Transcriber's note:
Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).
Small capital text has been replaced with all capitals.
Text enclosed by equal signs is in bold face (=bold=).
The carat character (^) indicates that the following letter is
superscripted. If two or more letters are superscripted they are
enclosed in curly brackets (example: M^{R.}).
* * * * *
[Illustration: titlepage]
[Illustration: _J. Rodgers, sc._
_View of the Senate of the United States in Session._
M^{R.} BENTON ON THE FLOOR.
_from a large Engraving Published by E. Anthony_
New York, D Appleton & C^{o.}]
THIRTY YEARS' VIEW;
OR,
A HISTORY OF THE WORKING OF THE AMERICAN
GOVERNMENT FOR THIRTY YEARS,
FROM 1820 TO 1850.
CHIEFLY TAKEN
FROM THE CONGRESS DEBATES, THE PRIVATE PAPERS OF GENERAL JACKSON,
AND THE SPEECHES OF EX-SENATOR BENTON, WITH HIS
ACTUAL VIEW OF MEN AND AFFAIRS:
WITH
HISTORICAL NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS, AND SOME NOTICES OF EMINENT
DECEASED COTEMPORARIES.
BY A SENATOR OF THIRTY YEARS.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. II.
NEW YORK:
D. APPLETON AND COMPANY,
1, 3, AND 5 BOND STREET.
LONDON: 16 LITTLE BRITAIN.
1883.
Entered according to act of Congress, in the year 1856, by
D. APPLETON AND COMPANY,
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the
Southern District of New York.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME II.
