AUGUST, 1863.

Stanton -- Twenty Thousand -- Canadians -- Peterhoff -- Coffey --

Initiation -- Electioneering -- Reports -- Grant -- McClellan --

Belligerent Rights -- Menagerie -- Watson -- Jury -- Democrats --

Bristles -- "Where is Stanton?" -- "Fight the monster" --

Chasiana -- Luminaries -- Ballistic -- Political Economy, etc.,

etc., etc.

_August 2. Long Branch._--The organs of all shades and of all

gradations of ill-wishers to the cause of the North, and to that of

Emancipation, the secret friends of Jeff Davis, and the open

supporters of McClellan are untiring in their open, slanderous,

treacherous accusations of _Stanton_; others spread sanctimoniously

perfidious suggestions against the Secretary of War, and so does the

_National Intelligencer_, this foremost Whig-Conservative, double or

treble-faced organ. _Stanton_ is called to account for all mishaps,

mismanagement, disasters and disgraces which befall our armies

between the Rio Grande and the Potomac. Such accusations, to a

certain degree, could be justified if the Secretary of War were

clothed with the same powers, and therefore with the same

responsibilities as is the case in European governments.

But every one knows that here the war machinery is very complicated,

because wheels turn within wheels. The Secretary of War is not alone

to answer and he is not exclusively responsible for the appointment

of good, middling, or wholly bad generals and commanders. Every one

knows it. _Stanton_ may have all the possible shortcomings and

faults with which his enemies so richly clothe him; one thing is

certain, that _Stanton_ advocated and always advocates fighting, and

Stanton furnishes the generals and commanders with all means and

resources at the country's and the department's disposition. If many

respectable men are to be trusted, _Stanton_ never interferes with

intrinsic military operations, never orders or insinuates, or

dictates to the commanders of our armies where and in what way they

are to get at the enemy and to fight him. As far as I know Stanton

keeps aloof from strategy.

Stanton _is insincere and untruthful_, say his enemies. Granted. I

never found a man in power to be otherwise in personal questions or

relations. It is almost impossible for the power-holders to be

sincere and truthful.

Trust in thy sword,

Rather than prince's (president's) word;

Trust in fortuna's sinister,

Rather than prince's minister.

But _Stanton_ is truthful and sincere to the cause, and that is all

that I want from him. Stanton's alleged _malice_ against McClellan

had the noblest and the most patriotic sources, which, of course,

could not be understood or appreciated by Stanton's revilers.

The organs of treason and of infamy refer always to McClellan. _O

race, knitted of the devils excrements mixed with his saliva_, [see

Talleyrand about Thiers] your treason is only equal to your

impudence and ignorance. If in February, 1862, Stanton had not urged

McClellan to move, probably the Potomac Army would have spent all

the year in its tents before Washington. McClellan's henchmen and

minions thrusted and still thrust the grossest lies down the throat

of a certain public, eager to gulp slander as sugar plums.

McClellan's stupidity at Yorktown and in the Chickahominy is

vindicated by his crew with the following counter accusation: that

all disasters have been generated because McDowell with his twenty

thousand men did not join McClellan. If McClellan had in him the

soldiership of a non-commissioned officer, on his knees he ought to

implore his crew not to expose him in this way. When a general has

in hand about one hundred and ten thousand men, as McClellan had on

entering the peninsula, and accomplishes nothing, then it is a proof

that he, the general, is wholly unable and ignorant how to handle

large masses. If McClellan could not manage one hundred thousand

men, still less would he have been able to manage the twenty

thousand more of McDowell's corps.

The stupidity of attempting to invest Richmond is beyond words, and

for such an operation several hundred thousand men would have been

necessary. [Spoke of it in Vol. I.] If twenty thousand men arrive

not at a certain day or hour when a battle is raging, most surely

this failure may occasion a defeat--Grouchy at Waterloo--but in

McClellan's Chickahominy operations, twenty thousand men more would

have served only still more plainly to expose his incapacity, and to

be a prey to fevers and diseases.

The bulk of the rebel army in Richmond was always less numerous than

McClellan's; the rebels always understood to have more troops than

had McClellan when they attacked him. During that whole cursed and

ignominious (for McClellan) Chickahominy campaign, McClellan never

fought at once more of his men than about thirty thousand. It was

not the absence of twenty thousand men that prevented a commander

of one hundred thousand from engaging more of his troops, and for

quickly supporting such corps as were attacked by the enemy.

