It was not without a profound feeling of sadness that Rapin-Thoyras

left his native country. He left his widowed mother in profound grief,

arising from the recent death of her husband. She was now exposed to

persecutions which were bitterer by far than the perils of exile. It

was at her express wish that Rapin left his native country and

emigrated to England. And yet it was for France that his fathers had

shed their blood and laid down their lives. But France now repelled

the descendants of her noblest sons from her bosom.

Shortly after his arrival in London, Rapin made the acquaintance of

the Abbe of Denbeck, nephew of the Bishop of Tournay. The Abbe was an

intimate friend of Rapin's uncle, Pelisson, a man notorious in those

times for buying up consciences with money. Louis XIV. consecrated to

this traffic one-third of the benefices which fell to the Crown during

their vacancy. They were left vacant for the purpose of paying for the

abjurations of the heretics. Pelisson had the administration of the

fund. He had been born a Protestant, but he abjured his religion, and

from a convert he became a converter. Voltaire says of him, in his

"Siecle de Louis XIV.," "Much more a courtier than a philosopher,

Pelisson changed his religion and made a fortune."

Pelisson wrote to his friend the Abbe of Denbeck, then in London at

the court of James II., to look after his nephew Rapin-Thoyras, and

endeavour to bring him over to the true faith. It is even said that

Pelisson offered Rapin the priory of Saint-Orens d'Auch if he would

change his religion. The Abbe did his best. He introduced Rapin to M.

de Barillon, then ambassador at the English court. James II. was then

the pensioner of France, and accordingly had many intimate

transactions with the French ambassador. M. de Barillon received the

young refugee with great kindness, and, at the recommendation of the

Abbe and Pelisson, offered to present him to the King. Their object

was to get Rapin appointed to some public office, and thereby help his

conversion.

But Rapin fled from the temptation. Though no great theologian, he

felt it to be wrong to be thus entrapped into a faith which was not

his own; and without much reasoning about his belief, but merely

acting from a sense of duty, he left London at once and embarked for

Holland.

At Utrecht he joined his uncle, Daniel de Rapin, who was in command of

a company of cadets wholly composed of Huguenot gentlemen and nobles.

Daniel had left the service of France on the 25th of October, 1685,

three days after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes. He was then

captain of a French regiment in Picardy, but he could no longer,

without denying his God, serve his country and his King. In fact, he

was compelled, like all other Protestant officers, to leave France

unless he would at once conform to the King's faith.

Rapin was admitted to the company of refugee cadets commanded by his

uncle. He was now twenty-seven years old. His first instincts had been

military, and now he was about to pursue the profession of arms in his

adopted country. His first prospects were not brilliant. He was put

under a course of discipline, his pay amounting to only sixpence a

day. Indeed, the States-General of Holland were at first unwilling to

take so large a number of refugee Frenchmen into their service; but on

the Prince of Orange publicly declaring that he would himself pay the

expenses of maintaining the military refugees, they hesitated no

longer, but voted money enough to enrol them in their service.

The Prince of Orange had now a large body of troops at his command. No

one knew for what purpose they were enrolled. Some thought they were

intended for an attack upon France in revenge for Louis' devastation

of Holland a few years before. James II. never dreamt that they were

intended for a descent upon the coasts of England. Yet he was rapidly

alienating the loyalty of his subjects by hypocrisy, by infidelity to

the laws of England, and by unmitigated persecution of those who

differed from him in religious belief. In this state of affairs

England looked to the Prince of Orange for help.

William III. was doubly related to the royal family of England. He was

nephew of Charles I. and son-in-law of James II. His wife was the

heiress-presumptive to the British throne. Above all, he was a

Protestant, while James II. was a Roman Catholic. "Here," said the

Archbishop of Rheims of the latter, "is a good sort of man who has

lost his three kingdoms for a mass!"