CHAP. PAGE
I. Inauguration of Mr. Van Buren 7
II. Financial and Monetary Crisis--General Suspension
of Specie Payments by the Banks 9
III. Preparation for the Distress and Suspension 11
IV. Progress of the Distress, and Preliminaries
for the Suspension 16
V. Actual Suspension of the Banks--Propagation
of the Alarm 20
VI. Transmigration of the Bank of the United
States from a Federal to a State Institution 23
VII. Effects of the Suspension--General Derangement
of Business--Suppression and Ridicule
of the Specie Currency--Submission
of the People--Call of Congress 26
VIII. Extra Session--Message, and Recommendations 28
IX. Attacks on the Message--Treasury Notes 32
X. Retention of the Fourth Deposit Instalment 36
XI. Independent Treasury and Hard Money Payments 39
XII. Attempted Resumption of Specie Payments 42
XIII. Bankrupt Act against Banks 43
XIV. Bankrupt Act for Banks--Mr. Benton's
Speech 45
XV. Divorce of Bank and State--Mr. Benton's
Speech 56
XVI. First Regular Session under Mr. Van Buren's
Administration--His Message 65
XVII. Pennsylvania Bank of the United States--Its
Use of the Defunct Notes of the expired
Institution 67
XVIII. Florida Indian War--Its Origin and Conduct 70
XIX. Florida Indian War--Historical Speech of
Mr. Benton 72
XX. Resumption of Specie Payments by the New
York Banks 83
XXI. Resumption of Specie Payments--Historical
Notices--Mr. Benton's Speech--Extracts 85
XXII. Mr. Clay's Resolution in Favor of Resuming
Banks, and Mr. Benton's Remarks
upon it 91
XXIII. Resumption by the Pennsylvania United
States Bank; and others which followed
her lead 94
XXIV. Proposed Annexation of Texas--Mr. Preston's
Motion and Speech--Extracts 94
XXV. Debate between Mr. Clay and Mr. Calhoun,
Personal and Political, and leading
to Expositions and Vindications of
Public Conduct which belong to History 97
XXVI. Debate between Mr. Clay and Mr. Calhoun--Mr.
Clay's Speech--Extracts 101
XXVII. Debate between Mr. Clay and Mr. Calhoun--Mr.
Calhoun's Speech--Extracts 103
XXVIII. Debate between Mr. Clay and Mr. Calhoun--Rejoinders
by each 112
XXIX. Independent Treasury, or, Divorce of
Bank and State--Passed in the Senate--Lost
in the House of Representatives 124
XXX. Public Lands--Graduation of Price--Pre-emption
System--Taxation when Sold 125
XXXI. Specie Basis for Banks--One-third of the
Amount of Liabilities the Lowest Safe
Proportion--Speech of Mr. Benton on
the Recharter of the District Banks 128
XXXII. The North and the South--Comparative
Prosperity--Southern Discontent--Its
True Cause 130
XXXIII. Progress of the Slavery Agitation--Mr. Calhoun's
Approval of the Missouri Compromise 134
XXXIV. Death of Commodore Rodgers, and Notice
of his Life and Character 144
XXXV. Anti-duelling Act 148
XXXVI. Slavery Agitation in the House of Representatives,
and Retiring of Southern
Members from the Hall 150
XXXVII. Abolitionists Classified by Mr. Clay--Ultras
Denounced--Slavery Agitators
North and South Equally denounced
as Dangerous to the Union 154
XXXVIII. Bank of the United States--Resignation
of Mr. Biddle--Final Suspension 157
XXXIX. First Session Twenty-sixth Congress--Members--
Organization--Political Map of the House 158
XL. First Session of the Twenty-sixth Congress--President's
Message 162
XLI. Divorce of Bank and State--Divorce decreed 164
XLII. Florida Armed Occupation Bill--Mr.
Benton's Speech--Extracts 167
XLIII. Assumption of the State Debts 171
XLIV. Assumption of the State Debts--Mr. Benton's
Speech--Extracts 172
XLV. Death of General Samuel Smith, of Maryland;
and Notice of his Life and Character 176
XLVI. Salt--the Universality of its Supply--Mystery
and Indispensability of its Use--Tyranny
and Impiety of its Taxation--Speech
of Mr. Benton--Extracts 176
XLVII. Pairing off 178
XLVIII. Tax on Bank Notes--Mr. Benton's Speech--Extracts 179
XLIX. Liberation of Slaves belonging to American
Citizens in British Colonial Ports 182
L. Resignation of Senator Hugh Lawson
White of Tennessee--His Death--Some
Notice of his Life and Character 184
LI. Death of Ex-Senator Hayne of South Carolina--Notice
of his Life and Character 186
LII. Abolition of Specific Duties by the Compromise
Act of 1833--Its Error, and
Loss to the Revenue, shown by Experience 189