_August 3: L. B._--The Colonists, that is, the appendixes of

England, as the Canadians, the Nova Scotians, and of any other

colonial dignity and name, together with their great statesmen,

certain Howes and Johnsons, etc. etc. etc. agitate; they are in

trances like little fish out of water. They find it so pleasant to

seize an occasion to look like something great. Poor frogs! trying

to blow themselves into leviathans. Their whelpish snarling at the

North reminds one of little curs snarling at a mastiff. How can

these colonists imagine that a royal prince of England could reside

among something which is as indefinite as are colonists--something

neither fish nor flesh.

_August 3._--The _Evening Post_ contains a letter on the difference

between the behavior of Union men in Missouri during the treasonable

riots in St. Louis in the Spring of 1861, and the conduct of the

Union men in New York during the recent riots. But the Saint Louis

patriot is silent--has forgotten the immortal Lyons who saved that

city and its patriots, who saved Missouri. (General Scott insisted

upon courtmartialing Lyons.)

Also, have you already forgotten the foremost among heroes and

patriots, and whose loss is more telling now than it was in 1861.

Forgotten one of the purest and noblest victims of Washington

blindness, of General Scott's unmilitary policy and conduct.

Forgotten the true son of the people? But O Lyons! thy name will be

venerated by coming generations.

_August 4: L. B._--_The Cliques._

_a_ The worst, and the womb of all evils is the Weed-Seward clique.

Around it group contractors, jobbers, shoddy, and all kinds of other

social impurities.

_b_ The ambitious, intriguing, selfish, narrow-minded West Point

clique.

_c_ The not brave, not patriotic, and freedom-hating, unintelligent

McClellan clique.

_d_ Copperheads of various hues and gradations.

Cliques _a_, _b_, and _c_, generated and fostered Copperheads, and

facilitated their expansion.

_e_ Imbeciles, lickspittles, politicians, etc.

_f_ The Lincolnites, closely intertwined with the _genus e_; the

Blair men, etc.

_g_ The partisans of Chase. This clique is the most variously and

most curiously composed. Honest imbeciles, makers of phrases,

rhetors, heavy and narrow-minded, office-hunters, office expectants,

politicians, contractors, admirers of pompousness and of would-be

radicalism, all who turn round and round, and see not beyond their

noses, etc.

Several minor cliques exist, but deserve not to be mentioned. Behind

these mud-hills rises the true people, as the Himalayas rise above

the plains of Asia.

_August 4._--Why could not Everett, that good and true patriot,

preside over our relations with Europe; or why is that thorough

American statesman, Governor Marcy, dead! How different, how

respected, how truly American would have been the character of our

relations with Europe! No prophecies, no lies would have been told,

no gross ignorance displayed!

_August 4. L. B._--In the columns of the _Times_ a friend of Halleck

tries to make a great man of the General-in-chief. Halleck

repudiates Burnside and Hooker, but claims the victory at

Gettysburgh, because Meade, being a good disciplinarian, executed

Halleck's orders. So from his room in G street Washington, Halleck

directed the repulse of the furiously attacking columns. Bravo! more

bravo as no telegraph connects Washington with Gettysburgh!

Meade being a good disciplinarian, the crime of Williamsport falls

upon Halleck; the commander-in-chief is the more responsible, as the

crime was perpetrated under his nose; about four hours' drive could

have brought him to our army, and then Halleck in person could have

directed the attack upon the enemy.

From all that transpires about Williamsport one must conclude that

Lee must have known that he would not be seriously attacked, and

that he was not much afraid of the combined disciplinarian

generalship.

Further: Halleck claims for himself Grant's success, because Grant

obeyed orders, and Rosecrans did the same. How astonishing,

therefore, that their campaigns ended in victories and not in such

shame as Halleck at Corinth, in 1862. Rosecrans was inspired by

telegraph to change defeat into victory; the indomitable Grant

received by telegraph the fertility of resources shown by him at

Vicksburgh. Oh! Halleck! you cannot succeed in thus belittling the

two heroes, and you may tell your little story to the marines.

