Great

Britain; and it appeared, by a document he had in his hand,

that there were three hundred and twenty gentlemen cadets, and

fifteen officers educated at the English Military Academy, at

a much less expense than it required to educate two hundred

and twenty cadets at West Point. He agreed with much of what

had been said by the gentleman from Connecticut, Mr. Seymour,

that it would be an amelioration of our military service, to

open the door of promotion to meritorious non-commissioned

officers and privates. Under the present system, no man who

was a non-commissioned officer or private, however meritorious,

had the least chance of promotion. It was true that there were

instances of such men getting commissions, but they were very

rare; and the consequence was, that the ranks of the army were

filled with some of the worst men in the country, and desertions

had prevailed to an enormous extent. Mr. McK. here gave from the

documents, the number of annual desertions, from the year 1830

to 1836, showing an average of one thousand. He would not now,

however, enlarge on this subject, but would reserve his remarks

till the bill for reorganizing the academy, which he understood

was to be reported by the Military Committee, should come in."

Mr. McKay was not counted among the orators of the House: he made

no pretension to fine speaking: but he was one of those business,

sensible, upright men, who always spoke sense and reason, and to the

point, and generally gave more information to the House in a few

sentences than could often be found in one of the most pretentious

speeches. Of this character were the remarks which he made on this

occasion; and in the four statements that he made, _first_, that

upwards of one hundred West Point officers had resigned their

commissions in one year when ordered to quit civil service and

join their corps; _secondly_, that there was a surplus of seventy

graduates at that time for whom there was no place in the army;

_thirdly_, that at the English Military Academy, three hundred

and thirty-five cadets and officers were instructed at much less

expense than two hundred and twenty with us; _fourthly_, that the

annual desertions from the rank and file of the army had averaged

one thousand men per annum for six years together, these desertions

resulting from want of promotion and disgust at a service which was

purely necessary. Mr. McKay was followed by another speaker of the

same class with himself--Mr. Cave Johnson, of Tennessee; who stood

up and said:

"That there was no certainty that the bill to be reported by

the Military Committee, which the gentleman referred to, would

be reached this session; and he was therefore for effecting

a reform now that the subject was before them. He would,

therefore, suggest to the gentleman from New Hampshire to

withdraw his amendment, and submit another, to the following

effect: That no money appropriated in this bill, or hereafter to

be appropriated, shall be applied to the payment of any cadet

hereafter to be appointed; and the terms of service of those

who have warrants now in the academy shall be held to cease

from and after four years from the time of their respective

appointments. The limitation of this appropriation now, would

put an end to the academy, unless the House would act on the

propositions which would be hereafter made. He was satisfied

it ought to be abolished, and he would at once abolish it, but

for the remarks of his friend from North Carolina; he therefore

hoped his friend from New Hampshire would adopt the suggestions

which had been made."

Mr. Harralson, of Georgia, chairman of the Committee on Military

Affairs, felt himself called upon by his position to come to the

defence of the institution, which he did in a way to show that it

was indefensible. He

"Intimated that that committee would propose some reductions

in the number of cadets; and when that proposition came before

the House, these amendments could be appropriately offered. The

proposition would be made to reduce the number of the cadets

to the wants of the army. But this appropriation should now be

made; and if, by any reductions hereafter made, it should be

found more than adequate to the wants of the institution, the

balance would remain in the Treasury, and would not be lost

to the country. He explained the circumstances under which,

in 1836, some persons educated as cadets at West Point became

civil engineers, and accepted employment on projected lines of

railroad; and asserted that no class of our countrymen were more

ready to obey the call of their country, in any exigency which

might arise."

Mr. Orlando Ficklin, of Illinois, not satisfied with the

explanations made by the chairman on military affairs, returned to

the charge of the one hundred resignations in one year; and said:

"He had listened to the apology or excuse rendered by the

chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs, for the cadets

who resigned in 1836. And what was that excuse? Why, forsooth,

though they had been educated at the government expense,

yet, because they could get better pay by embarking in other

pursuits, they deserted the service of the country which had

educated them, and prepared them for her service. He did not

intend to detain the committee at present, but he must be

permitted to say to those who were in favor of winding up

the concern, that they ought not to vote an appropriation of

a single dollar to that institution, unless the same bill

contained a provision, in language as emphatic as it could be

made, declaring that this odious, detestable, and aristocratic

institution, shall be brought to a close. If it did not cost

this government a single dollar, he would still be unwilling

that it should be kept up. He was not willing that the door

of promotion should be shut against the honest and deserving

soldier, and that a few dandies and band-box heroes, educated at

that institution, should enjoy the monopoly of all the offices.

Mr. F. adverted to the present condition of the army. It was

filled up, he said, by foreigners. Native Americans, to whom

they should naturally look as the defenders of the country,

were deterred from entering it. It would be well, he thought,

to have a committee of investigation, that the secrets of the

prison-house might be disclosed, and its abuses brought to

light."

Mr. Black, of Georgia, proposed an amendment, compelling the cadets

to serve ten years, and keeping up the number: upon which Mr. Hale

remarked:

"The amendment of the gentleman from Georgia would seem to

imply that there were not officers enough: whereas the truth

was there were more than enough. The difficulty was, there were

already too many. The Army Register showed a list already of

seventy supernumeraries; and more were being turned out upon us

every year. The gentleman from New York had made a most unhappy

illustration of the necessity for educating cadets for the army,

by comparing them with the midshipmen in the navy. What was the

service rendered by midshipmen on board our national vessels?

Absolutely none. They were of no sort of use; and precisely so

was it with these cadets. He denied that General Washington ever

recommended a military academy like the present institution;

and, if he had done so, he would, instead of proclaiming it,

have endeavored to shield his great name from such a reproach."

The movement ended as usual, in showing necessity for a reform, and

in failing to get it.

Thirty Years' View (Vol. 2 of 2) or, A History of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years, from 1820 to 1850 · 第 111 / 202 章