LIII. Refined Sugar and Rum Drawbacks--their
Abuse under the Compromise
Act of 1833--Mr. Benton's Speech 190
LIV. Fishing Bounties and Allowances, and
their Abuse--Mr. Benton's Speech--Extracts 194
LV. Expenditures of the Government 198
LVI. Expenses of the Government, Comparative
and Progressive, and Separated
from Extraordinaries 200
LVII. Death of Mr. Justice Barbour of the Supreme
Court, and Appointment of Peter
V. Daniel, Esq., in his place 202
LVIII. Presidential Election 203
LIX. Conclusion of Mr. Van Buren's Administration 207
LX. Inauguration of President Harrison--His
Cabinet--Call of Congress--and Death 209
LXI. Accession of the Vice-President to the
Presidency 211
LXII. Twenty-seventh Congress--First Session--List
of Members, and Organization of
the House 213
LXIII. First Message of Mr. Tyler to Congress,
and Mr. Clay's Programme of Business 215
LXIV. Repeal of the Independent Treasury Act 219
LXV. Repeal of the Independent Treasury Act--Mr.
Benton's Speech 220
LXVI. The Bankrupt Act--What it was--and
how it was Passed 229
LXVII. Bankrupt Bill--Mr. Benton's Speech--Extracts 234
LXVIII. Distribution of the Public Land Revenue,
and Assumption of the State
Debts 240
LXIX. Institution of the Hour Rule in Debate
in the House of Representatives--Its
Attempt, and Repulse in the Senate 247
LXX. Bill for the Relief of Mrs. Harrison,
Widow of the late President of the
United States 257
LXXI. Mrs. Harrison's Bill--Speech of Mr.
Benton--Extracts 262
LXXII. Abuse of the Naval Pension System--Vain
attempt to Correct it 265
LXXIII. Home Squadron, and Aid to Private
Steam Lines 271
LXXIV. Recharter of the District Banks--Mr.
Benton's Speech--Extracts 273
LXXV. Revolt in Canada--Border Sympathy--Firmness
of Mr. Van Buren--Public
Peace Endangered--and Preserved--Case
of McLeod 276
LXXVI. Destruction of the Caroline--Arrest and
Trial of McLeod--Mr. Benton's
Speech--Extracts 291
LXXVII. Refusal of the House to allow Recess
Committees 304
LXXVIII. Reduction of the Expense of Foreign
Missions by reducing the Number 305
LXXIX. Infringement of the Tariff Compromise
Act of 1833--Correction of Abuses in
Drawbacks 307
LXXX. National Bank--First Bill 317
LXXXI. Second Fiscal Agent--Bill Presented--Passed--Disapproved
by the President 331
LXXXII. Secret History of the Second Bill for a
Fiscal Agent, called Fiscal Corporation--Its
Origin with Mr. Tyler--Its
Progress through Congress under his
Lead--Its Rejection under his Veto 342
LXXXIII. The Veto Message hissed in the Senate
Galleries 350
LXXXIV. Resignation of Mr. Tyler's Cabinet 353
LXXXV. Repudiation of Mr. Tyler by the Whig
Party--their Manifesto--Counter
Manifesto by Mr. Caleb Cushing 357
LXXXVI. The Danish Sound Dues 362
LXXXVII. Last Notice of the Bank of the United
States 365
LXXXVIII. End and Results of the Extra Session 372
LXXXIX. First Annual Message of President Tyler 373
XC. Third Plan for a Fiscal Agent, called
Exchequer Board--Mr. Benton's
Speech against it--Extracts 376
XCI. The Third Fiscal Agent, entitled a
Board of Exchequer 394
XCII. Attempted Repeal of the Bankrupt Act 395
XCIII. Death of Lewis Williams, of North
Carolina, and Notice of his Life and
Character 396
XCIV. The Civil List Expenses--the Contingent
Expenses of Congress--and the
Revenue Collection Expense 397
XCV. Resignation and Valedictory of Mr. Clay 398
XCVI. Military Department--Progress of its Expense 404
XCVII. Paper Money Payments--Attempted by
the Federal Government--Resisted--Mr.
Benton's Speech 406
XCVIII. Case of the American Brig Creole with
Slaves for New Orleans, carried by Mutiny
into Nassau, and the Slaves Liberated 409
XCIX. Distress of the Treasury--Three Tariff Bills,
and Two Vetoes--End of the Compromise
Act 413
C. Mr. Tyler and the Whig Party--Confirmed
Separation 417
CI. Lord Ashburton's Mission, and the British
Treaty 420
CII. British Treaty--The Pretermitted Subjects--Mr.
Benton's Speech--Extracts 426
CIII. British Treaty--Northeastern Boundary
Article--Mr. Benton's Speech--Extracts 438
CIV. British Treaty--Northwestern Boundary--Mr.
Benton's Speech--Extracts 441
CV. British Treaty--Extradition Article--Mr.
Benton's Speech--Extract 444
CVI. British Treaty--African Squadron for the
Suppression of the Slave Trade--Mr.