_August 4._--The Proclamation on retaliation is a well-written

document; but like all Mr. Lincoln's acts it is done almost too

late, only when the poor President was so cornered by events, that

shifting and escape became impossible. If I am well informed Stanton

long ago demanded such a Proclamation, but Lincoln's familiar demons

prevented it. Nevertheless Lincoln will be credited for what

intrinsically is not his.

_August 5: L. B._--Thomas--not Paul--Lincoln's pet, returns to the

Mississippi to organise Africo-American regiments. For six months

they organize, organize and have not yet fifteen thousand in field.

If Stanton had been left alone, we would have to-day in battle order

at least fifty thousand Africo-Americans.

_August 5: L. B._--All computed together, among all Western

Continental European nations, the Germans, both here and in Germany,

behave the best towards the North. I mean the genuine German people.

Thinkers and rationalists are seldom, if ever, found on the wrong

side. I rejoice to see the Germans behave so nobly.

_August 5._--The Peterhoff condemned, notwithstanding all the

efforts to the contrary of our brilliant, versatile and highly

erudite in international laws Secretary of state. But Mr. Seward

will not understand the lesson. How could he?

_August 5: L. B._--At least for the fiftieth time, Seward insinuates

to the public that we are on the eve of a breach with England--but

Seward will prevent it. Oh, Oh! Yes, O Seward! when backed by the

iron clads and by twenty-two millions of a brave and stubborn

people!

_August 5: L. B._--Poor Stanton, I pity him! After Weed comes the

"little villain," with his puffs. Happily, the _World_ abuses

Stanton, and this alone makes up even for the applause of Weed and

his consorts.

_August 7: L. B._--COFFEY, Assistant Attorney-General, published a

legal, official opinion on maritime, commercial _copperheadism_;

that is, when an American vessel, from an American port, is sent in

ballast to a neutral port to load there, afterwards to run the

blockade, Coffey proves it to be treason and criminality. The

document is clear, logical, precise and not wordy: not in the style

of the State Department logomachy. Why, O why cannot such younger

men be at the head! Emancipation would have been carried out,

slavery destroyed, the Union restored, rebels crushed, and the

French murderers and imperial lackeys would cut very respectful

capers to please a great people.

_August 8: L. B._--I shudder as I pass in review what little is done

at such an enormous expenditure of human limbs and of human life,

not to speak of squandered time, labor and money.

It seems that the prevailing rule is to reach the smallest results

at the greatest possible cost. General Scott, Seward and Lincoln

early laid down that rule. McClellan, that quintessence of all

unsoldierlike capacities, faithfully continued what was already

inaugurated. Halleck almost perfected it; and so it became a chronic

disease of the leading spirits in the Administration, Stanton and

Welles excepted. That sacrilegious, murderous method and rule, at

times was forcibly violated by Grant, by Rosecrans, by Banks, by the

glorious Farragut, by Admiral Porter. The would-be statesmen either

see nothing or do not wish to see what ill-disposed minds could

consider to be an almost premeditated slaughter.

I know too well that every initiation is with sacrifice or blood. It

is a law of progress, absolute, not made by man, but cut out for him

by fate or providence. In a stream of his mother's life-blood man

enters this world; by the blood of the Redeemer the Christian

becomes initiated to another, called a better world. Sacrifice and

blood prevail throughout the eons of the initiation of human

societies and religions. Through sacrifice and blood the Reformation

became a redeemer. Great results are reached at great cost. I am an

atom in a generation which, to assert her deep, earnest

convictions, never caved in before blood and sacrifice; a generation

that has labored and still labors, spreads seed and begins to

harvest; a generation which regrets nothing, and cheerfully takes

the responsibility of its actions. And with all this, the men of

convictions and of undaunted revolutionary courage in Europe,

bestowed and bestow more care upon any unnecessary sacrifice of

human life than I witness here. By heavens! Marat, Saint Just,

Robespierre, could be considered lambs when compared with the

_faiseurs_ here. And Marat, Saint Just, and Robespierre were

fanatics of ideas: here they are _fanaticised_ by selfishness,

intrigue, helplessness and imbecility.

