REFUSAL OF THE HOUSE TO ALLOW RECESS COMMITTEES.
Two propositions submitted at this session to allow committees
to sit in the recess, and collect information on industrial
subjects--commerce, manufactures, and agriculture--with a view
to beneficial legislation, had the effect of bringing out a very
full examination into the whole subject--under all its aspects, of
constitutionality and expediency. The whole debate was brought on
by the principal proposition, submitted by Mr. Winthrop, from the
Committee on Commerce, in these words:
"_Resolved_, That a committee of nine members, not more than one
of whom shall be from any one State, be appointed by the Chair,
to sit during the recess, for the purpose of taking evidence at
the principal ports of entry and elsewhere, as to the operation
of the existing system and rates of duties on imports upon the
manufacturing, agricultural, and commercial interests of the
country, and of procuring, generally, such information as may be
useful to Congress in any revision of the revenue laws which may
be attempted at the next session."
On this resolution there was but little said. The previous question
was soon called, and the resolution carried by a lean majority--106
to 104. A reconsideration was instantly moved by Mr. McKeon of New
York, which, after some discussion, was adopted, 106 to 90. The
resolution was then laid on the table: from which it was never
raised. Afterwards a modification of it was submitted by Mr. Kennedy
of Maryland, from the committee on commerce, in these words:
"_Resolved_, That a select committee of eleven members, not more
than one of which shall be from any one State, be appointed by
the Chair for the purpose of taking evidence at the principal
ports of entry and elsewhere as to the operation of the existing
system and rates of duties on imports upon the manufacturing,
commercial, and agricultural interests of the country; and
of procuring, generally, such information as may be useful
to Congress in any revision of the revenue laws which may be
attempted at the next session.
"_Resolved, further_, That said committee be authorized to sit
during the recess, and to employ a clerk."
A motion was made by Ingersoll which brought up the question of
recess committees on their own merits, stripped of the extraneous
considerations which a proposition for such a committee, for a
particular purpose, would always introduce. He moved to strike
out the words, "_to sit during the recess_." This was the proper
isolation of the contested point. In this form the objections
to such committees were alone considered, and found to be
insuperable. In the first place, no warrant could be found in the
constitution for this elongation of itself by the House by means
of its committees, and it was inconsistent with that adjournment
for which the constitution provides, and with those immunities to
members which are limited to the term of service, and the time
allowed for travelling to and from Congress. No warrant could be
found for them in the constitution, and practical reasons against
them presented themselves more forcibly and numerously as the
question was examined. The danger of degenerating into faction and
favoritism, was seen to be imminent. Committees might be appointed
to perambulate the Union--at the short sessions for nine months
in the year--spending their time idly, or engaged in political
objects--drawing the pay and mileage of members of Congress all
the time, with indefinite allowances for contingencies. If one
committee might be so appointed, then as many others as the House
chose: if by one House, then by both: if to perambulate the United
States, then all Europe--constituting a mode of making the tour of
Europe at the public expense. All Congress might be so employed:
but it was probable that only the dominant party, each in its turn,
would so favor its own partisans, and for its own purposes. The
practical evils of the measure augmented to the view as more and
more examined: and finally, the whole question was put to rest
by the decided sense of the House--only sixty-two members voting
against the motion to lay it on the table, not to be taken up again:
a convenient, and compendious way to get rid of a subject, as it
brings on the direct vote, without discussion, and without the
process of the previous question to cut off debate.
Such was the decision of the House; and, what has happened in
the Senate, goes to confirm the wisdom of their decision. Recess
committees have been appointed from that body; and each case of
such appointment has become a standing argument against their
existence. The first instance was that of a senatorial committee, in
the palmy days of the United States Bank, consisting of the friends
of that bank, appointed on the motion of its own friends to examine
it--spending the whole recess in the work: and concluding with a
report lauding the management of the bank, and assailing those who
opposed it. Several other senatorial recess committees have since
been appointed; but under circumstances which condemn them as an
example; and with consequences which exemplify the varieties of
abuse to which they are subject; and of which, faction, favoritism,
personal objects, ungovernable expense, and little, or no utility,
constitute the heads.