Benton's Speech--Extract 449
CVII. Expense of the Navy--Waste of Money--Necessity
of a Naval Peace Establishment,
and of a Naval Policy 452
CVIII. Expenses of the Navy--Mr. Benton's Speech--Extracts 456
CIX. Message of the President at the Opening
of the Regular Session of 1842-'3 460
CX. Repeal of the Bankrupt Act--Mr. Benton's
Speech--Extracts 463
CXI. Military Academy and Army Expenses 466
CXII. Emigration to the Columbia River, and
Foundation of its Settlement by American
Citizens--Frémont's First Expedition 468
CXIII. Lieutenant Frémont's First Expedition--Speech,
and Motion of Senator Linn 478
CXIV. Oregon Colonization Act--Mr. Benton's
Speech 479
CXV. Navy Pay and Expenses--Proposed Reduction--Speech
of Mr. Meriwether, of Georgia--Extracts 482
CXVI. Eulogy on Senator Linn--Speeches of Mr.
Benton and Mr. Crittenden 485
CXVII. The Coast Survey--Attempt to diminish
its Expense, and to expedite its Completion
by restoring the Work to Naval and
Military Officers 487
CXVIII. Death of Commodore Porter, and Notice of
his Life and Character 491
CXIX. Refunding of General Jackson's Fine 499
CXX. Repeal of the Bankrupt Act--Attack of
Mr. Cushing on Mr. Clay--Its Rebuke 503
CXXI. Naval Expenditures and Administration--Attempts
at Reform--Abortive 507
CXXII. Chinese Mission--Mr. Cushing's Appointment
and Negotiation 510
CXXIII. The Alleged Mutiny, and the Executions
(as they were called) on Board the United
States man-of-war, Somers 522
CXXIV. Retirement of Mr. Webster from Mr.
Tyler's Cabinet 562
CXXV. Death of William H. Crawford 562
CXXVI. First Session of the Twenty-eighth
Congress--List of Members--Organization
of the House of Representatives 563
CXXVII. Mr. Tyler's Second Annual Message 565
CXXVIII. Explosion of the Great Gun on Board
the Princeton man-of-war--the Killed
and Wounded 567
CXXIX. Reconstruction of Mr. Tyler's Cabinet 569
CXXX. Death of Senator Porter, of Louisiana--Eulogium
of Mr. Benton 569
CXXXI. Naval Academy, and Naval Policy of
the United States 571
CXXXII. The Home Squadron--Its Inutility and
Expense 575
CXXXIII. Professor Morse--His Electro-Magnetic
Telegraph 578
CXXXIV. Frémont's Second Expedition 579
CXXXV. Texas Annexation--Secret Origin--Bold
Intrigue for the Presidency 581
CXXXVI. Democratic Convention for the Nomination
of Presidential Candidates 591
CXXXVII. Presidential--Democratic National Convention--Mr.
Calhoun's Refusal to
Submit his Name to it--His Reasons 596
CXXXVIII. Annexation of Texas--Secret Negotiation--Presidential
Intrigue--Schemes
of Speculation and Disunion 599
CXXXIX. Texas Annexation Treaty--First Speech
of Mr. Benton against it--Extracts 600
CXL. Texas or Disunion--Southern Convention--Mr.
Benton's Speech--Extracts 613
CXLI. Texas or Disunion--Violent Demonstrations
in the South--Southern Convention
proposed 616
CXLII. Rejection of the Annexation Treaty--Proposal
of Mr. Benton's Plan 619
CXLIII. Oregon Territory--Conventions of 1818
and 1828--Joint Occupation--Attempted
Notice to Terminate it 624
CXLIV. Presidential Election 625
CXLV. Amendment of the Constitution--Election
of President and Vice-President--Mr.
Benton's Plan 626
CXLVI. The President and the Senate--Want
of Concord--Numerous Rejections of
Nominations 629
CXLVII. Mr. Tyler's Last Message to Congress 631
CXLVIII. Legislative Admission of Texas into the
Union as a State 632
CXLIX. The War with Mexico--Its Cause--Charged
on the Conduct of Mr. Calhoun--Mr.
Benton's Speech 639
CL. Mr. Polk's Inaugural Address--Cabinet 649
CLI. Mr. Blair and the Globe superseded as
the Administration Organ--Mr. T. Ritchie
and the Daily Union substituted 650
CLII. Twenty-ninth Congress--List of Members--First
Session--Organization of
the House 655
CLIII. Mr. Polk's First Annual Message to
Congress 657
CLIV. Death of John Forsyth 659
CLV. Admission of Florida and Iowa 660
CLVI. Oregon Treaty--Negotiations commenced,
and broken off 660
CLVII. Oregon Question--Notice to abrogate the
Article in the Treaty for a Joint Occupation--The
President denounced in
the Senate for a supposed Leaning to
the Line of Forty-nine 662
CLVIII. Oregon Territorial Government--Boundaries
and History of the Country--Frazer's
River--Treaty of Utrecht--Mr.
Benton's Speech--Extracts 667
CLIX. Oregon Joint Occupation--Notice authorized
for terminating it--British Government
offers the Line of 49--Quandary of
the Administration--Device--Senate
Consulted--Treaty made and Ratified 673
CLX. Meeting of the Second Session of the 29th
Congress--President's Message--Vigorous
Prosecution of the War Recommended--Lieutenant-general
proposed to be created 677
CLXI. War with Mexico--The War Declared,
and an Intrigue for Peace commenced
the same Day 679
CLXII. Bloodless Conquest of New Mexico--How
it was Done--Subsequent Bloody Insurrection,
and its Cause 682
CLXIII. Mexican War--Doniphan's Expedition--Mr.
Benton's Salutatory Address, St.
