CHAPTER LXIV.

REPEAL OF THE INDEPENDENT TREASURY ACT

This was the first measure of the new dominant party, and pursued

with a zeal that bespoke a resentment which required gratification,

and indicated a criminal which required punishment. It seemed to

be considered as a malefactor which had just fallen into the hands

of justice, and whose instant death was necessary to expiate his

offences. Mr. Clay took the measure into his own charge. It was No.

1, in his list of bills to be passed; and the bill brought in by

himself, was No. 1, on the Senate's calendar; and it was rapidly

pushed on to immediate decision. The provisions of the bill were

as summary as the proceedings upon it were rapid. It provided for

instant repeal--to take effect as soon as passed, although it was

in full operation all over the United States, and the officers at a

distance, charged with its execution, could not know of the repeal

until ten or twelve days after the event, and during all which time

they would be acting without authority; and, consequently, without

official liability for accident or misconduct. No substitute was

provided; and when passed, the public moneys were to remain without

legal guardianship until a substitute should be provided--intended

to be a national bank; but a substitute which would require time to

pass it, whether a bank or some other measure. These considerations

were presented, but presented in vain to an impatient majority.

A respite of a few days, for the act to be known before it took

effect, was in vain urged. In vain was it urged that promulgation

was part of a law: that no statute was to take effect until it

was promulgated; and that time must be allowed for that essential

formality. The delay of passing a substitute was urged as certain:

the possibility of not passing one at all, was suggested: and then

the reality of that alarm of danger to the Treasury--the union of

the purse and the sword--which had so haunted the minds of senators

at the time of the removal of the deposits; and which alarm,

groundless then, was now to have a real foundation. All in vain. The

days of the devoted act were numbered: the sun was not to set upon

it alive: and late in the evening of a long and hot day in June,

the question was called, with a refusal upon yeas and nays by the

majority, to allow a postponement until the next day for the purpose

of debate. Thus, refused one night's postponement, Mr. Benton,

irritated at such unparliamentary haste, and at the unmeasured terms

of abuse which were lavished upon the doomed act, rose and delivered

the speech, of which some extracts are given in the next chapter.

In the progress of this bill a clause was proposed by Mr. Benton to

exclude the Bank of the United States from becoming a depository of

public moneys, under the new order of things which the repeal of

the Sub-treasury system would bring about; and he gave as a reason,

her criminal and corrupt conduct, and her insolvent condition. The

clause was rejected by a strict party vote, with the exception of

Mr. Archer--who voted for the exclusion. The repeal bill was carried

in the Senate by a strict party vote:

YEAS--Messrs. Archer, Barrow, Bates, Bayard, Berrien, Choate,

Clay of Kentucky, Clayton, Dixon, Evans, Graham, Henderson,

Huntington, Ker, Mangum, Merrick, Miller, Morehead, Phelps,

Porter, Prentiss, Preston, Rives, Simmons, Smith of Indiana,

Southard, Tallmadge, White, and Woodbridge--29.

NAYS--Messrs. Allen, Benton, Calhoun, Clay of Alabama,

Fulton, King, McRoberts, Nicholson, Pierce, Sevier, Smith of

Connecticut, Sturgeon, Tappan, Walker, Williams, Woodbury,

Wright, and Young--18.

In the House the repeal was carried by a decided vote--134 to 87.

The negative voters were:

Messrs. Archibald H. Arrington, Charles G. Atherton, Linn

Banks, Henry W. Beeson, Benjamin A. Bidlack, Samuel S. Bowne,

Linn Boyd, Aaron V. Brown, Charles Brown, Edmund Burke, Sampson

H. Butler, William O. Butler, Green W. Caldwell, Patrick C.

Caldwell, George B. Cary, Reuben Chapman, Nathan Clifford,

James G. Clinton, Walter Coles, Edward Cross, John R. J.

Daniel, Richard D. Davis, John B. Dawson, Ezra Dean, William

Doan, Andrew W. Doig, John C. Edwards, Joseph Egbert, Charles

G. Ferris, John G. Floyd, Charles A. Floyd, Joseph Fornance,

William O. Goode, Samuel Gordon, Amos Gustine, William A.

Harris, John Hastings, Samuel L. Hays, Isaac E. Holmes, George

W. Hopkins, Jacob Houck, jr., George S. Houston, Edmund W.

Hubard, Robert M. T. Hunter, Charles J. Ingersoll, Wiliam

Jack, Cave Johnson, John W. Jones, George M. Keim, Andrew

Kennedy, Dixon H. Lewis, Nathaniel S. Littlefied, Joshua A.

Lowell, Abraham McClellan, Robert McClellan, James J. McKay,

Albert G. Marchand, Alfred Marshall, John Thompson Mason,

James Mathews, William Medill, John Miller, William M. Oliver,

William Parmenter, Samuel Patridge, William W. Payne, Francis

W. Pickens, Arnold Plumer, John R. Reding, Lewis Riggs, James

Rogers, James I. Roosevelt, John Sanford, Romulus M. Saunders,

Tristram Shaw, Benjamin G. Shields, John Snyder, C. Sprigg,

Lewis Steenrod, Hopkins L. Turney, John Van Buren, Aaron Ward,

Harvey M. Watterson, John B. Weller, John Westbrook, James W.

Williams, Fernando Wood.

Thirty Years' View (Vol. 2 of 2) or, A History of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years, from 1820 to 1850 · 第 64 / 202 章