William was at length ready with his troops. Louis XIV. suddenly

withdrew his army from Flanders and poured them into Germany. William

seized the opportunity. A fleet of more than six hundred vessels,

including fifty men-of-war, assembled at Helvoetsluys, near the mouth

of the Maas. The troops were embarked with great celerity. William

hoisted his flag with the words emblazoned on it, "The Protestant

Religion and Liberties of England," and underneath the motto of the

House of Nassau, _Je maintiendra_--"I will maintain."

The fleet set sail on the 19th October, the English Admiral Herbert

leading the van, the Prince of Orange commanding the main body of the

fleet, and the Dutch Vice-Admiral Evertzen bringing up the rear.

The wind was fair. It was the "Protestant wind" that the people of

England had so long been looking for. In a few hours the strong

eastern breeze had driven the fleet half across the sea that divides

the Dutch and English coasts. Then the wind changed. It began to blow

from the west. The wind increased until it blew a violent tempest. The

fleet seemed to be in the midst of a cyclone. The ships were blown

hither and thither, so that in less than two hours the fleet was

completely dispersed. At daybreak next morning scarce two ships could

be seen together.

The several ships returned to their rendez-vous at Goeree, in the

Maas. They returned in a miserable condition--some with their sails

blown away, some without their bulwarks, some without their masts.

Many ships were still missing. The horses had suffered severely. They

had been stowed away in the holds and driven against each other during

the storm. Many had been suffocated, others had their legs broken, and

had to be killed when the vessels reached the shore. The banks at

Goeree were covered with dead horses taken from the ships. Four

hundred had been lost.

Rapin de Thoyras and M. de Chavernay, commanding two companies of

French Huguenots, were on board one of the missing ships. The

frightful tempest had separated them from the fleet. They had been

driven before the wind as far as the coast of Norway. They thought

that each moment might be their last. But the sailors were brave, and

the ship was manageable. After enduring a week's storm the wind at

last abated. The ship was tacked, and winged its way towards the

south. At length, after about eight days' absence, they rejoined the

fleet, which had again assembled in the Maas. There were now only two

vessels missing, containing four companies of the Holstein regiment,

and about sixty French Huguenot officers.

In the meantime the Prince of Orange had caused all the damages in the

combined fleet to be repaired. New horses were embarked, new men were

added to the army, and new ships were hired for the purpose of

accommodating them. The men-of-war were also increased. After eleven

days the fleet was prepared to put to sea again.

On the 1st of November, 1688, the armament started on its second

voyage for the English coast. The fleet at first steered northward,

and it was thought to be the Prince's intention to land at the mouth

of the Humber. But a violent east wind having begun to blow during the

night, the fleet steered towards the south-eastern coast of England;

after which the ships shortened sail for fear of accidents.

The same wind that blew the English and Dutch fleet towards the

Channel, had the effect of keeping King James's fleet in the Thames,

where they remained anchored at Gunfleet, sixty-one men-of-war, under

command of Admiral Lord Dartmouth.

On the 3rd of November, the fleet under the Prince of Orange entered

the English Channel, and lay between Calais and Dover to wait for the

ships that were behind. "It is easy," says Rapin Thoyras, "to imagine

what a glorious show the fleet made. Five or six hundred ships in so

narrow a channel, and both the English and French shores covered with

numberless spectators, are no common sight. For my part, who was then

on board the fleet, I own it struck me extremely."

Sunday, the 4th of November, was the Prince's birthday, and it was

dedicated to devotion. The fleet was then off the Isle of Wight. Sail

was slackened during the performance of divine service. The fleet then

sped on its way down-channel, in order that the troops might be landed

at Dartmouth or Torbay; but during the night the wind freshened, and

the fleet was carried beyond the desired ports. Soon after, however,

the wind changed to the south, when the fleet tacked in splendid

order, and made for the shore in Torbay. The landing was effected with

such diligence and tranquillity that the whole army was on shore

before night.

There was no opposition to the landing. King James's army greatly

outnumbered that of the Prince of Orange. It amounted to about forty

thousand troops, exclusive of the militia. But the King's forces had

been sent northward to resist the anticipated landing of the

delivering army at the mouth of the Humber, so that the south-west of

England was nearly stripped of troops.