Louis, Missouri 684
CLXIV. Frémont's Third Expedition, and Acquisition
of California 688
CLXV. Pause in the War--Sedentary Tactics--"Masterly
Inactivity" 693
CLXVI. The Wilmot Proviso--Or, Prohibition of
Slavery in the Territories--Its Inutility
and Mischief 694
CLXVII. Mr. Calhoun's Slavery Resolutions, and
Denial of the Right of Congress to Prohibit
Slavery in a Territory 696
CLXVIII. The Slavery Agitation--Disunion--Key
to Mr. Calhoun's Policy--Forcing the
Issue--Mode of Forcing it 698
CLXIX. Death of Silas Wright, Ex-Senator and
Ex-Governor of New York 700
CLXX. Thirtieth Congress--First Session--List of
Members--President's Message 702
CLXXI. Death of Senator Barrow--Mr. Benton's
Eulogium 706
CLXXII. Death of Mr. Adams 707
CLXXIII. Downfall of Santa Anna--New Government
in Mexico--Peace Negotiations--Treaty
of Peace 709
CLXXIV. Oregon Territorial Government--Anti-Slavery
Ordinance of 1787 applied to
Oregon Territory--Missouri Compromise
Line of 1820, and the Texas Annexation
Renewal of it in 1845, affirmed 711
CLXXV. Mr. Calhoun's New Dogma on Territorial
Slavery--Self-extension of the Slavery
Part of the Constitution to Territories 713
CLXXVI. Court-martial of Lieutenant-colonel Frémont 715
CLXXVII. Frémont's Fourth Expedition, and Great
Disaster in the Snows at the Head of
the Rio Grande del Norte--Subsequent
Discovery of the Pass he sought 719
CLXXVIII. Presidential Election 722
CLXXIX. Last Message of Mr. Polk 724
CLXXX. Financial Working of the Government
under the Hard Money System 726
CLXXXI. Coast Survey--Belongs to the Navy--Converted
into a Separate Department--Expense
and Interminability--Should
be done by the Navy,
as in Great Britain--Mr. Benton's
Speech--Extract 726
CLXXXII. Proposed Extension of the Constitution
of the United States to the Territories,
with a View to make it carry
Slavery into California, Utah and
New Mexico 729
CLXXXIII. Progress of the Slavery Agitation--Meeting
of Members from the Slave
States--Inflammatory Address to
the Southern States 733
CLXXXIV. Inauguration of President Taylor--His
Cabinet 737
CLXXXV. Death of Ex-President Polk 737
CLXXXVI. Thirty-first Congress--First Session--List
of Members--Organization of
the House 738
CLXXXVII. First and only Annual Message of
President Taylor 740
CLXXXVIII. Mr. Clay's Plan of Compromise 742
CLXXXIX. Extension of the Missouri Compromise
Line to the Pacific Ocean--Mr.
Davis, of Mississippi, and Mr.
Clay--The Wilmot Proviso 743
CXC. Mr. Calhoun's Last Speech--Dissolution
of the Union proclaimed unless
the Constitution was amended,
and a Dual Executive appointed--one
President from the Slave States
and one from the Free States 744
CXCI. Death of Mr. Calhoun--His Eulogium
by Senator Butler 747
CXCII. Mr. Clay's Plan of Slavery Compromise--Mr.
Benton's Speech Against
it--Extracts 749
CXCIII. Death of President Taylor 765
CXCIV. Inauguration and Cabinet of Mr. Fillmore 767
CXCV. Rejection of Mr. Clay's Plan of Compromise 768
CXCVI. The Admission of the State of California--Protest
of Southern Senators--Remarks
upon it by Mr. Benton 769
CXCVII. Fugitive Slaves; Ordinance of 1787--The
Constitution--Act of 1793--Act
of 1850 773
CXCVIII. Disunion Movements--Southern Press
at Washington--Southern Convention
at Nashville--Southern Congress
called for by South Carolina
and Mississippi 780
CXCIX. The Supreme Court--Its Judges,
Clerk, Attorney-Generals, Reporters
and Marshals during the Period
treated of in this Volume 787
CC. Conclusion 787
THIRTY YEARS' VIEW.
ADMINISTRATION OF MARTIN VAN BUREN.
CHAPTER I.
INAUGURATION OF MR. VAN BUREN.