_August 9: L. B._--For the last few months men of sound and

dispassionate judgment tried to convince me that there is somewhere,

in high regions, a settled purpose to prolong the war until the next

presidential election. I always disbelieved such assertions; but

now, considering all this criminal sluggishness, I begin to believe

in the existence of such a criminal purpose.

_August 9: L. B._--All the open and secret Copperhead organs raise a

shrill cry on account of what they pervert into McClellan's general

Report of his unmilitary campaigns. When a commander is in the

field, he is in duty bound, as soon as possible, that is, in the

next few weeks, to send to his superior or to the Government, a

Report of each of his military movements and operations. McClellan

ought to have immediately made a Report to the Government after his

_bloodless victory_ at Centreville and Manassas; a victory crowned

with maple trophies! Then McClellan ought to have sent another

Report after the great success at Yorktown, and so on. Every period

of his campaign ought to have been separately reported. It is done

in all well organized governments and armies, and it is the duty of

the staff of the army to prepare such periodical, successive

Reports. Even if the sovereign himself takes the field, the staff of

the army sends such Reports to the Secretary of War. Nobody stood in

the way of McClellan's doing what it was his imperative duty to do,

and to do immediately.

But it is unheard of that a commander during a year at the head of

an army, should take another year to prepare his Report. No

self-respecting government would allow such an insubordination, or

accept such a tardy Report. If a government should act upon such a

Report, it would be rather by dismissing from service, etc., the

sluggish--if not worse--commander.

The so-called "McClellan's Report," concocted by a board of choice

Copperheads in New York, and of which the _World's_ hireling was an

amanuensis, that production is certainly an elaborate essay on

McClellan's campaigns, is certainly bristling with afterthoughts and

_post facta_, as pedestals for the fetish's altar. It must have on

its face the mark of combination, but not of truth. Such a

Report--not written on the spot, in the atmosphere of activity, not

written by officers of the staff, not by the Chief-of-staff--such a

Report cannot command or inspire any confidence; it has not, and

ought not to have any worth in the Government's archives. McClellan

may publish his memoirs, or essays, or anything else, and therein

may shine this labor of a _dasippus_ assisted by vipers.

_August 11: L. B._--In Washington they seem to insist that Grant

shall take the command of the Potomac Army. If Grant accepts, he

will be a ruined man. Grant ought to have Pope in memory. Grant soon

will see stained his glorious and matchless military record. He will

not withstand the cliques and the underground intrigues of craving,

selfish and unsatisfied ambitions.

If Halleck could only know what in a European army any tyro knows,

Halleck would make Mr. Lincoln understand that such an appointment

must produce confusion, as no regular staffs exist in our army. (I

spoke somewhere about it.)

_August 13: L. B._--Can it be possible that several from among the

Republicans, honest leaders, gravitate towards Lincoln, and already

begin to agitate for Lincoln's re-election? If it is so--if the

people submit to such an imposition--O, then, genius of history, go

in mourning!

_August 13: L. B._--The Board appointed by Stanton to investigate

into the condition of the Africo-Americans, has published its

dissertation--very poor--in the shape of a Report. Stanton intended

to do a good thing by appointing that Board. It did not turn out so

well as Stanton expected. What is the use of expatiating--as do the

three wise men in their Report--on certain psychological qualities

and _non-qualities_ of the Africo-American? The paramount question

is how to organize the emancipated in their condition of freedom.

When Stanton appointed that Board he wished to have elucidated, if

not settled, the way and manner in which to deal with the new

citizens or semi-citizens; but Stanton was the last man to look for

an old psychological re-hash, without any social or moral

signification whatever; a re-hash whose axioms and apothegms are, at

least, a quarter of a century _behind_ the scientific elucidations

on races, on Africans, even on Anglo-Saxons.

_August 15: L. B._--Weeks ago Grant sent his Report, embracing the

various operations connected with the fall of Vicksburgh. Grant did

not want a year to make a school-boy like composition, as did

McClellan with his quill-holders. Every word of Grant's Report

resounds with military spirit and simplicity. Grant has not to put

truth on the rack and throw dust into people's eyes. Three cheers

for McClellan! Grant has confidence in the volunteers; not so

McClellan, who had only confidence in shams. Grant and his army, at

the best, were the second sons of the Administration--not of the

people; to the last day McClellan was the pet, the spoiled child,

and as such he disgraced his parents, tutors, etc., and ruined his

parent's house.