Nor could the King depend upon his forces. The King had already

outraged and insulted the gallant noblemen and gentlemen who had

heretofore been the bulwark of his throne. He had imprisoned the

bishops, dismissed Protestant clergymen from their livings, refused to

summon a Parliament, and caused terror and dismay throughout England

and Scotland. He had created discontent throughout the army by his

dismissal of Protestant officers, and the King now began to fear that

the common soldiers themselves would fail to serve him in his time of

need.

His fears proved prophetic. When the army of the Prince of Orange

advanced from Brixton (where it had landed) to Exeter, and afterwards

to Salisbury and London, it was joined by noblemen, gentlemen,

officers, and soldiers. Lord Churchill, afterwards Duke of

Marlborough, Lord Cornbury, with four regiments of dragoons, passed

over to the Prince of Orange. The Prince of Denmark, the King's

son-in-law, deserted him. His councillors abandoned him. His

mistresses left him. The country was up against him. At length the

King saw no remedy before him but a precipitate flight.

The account given by Rapin of James's departure from England is

somewhat ludicrous. The Queen went first. On the night between the 9th

and 10th of December she crossed the Thames in disguise. She waited

under the walls of a church at Lambeth until a coach could be got

ready for her at the nearest inn. She went from thence to Gravesend,

where she embarked with the Prince of Wales on a small vessel, which

conveyed them safely to France. The King set out on the following

night. He entered a small boat at Whitehall, dressed in a plain suit

and a bob wig, accompanied by a few friends. He threw the Great Seal

into the water, from whence it was afterwards dragged up by a

fisherman's net. Before he left, he gave the Earl of Feversham orders

to disband the army without pay, in order, probably, to create anarchy

after his flight.

James reached the south shore of the Thames. He travelled, with relays

of horses, to Emley Ferry, near the Island of Sheppey. He went on

board the little vessel that was to convey him to a French frigate

lying in the mouth of the Thames ready to transport him to France. The

wind blew strong, and the vessel was unable to sail.

The fishermen of the neighbourhood boarded the vessel in which the

King was. They took him for the chaplain of Sir Edward Hales, one of

his attendants. They searched the King, and found upon him four

hundred guineas and several valuable seals and jewels, which they

seized. A constable was present who knew the King, and he ordered

restitution of the valuables which had been taken from him. The King

wished to be gone, but the people by a sort of violence conducted him

to a public inn in the town of Feversham. He then sent for the Earl of

Winchelsea, Lord-Lieutenant of the county, who prevailed upon him not

to leave the kingdom, but to return to London.

And to London he went. The Prince of Orange was by this time at

Windsor. On the King's arrival in London he was received with

acclamations, as if he had returned from victory. He resumed

possession of his palace. He published a proclamation, announcing that

having been given to understand that divers outrages had been

committed in various parts of the kingdom, by burning, pulling down,

and defacing of houses, he commanded all lord-lieutenants, &c., to

prevent such outrages for the future, and suppress all riotous

assemblies.

This was his last public act. He was without an army. He had few

friends. The Dutch Guards arrived in London, and took possession of

St. James's and Whitehall. The Prince of Orange sent three lords to

the King to desire his Majesty's departure for Ham--a house belonging

to the Duchess of Lauderdale; but the King desired them to tell the

Prince that he wished rather to go to Rochester. The Prince gave his

consent.

Next morning the King entered his barge, accompanied by four earls,

six of the Yeomen of his Guard, and about a hundred of the Dutch

Guard, commanded by a colonel of the regiment. They arrived at

Gravesend, where the King entered his coach, and proceeded across the

country to Rochester.

In the meantime, Barillon, the French ambassador, was requested to

leave England. St. Ledger, a French refugee, was requested to attend

him and see him embark. While they were on the road St. Ledger could

not forbear saying to the ambassador, "Sir, had any one told you a

year ago that a French refugee should be commissioned to see you out

of England, would you have believed it?" To which the ambassador

answered, "Sir, cross over with me to Calais, and I will give you an

answer."