March the 4th of this year, Mr. Van Buren was inaugurated President
of the United States with the usual formalities, and conformed to
the usage of his predecessors in delivering a public address on the
occasion: a declaration of general principles, and an indication
of the general course of the administration, were the tenor of his
discourse: and the doctrines of the democratic school, as understood
at the original formation of parties, were those professed. Close
observance of the federal constitution as written--no latitudinarian
constructions permitted, or doubtful powers assumed--faithful
adherence to all its compromises--economy in the administration of
the government--peace, friendship and fair dealing with all foreign
nations--entangling alliances with none: such was his political
chart: and with the expression of his belief that a perseverance
in this line of foreign policy, with an increased strength, tried
valor of the people, and exhaustless resources of the country,
would entitle us to the good will of nations, protect our national
respectability, and secure us from designed aggression from foreign
powers. His expressions and views on this head deserve to be
commemorated, and to be considered by all those into whose hands the
management of the public affairs may go; and are, therefore, here
given in his own words:
"Our course of foreign policy has been so uniform and
intelligible, as to constitute a rule of executive conduct
which leaves little to my discretion, unless, indeed, I were
willing to run counter to the lights of experience, and the
known opinions of my constituents. We sedulously cultivate the
friendship of all nations, as the condition most compatible
with our welfare, and the principles of our government. We
decline alliances, as adverse to our peace. We desire commercial
relations on equal terms, being ever willing to give a fair
equivalent for advantages received. We endeavor to conduct our
intercourse with openness and sincerity; promptly avowing our
objects, and seeking to establish that mutual frankness which is
as beneficial in the dealings of nations as of men. We have no
disposition, and we disclaim all right, to meddle in disputes,
whether internal or foreign, that may molest other countries;
regarding them, in their actual state, as social communities,
and preserving a strict neutrality in all their controversies.
Well knowing the tried valor of our people, and our exhaustless
resources, we neither anticipate nor fear any designed
aggression; and, in the consciousness of our own just conduct,
we feel a security that we shall never be called upon to exert
our determination, never to permit an invasion of our rights,
without punishment or redress."
These are sound and encouraging views, and in adherence to them,
promise to the United States a career of peace and prosperity
comparatively free from the succession of wars which have loaded
so many nations with debt and taxes, filled them with so many
pensioners and paupers, created so much necessity for permanent
fleets and armies; and placed one half the population in the
predicament of living upon the labor of the other. The stand which
the United States had acquired among nations by the vindication of
her rights against the greatest powers--and the manner in which
all unredressed aggressions, and all previous outstanding injuries,
even of the oldest date, had been settled up and compensated under
the administration of President Jackson--authorized this language
from Mr. Van Buren; and the subsequent conduct of nations has
justified it. Designed aggression, within many years, has come from
no great power: casual disagreements and accidental injuries admit
of arrangement: weak neighbors can find no benefit to themselves
in wanton aggression, or refusal of redress for accidental wrong:
isolation (a continent, as it were, to ourselves) is security
against attack; and our railways would accumulate rapid destruction
upon any invader. These advantages, and strict adherence to the
rule, to ask only what is right, and submit to nothing wrong, will
leave us (we have reason to believe) free from hostile collision
with foreign powers, free from the necessity of keeping up war
establishments of army and navy in time of peace, with our great
resources left in the pockets of the people (always the safest and
cheapest national treasuries), to come forth when public exigencies
require them, and ourselves at liberty to pursue an unexampled
career of national and individual prosperity.