_August 15._--A letter published by the Honorable W. Whiting, (who

is now traveling,) occasions much noise. The letter is pointed and

keen, but the writer knows mighty little about international laws.

Almost _a priori_ he recognizes in the rebels, as he says, "only the

rights of belligerents." Only the rights of belligerents! Such

rights are very ample, and for this reason they belong in their

plenitude exclusively to absolutely independent nations. To

recognize _a priori_ such rights in the rebels, is equivalent to

recognizing them as an independent nation. In pure and absolute

principle of modern (not Roman) _jus gentium_, rebels have not only

no belligerent rights, but not any rights at all. Rebels are _ipso

facto_ outlaws in full. Writers like Abbe Galiano, Vatel, etc., for

the sake of humanity and expediency, recommend to the lawful

sovereign to use mercy, to treat rebels _in parte_ as belligerents,

and not as _a priori_ condemned criminals.

_August 16: L. B._--Seward is to promenade the diplomats over the

country. He is Barnum, the diplomats are the menagerie. Poor Lord

Lyons. Very probably it is Seward's last rocket to draw upon himself

the attention of the people.

_August 16. L. B._--The probabilities of a rupture with France are

upon the public mind. I still misbelieve it. I have not the

slightest doubt that the _Decembriseur_ is full of treachery towards

the North, and that his Imperialist lackeys blow brimstone against

the Northern principles. But are the French people so debased as to

submit? We shall see. Let that crowned conspirator begin a war of

treason against the North. Before long the French people will put an

end to the war and to the Decembriseur.

_August 16. L. B._--I learn that Watson has very gravely injured his

health by labor, that is, by being the most faithful servant of the

country and of its cause. I never, anywhere in my life, met a public

officer so undaunted at his duties, so unassuming, so quiet as

Watson, in his duties of Assistant Secretary of War, which are as

thorny as can be imagined. Watson was, and I hope will be for the

future, the terror of lobbyists, of bad contractors, of jobbers--in

one word, the terror of all the leeches of the people's pocket. And

it honors Stanton to have brought into his Department such a man as

Watson. I heard and hear, and read a great many accusations against

Stanton; but I never found any proofs which could virtually diminish

my confidence. To use a classical, stupid, rhetorical figure:

Stanton is not of antique mould. And who is now? But he is a

sincere, devoted and ardent patriot; he broadly comprehends the task

and the duty to save the country, and he sees clearly and distinctly

the ways and means to reach the sacred aim. Stanton may have, and

very many assert that he has, numerous bristles in his character, in

his deportment. Let it be so. It is the worse for him, but not for

the cause he serves.

_August 16. L. B._--Are the people again to receive a President from

the hand of intriguers, from politicians, or from honest imbeciles?

If the people will stand it, then they deserve to be kept in leading

strings by all that medley.

_August 16. L. B._--Rosecrans wants mounted infantry. The men of the

day, the men who understand and comprehend the exigencies, the

necessities of the war, they pierce through the rotten crust of

fogyism. That is promise and hope. The great organizers of the

army--the McClellans and the Hallecks--could never have found out

that mounted infantry is necessary, and will render good service.

Mounted infantry was not considered a necessity in the West Point

halls, and Jomini mentions it not. How should a Halleck do so?

_August 17. L. B._--A defender of slavery, a Copperhead, and a

traitor, differ so little from each other, that a microscope

magnifying ten thousand times would not disclose the difference. A

proslaveryist, a Copperhead, and a traitor, are the most perfect

_tres in unum_.

_August 18. L. B._--General Meade is absent from the army, and

Humphreys, his chief-of-staff, is temporarily in command. I notice

this fact as a proof that a more rational, intelligent comprehension

prevails in the military service. A chief-of-staff is the only man

to be the _locum-tenens_ of the commander. At Williamsport Humphreys

voted for fight. It would be well if Meade should not return to

again take the command.

_August 18._--A patriotic gentlewoman asked me why I write a diary?

"To give conscientious evidence before the jury appointed by

history."

_August 20._--On the first day of the draft, I had occasion to visit

New York. All was quiet. In Broadway and around the City Hall I saw

less soldiers than I expected. The people are quiet; the true

conspirators are thunderstruck. Before long, the names will be known

of the genuine instigators of arson and of murder in July last. The

tools are in the hands of justice, but the main spirits are hidden.