Shortly after, James embarked in a small French ship, which landed him

safely at Ambleteuse, a few miles north of Boulogne; while the army of

William marched into London amidst loud congratulations, and William

himself took possession of the Palace of St. James's, which the

recreant King had left for his occupation.

James II. fled from England at the end of December, 1688. Louis XIV.

received him courteously, and entertained him and his family at St.

Germain and Versailles. But he could scarcely entertain much regard

for the abdicated monarch. James had left his kingdom in an

ignominious manner. Though he was at the head of a great fleet and

army, he had not struck a single blow in defence of his kingly rights

And now he had come to the court of Louis XIV. to beg for the

assistance of a French fleet and army to recover his throne.

Though England had rejected James, Ireland was still in his favour.

The Lord-Deputy Tyrconnel was devoted to him; and the Irish people,

excepting those of the north, were ready to fight for him. About a

hundred thousand Irishmen were in arms. Half were soldiers; the rest

were undrilled Rapparees. James was urged by messengers from Ireland

to take advantage of this state of affairs. He accordingly begged

Louis XIV. to send a French army with him into Ireland to help him to

recover his kingdom.

But the French monarch, who saw before him the prospect of a

continental war, was unwilling to send a large body of troops out of

his kingdom. But he did what he could.

He ordered the Brest fleet to be ready. He put on board arms and

ammunition for ten thousand men. He selected four hundred French

officers for the purpose of disciplining the Irish levies. Count

Rosen, a veteran warrior, was placed in command. Over a hundred

thousand pounds of money was also put on board. When the fleet was

ready to sail, James took leave of his patron, Louis XIV. "The best

thing that I can wish you," said the French king, "is that I may never

see you again in this world."

The fleet sailed from Brest on the 7th of March, 1689, and reached

Kinsale, in the south of Ireland, four days later. James II. was

received with the greatest rejoicing. Next day he went on to Cork; he

was received by the Earl of Tyrconnel, who caused one of the

magistrates to be executed because he had declared for the Prince of

Orange.

The news went abroad that the King had landed. He entered Dublin on

the 24th of March, and was received in a triumphant manner. All Roman

Catholic Ireland was at his feet. The Protestants in the south were

disarmed. There was some show of resistance in the north; but no doubt

was entertained that Enniskillen and Derry, where the Protestants had

taken refuge, would soon be captured and Protestantism crushed.

The Prince of Orange, who had now been proclaimed King at Westminster,

found that he must fight for his throne, and that Ireland was to be

the battle-field. Londonderry was crowded with Protestants, who held

out for William III. James believed that the place would fall without

a blow. Count Rosen was of the same opinion. The Irish army proceeded

northwards without resistance. The country, as far as the walls of

Derry, was found abandoned by the population. Everything valuable had

been destroyed by bands of Rapparees. There was great want of food for

the army.

Nevertheless, James proceeded as far as Derry. Confident of success,

he approached within a hundred yards of the southern gate, when he was

received with a shout of "No surrender!" The cannon were fired from

the nearest bastion. One of James's officers was killed by his side.

Then he fled. A few days later he was on his way to Dublin,

accompanied by Count Rosen.

Londonderry, after an heroic contest, was at length relieved. A fleet

from England, laden with food, broke the boom which had been thrown by

the Irish army across the entrance to the harbour. The ships reached

the quay at ten o'clock at night. The whole population were there to

receive them. The food was unloaded, and the famished people were at

length fed. Three days after, the Irish army burnt their huts, and

left the long-beleaguered city. They retreated along the left bunk of

the Boyne to Strabane.

While the Irish forces were lying there, the news of another disaster

reached them. The Duke of Berwick lay with a strong detachment of

Irish troops before Enniskillen. He had already gained some advantage

over the Protestant colonists, and the command reached him from Dublin

that he was immediately to attack them. The Irish were five thousand

in number; the Enniskilleners under three thousand.