One single subject of recently revived occurrence in our domestic
concerns, and of portentous apparition, admitted a departure from
the generalities of an inaugural address, and exacted from the
new President the notice of a special declaration: it was the
subject of slavery--an alarming subject of agitation near twenty
years before--quieted by the Missouri compromise--resuscitated in
1835, as shown in previous chapters of this View; and apparently
taking its place as a permanent and most pestiferous element in
our presidential elections and federal legislation. It had largely
mixed with the presidential election of the preceding year: it was
expected to mix with ensuing federal legislation: and its evil
effect upon the harmony and stability of the Union justified the
new President in making a special declaration in relation to it,
and even in declaring beforehand the cases of slavery legislation
in which he would apply the qualified negative with which the
constitution invested him over the acts of Congress. Under this
sense of duty and propriety the inaugural address presented this
passage:
"The last, perhaps the greatest, of the prominent sources of
discord and disaster supposed to lurk in our political condition,
was the institution of domestic slavery. Our forefathers were deeply
impressed with the delicacy of this subject, and they treated it
with a forbearance so evidently wise, that, in spite of every
sinister foreboding, it never, until the present period disturbed
the tranquillity of our common country. Such a result is sufficient
evidence of the justice and the patriotism of their course; it is
evidence not to be mistaken, that an adherence to it can prevent all
embarrassment from this, as well as from every other anticipated
cause of difficulty or danger. Have not recent events made it
obvious to the slightest reflection, that the least deviation from
this spirit of forbearance is injurious to every interest, that of
humanity included? Amidst the violence of excited passions, this
generous and fraternal feeling has been sometimes disregarded;
and, standing as I now do before my countrymen in this high place
of honor and of trust, I cannot refrain from anxiously invoking my
fellow-citizens never to be deaf to its dictates. Perceiving, before
my election, the deep interest this subject was beginning to excite,
I believed it a solemn duty fully to make known my sentiments in
regard to it; and now, when every motive for misrepresentations
have passed away, I trust that they will be candidly weighed and
understood. At least, they will be my standard of conduct in the
path before me. I then declared that, if the desire of those of my
countrymen who were favorable to my election was gratified, 'I must
go into the presidential chair the inflexible and uncompromising
opponent of every attempt, on the part of Congress, to abolish
slavery in the District of Columbia, against the wishes of the
slaveholding States; and also with a determination equally decided
to resist the slightest interference with it in the States where
it exists.' I submitted also to my fellow-citizens, with fulness
and frankness, the reasons which led me to this determination. The
result authorizes me to believe that they have been approved, and
are confided in, by a majority of the people of the United States,
including those whom they most immediately affect. It now only
remains to add, that no bill conflicting with these views can ever
receive my constitutional sanction. These opinions have been adopted
in the firm belief that they are in accordance with the spirit that
actuated the venerated fathers of the republic, and that succeeding
experience has proved them to be humane, patriotic, expedient,
honorable and just. If the agitation of this subject was intended
to reach the stability of our institutions, enough has occurred to
show that it has signally failed; and that in this, as in every
other instance, the apprehensions of the timid and the hopes of the
wicked for the destruction of our government, are again destined to
be disappointed."
The determination here declared to yield the presidential sanction
to no bill which proposed to interfere with slavery in the States;
or to abolish it in the District of Columbia while it existed in
the adjacent States, met the evil as it then presented itself--a
fear on the part of some of the Southern States that their rights of
property were to be endangered by federal legislation: and against
which danger the veto power was now pledged to be opposed. There was
no other form at that time in which slavery agitation could manifest
itself, or place on which it could find a point to operate--the
ordinance of 1787, and the compromise of 1820, having closed up the
Territories against it. Danger to slave property in the States,
either by direct action, or indirectly through the District of
Columbia, were the only points of expressed apprehension; and
at these there was not the slightest ground for fear. No one in
Congress dreamed of interfering with slavery in the States, and the
abortion of all the attempts made to abolish it in the District,
showed the groundlessness of that fear. The pledged veto was not a
necessity, but a propriety;--not necessary, but prudential;--not
called for by anything in congress, but outside of it. In that
point of view it was wise and prudent. It took from agitation its
point of support--its means of acting on the fears and suspicions
of the timid and credulous: and it gave to the country a season of
repose and quiet from this disturbing question until a new point of
agitation could be discovered and seized.
The cabinet remained nearly as under the previous administration:
Mr. Forsyth, Secretary of State; Mr. Woodbury, Secretary of the
Treasury; Mr. Poinsett, Secretary at War; Mr. Mahlon Dickerson,
Secretary of the Navy; Mr. Amos Kendall, Postmaster General; and
Benjamin F. Butler, Esq. Attorney General. Of all these Mr. Poinsett
was the only new appointment. On the bench of the Supreme Court,
John Catron, Esq. of Tennessee, and John McKinley, Esq. of Alabama,
were appointed Justices; William Smith, formerly senator in Congress
from South Carolina, having declined the appointment which was
filled by Mr. McKinley. Mr. Butler soon resigning his place of
Attorney General, Henry D. Gilpin, Esq. of Pennsylvania (after a
temporary appointment of Felix Grundy, Esq. of Tennessee), became
the Attorney General during the remainder of the administration.