Smart and keen wretches as are the leading Copperheads, they

successfully screen their names; nevertheless before long their

names will be nailed to the gallows. The _World_--which, for weeks

and weeks, so devotedly, so ardently poisoned the minds, and thus

prepared the way for any riot--the _World_ was and is a tool in the

hands of the hidden traitors. The _World_ is a hireling, and does

the work by order.

_August 21. L. B._--The final destiny of the Potomac Army seems to

be to keep Lee at bay but not to attack him. Oh! the disgraced

soldiers and officers! Chickahominy, Antietam, Fredericksburgh,

Gettysburgh, are the indestructible evidences of the mettle of the

army, and of the poverty or total eclipse of generalship.

_August 21._--Impressionable, excitable, wave-like agitated as are

my dear American countrymen, they altogether forget _the yesterday_,

and shout the last success. Further: the people cannot see clearly

through the stultifying or the dirty dust blown in the peoples'

eyes; 1st, by the politicians of all hues, from the Woods, Weeds,

Forneys, to the Greeleys, by the simon-pures or the lobby-impures;

2d, by the press of all parties and shades of parties. The people

may again make a mistake. Is not Lincoln hailed as the new Moses? as

the man for the times, as the only one God sent to direct the

people, and to grapple with the stern, earnest emergencies and

perils? Emancipation is not Lincoln's, is not Sumner's, is not

anybody's personal special work. The necessities, the emergencies of

the times and of the hour did it. Their current drifted Mr. Lincoln

irresistibly along, and to a shore where he must land or perish.

_August 23. L. B._--From the tone of certain papers, and from

private letters, I perceive that Weed-Seward are hard at work to

pacify, to reunite, to save slavery and to leave unnoticed humanity

and national honor. The unterrified Democrats become Weed's allies,

and the alliance is to carry Seward into the White House. _Nous

verrons._

Chase is to overturn Seward-Weed and to secure the prize. Oh, the

intriguers.

On the authority of the published "DIARY," I am asked, even by

letters, "Where is Stanton?" "I do not know, and I do not care," is

my answer. I would however, like to be sure that Stanton is not in

that dirty path. I am Stanton's man, as they call it; but only as

long as I find him to be _a man_.

_August 24. L. B._--The Democrats are arrogant in asserting their

superior capacity for government, for carrying on the war, and for

other great things. However, I am sure that the so-called Northern

Democrats would have managed the affairs even worse than do now

those sham representatives of the principles of the Republican

party. No faith in a fundamental human, broad principle ever

actuated the hard shell Democrats. McClellan and the immense

majority of generals, have been, or are full-blooded Democrats, and

their warlike prowess dragged the people into deep, deep mire.

Democrats have to thank God for not being in power; in this way

their incapacity to cope with such gigantic events is not exposed.

The other fortunate occurrence for the Democrats is that the

power-holders for the Republican party are--what everybody sees.

_August 24. L. B._--I very strongly and urgently advised Gen.

Wadsworth to resign. No one in the country has fulfilled more nobly

his civic and patriotic duty. I urged upon his mind that when the

war is finished, the cause of right, of justice, the interests of a

genuine self-government will require true men to rescue the people

from the hands of the politicians. Vainly I remonstrated. Wadsworth

prefers to remain in the service, and to fight the monster.

_August 24. L. B._--_Chasiana._ The New York leaders of the Chase

scheme make all possible efforts and platitudes to _conciliate_ Weed

and win him over. What dregs all around!

The immaculate Chase! to look for support to a Weed! To Weed-Seward,

who for twenty-five years fanned the anti-slavery flame! Seward,

whom the anti-slavery wave elevated where he is, and who now kicks

and spits upon the men most ardent in the cause of emancipation! O

dregs! O dregs!

_August 24: L. B._--The question of confiscation drags itself slowly

on, and soon it may resound in the courts of the whole country. If

confiscation is ever stringently executed, it will generate

law-suits _ad libitum_ and _ad infinitum_. From the first day when

the banner of rebellion was unfolded, _each State_ became an

_outlaw_ in its relations with the Union. Such a rebel State has not

a legal existence, and any legal act whatever between individual

members--or rather, politically, sovereigns in and of the

State--such acts are valueless in relation to the lawful sovereign,

as is the Union.