An engagement took place at Newton Butler. The Enniskillen horse swept

the Irish troops before them. Fifteen hundred were put to the sword,

and four hundred prisoners were taken. Seven pieces of cannon,

fourteen barrels of powder, and all the drums and colours were left in

the hands of the victors. The Irish army were then at Strabane, on

their retreat from Londonderry. They at once struck their tents, threw

their military stores into the river, and set out in full retreat for

the south.

In the meantime a French fleet had landed at Bantry Bay, with three

thousand men on board, and a large convoy of ammunition and

provisions. William III., on his part, determined, with the consent of

the English Parliament, to send a force into Ireland to encounter the

French and Irish forces under King James.

William's troops consisted of English, Scotch, Dutch, and Danes, with

a large admixture of French Huguenots. There were a regiment of

Huguenot horse, of eight companies, commanded by the Duke of

Schomberg, and three regiments of Huguenot foot, commanded by La

Melloniere, Du Cambon, and La Caillemotte. Schomberg, the old Huguenot

chief, was put in command of the entire force.

Rapin accompanied the expedition as a cadet. The army assembled at

Highlake, about sixteen miles from Chester. About ninety vessels of

all sorts were assembled near the mouth of the Dee. Part of the army

was embarked on the 12th of August, and set sail for Ireland. About

ten thousand men, horse and foot, were landed at Bangor, near the

southern entrance to Belfast Lough. Parties were sent out to scour the

adjacent country, and to feel for the enemy. This done, the army set

out for Belfast.

James's forces had abandoned the place, and retired to Carrickfergus,

some ten miles from Belfast, on the north coast of the Lough.

Carrickfergus was a fortified town. The castle occupies a strong

position on a rock overlooking the Lough. The place formed a depot for

James's troops, and Schomberg therefore determined to besiege the

fortress.

Rapin has written an account of William's campaigns in England and

Ireland; but with becoming modesty he says nothing about his own

achievements. We must therefore supply the deficiency. Before the

siege of Carrickfergus, he had been appointed ensign in Lord

Kingston's regiment. He was helped to this office by his uncle Daniel,

who accompanied the expedition. Several regiments of Schomberg's army

were detached from Belfast to Carrickfergus, to commence the siege.

Among these was Lord Kingston's regiment.

On their approach, the enemy beat a parley. They desired to march out

with arms and baggage. Schomberg refused, and the siege began. The

trenches were opened, the batteries were raised, and the cannon

thundered against the walls of the old town. Several breaches were

made. The attacks were pursued with great vigour for four days, when a

general assault was made. The besieged hoisted the white flag. After a

parley, it was arranged that the Irish should surrender the place, and

march out with their arms, and as much baggage as they could carry on

their backs.

Carrickfergus was not taken without considerable loss to the

besiegers. Lieutenant Briset, of the Flemish Guards, was killed by the

first shot fired from the castle. The Marquis de Venours was also

killed while leading the Huguenot regiments to the breach. Rapin

distinguished himself so much during the siege that he was promoted

to the rank of lieutenant. He was at the same time transferred to

another regiment, and served under Lieutenant-General Douglas during

the rest of the campaign.

More troops having arrived from England, Schomberg marched with his

augmented army to Lisburn, Drummore, and Loughbrickland. Here the

Enniskillen Horse joined them, and offered to be the advanced guard of

the army. The Enniskilleners were a body of irregular horsemen, of

singularly wild and uncouth appearance. They rode together in a

confused body, each man being attended by a mounted servant, bearing

his baggage. The horsemen were each mounted and accoutred after their

own fashion, without any regular dress, or arms, or mode of attack.

They only assumed a hasty and confused line when about to rush into

action. They fell on pell-mell. Yet they were the bravest of the

brave, and were never deterred from attacking by inequality of

numbers. They were attended by their favourite preachers, who urged

them on to deeds of valour, and encouraged them "to purge the land of

idolatry."