The Confiscation Act is based on a wrong principle--the right to

confiscate the whole rebel property in America. This right is

derived from the public law. A conqueror of a country becomes _ipso

facto_ the proprietor of all that belonged to the conquered

sovereign and what is called public property, as domains, taxes,

revenues, public institutions, etc. The rebels claim to be

sovereigns--that is each freeman in each respective State is a

respective sovereign. The area of such revolted State, with all the

lands, cultivated or uncultivated, with the farms, and all

industrial, mercantile or mining establishments whatever, is the

property of the sovereign, or of the sovereigns. Property of a, or

of many sovereigns, is in its whole nature a public property, and as

such, _ipso facto_, is liable to be confiscated by the conqueror.

_August 24: L. B._--The massacre at Lawrence, Kansas, must

exclusively be credited to those who appointed for that region a

pro-slavery military commander. But the power-holders are not

troubled by more or less blood, by more or less victims of their

incapacity and double-dealing!

_August 25: L. B._--Any future historian must beware not to seek

light in the newspapers of this epoch. The so-called good press

throws no light on events; that press is not in the hands of

statesmen or of thinkers, or of ardent students of human events, or

of men having for their aim any pursuits of science or knowledge.

The luminaries of the press are no beacons for the people during

this bloody and deadly tempest! For the sake of what is called

political capital, the most simple fact often becomes distorted and

upturned by this political, short-sighted, and selfishly envious

press.

_August 26: L. B._--All things considered, the inflation of the

currency and the rise in gold has proved to be beneficial to the

country. The agricultural interest, above all, in the West, was

particularly sustained thereby. Wheat and grain would have fallen to

prices ruinous for the farmers. When the gold fell, the farmer felt

it by the reduction of the price of his produce. The agriculturist,

the backbone and marrow of the country, spends less money for

manufactured products than he netted clear profits by the rise in

gold. If the farmer sold now his wheat for six shillings, without

inflation the price might have been four shillings, and then the

farmer would have been bankrupt, unable to pay the taxes. The

inflation saved the greatest interest in the country. And thus

agriculture and industry flourish, the country is not ruined, is not

bankrupt, as the European wiseacres took great pleasure in

foreboding that it would be. So much for _absolute_ laws of

political economy.

_August 27: L. B._--The New York Republican papers insinuate that a

Mr. Evarts, who was sent to Europe by Mr. Seward, has given

assurances to European governments that slavery will be abolished.

If such declaration was needed, why not make it through the regular

representatives of the country, as are Mr. Adams and Mr. Dayton? Mr.

Seward is incorrigible. I am curious to know where he learned this

original mode of _diplomatizing_. Such unofficial, confidential,

semi-confidential agents confuse European governments. They inspire

very little, if any respect for our statesmanship, and are offensive

to our regularly appointed ministers. What must the crown lawyers in

England have thought of Mr. Evart's great mastery of international

laws?

_August 30._--Our military powers in Washington, led on and inspired

by Halleck, cannot put an end to guerrillas, or rather to those

highwaymen who rob, so to speak, at the military gates of

Washington. Lieber-Halleck-Hitchcock's treatise frightened not the

guerrillas, but most assuredly the gallows will do it. Everywhere

else the like banditti would be summarily treated; and these

would-be guerrillas here are evidences of the uttermost social

dissolution. They are no soldiers, no guerrillas, and deserve no

mercy.

_August 31: L. B._--According to the _Tribune_, Mr. Lincoln deserves

all the credit for General Gilmore's success before Charleston.

There we have it! Mr. Lincoln, outdoing Carnot for military sagacity

and capacity, Mr. Lincoln approved Gilmore's plans. Mr.

Lincoln-Halleck aiding--at once understood the laws of ballistics,

and other _et ceteras_ which underlay the plan of every siege. And

now to doubt that Lincoln, with his Halleck, are military geniuses!

O _Tribune_!

_August 31: L. B._--I learned that Grant most positively refused to

accept the command of the Potomac Army. They cannot ruin Grant--they

will neutralize him.

Diary from November 12, 1862, to October 18, 1863 · 第 36 / 41 题