Thus reinforced, Schomberg pushed on to Newry. The Irish were in force

there, under command of the Duke of Berwick. But although it was a

very strong place, the Irish abandoned the town, first setting fire to

it. This news having been brought to Schomberg, he sent a trumpet to

the Duke of Berwick, acquainting him that if they went on to burn

towns in that barbarous manner, he would give no quarter. This notice

seems to have had a good effect, for on quitting Dundalk the

retreating army did no harm to the town. Schomberg encamped about a

mile north of Dundalk, in a low, moist ground, where he entrenched his

army. Count Rosen was then at Drogheda with about twenty thousand

men, far outnumbering the forces under Schomberg.

About the end of September, King James's army approached the lines of

Dundalk. They drew up in order of battle. The English officers were

for attacking the enemy, but Schomberg advised them to refrain. A

large party of horse appeared within cannon shot, but they made no

further attempt. In a day or two after James drew off his army to

Ardee, Count Rosen indignantly exclaiming, "If your Majesty had ten

kingdoms, you would lose them all." In the meantime, Schomberg

remained entrenched in his camp. The Enniskilleners nevertheless made

various excursions, and routed a body of James's troops marching

towards Sligo.

Great distress fell upon Schomberg's army. The marshy land on which

they were encamped, the wet and drizzly weather, the scarcity and

badness of the food, caused a raging sickness to break out. Great

numbers were swept away by disease. Among the officers who died were

Sir Edward Deering, of Kent; Colonel Wharton, son of Lord Wharton; Sir

Thomas Gower and Colonel Hungerford, two young gentlemen of

distinguished merit. Two thousand soldiers died in the camp. Many

afterwards perished from cold and hunger. Schomberg at length left the

camp at Dundalk, and the remains of his army went into winter

quarters.

Rapin shared all the suffering of the campaign. When the army

retreated northward, Rapin was sent with a party of soldiers to occupy

a fortified place between Stranorlar and Donegal. It commanded the

Pass of Barnes Gap. This is perhaps the most magnificent defile in

Ireland. It is about four miles long. Huge mountains rise on either

side. The fortalice occupied by Rapin is now in ruins. It stands on a

height overlooking the northern end of the pass. It is now called

Barrack Hill. The Rapparees who lived at the lower end of the Gap were

accustomed to come down upon the farming population of the lowland

country on the banks of the rivers Finn and Mourne, and carry off all

the cattle that they could seize; Rapin was accordingly sent with a

body of troops to defend the lowland farmers from the Rapparees.

Besides, it was found necessary to defend the pass against the forces

of King James, who then occupied Sligo and the neighbouring towns,

under the command of General Sarsfield.

Schomberg was very much blamed by the English Parliament for having

effected nothing decisive in Ireland. But what could he do? He had to

oppose an army more than three times stronger in numbers than his own.

King William, Rapin says, wrote twice to him, "pressing him to put

somewhat to the venture." But his army was wasted by disease, and had

he volunteered an encounter and been defeated, his whole army, and

consequently all Ireland, would have been lost, for he could not have

made a regular retreat. "His sure way," says Rapin, "was to preserve

his army, and that would save Ulster and keep matters entire for

another year. And therefore, though this conduct of his was blamed by

some, yet better judges thought that the managing of this campaign as

he did was one of the greatest parts of his life."

Winter passed. Nothing decisive had been accomplished on either side.

Part of Ulster was in the hands of William; the remainder of Ireland

was in the hands of James. Schomberg's army was wasted by famine and

disease. James made no use of his opportunity to convert his athletic

peasants into good soldiers. On the contrary, Schomberg recruited his

old regiments, drilled them constantly, and was ready to take the

field at the approach of spring.

His first achievement was the capture of Charlemont, midway between

Armagh and Dungannon. It was one of the strongest forts in the north

of Ireland. It overlooked the Blackwater, and commanded an important

pass. It was surrounded by a morass, and approachable only by two

narrow causeways. When Teague O'Regan, who commanded the fort, was

summoned to surrender, he replied, "Schomberg is an old rogue, and

shall not have this castle!" But Caillemotte, with his Huguenot

regiments, sat down before the fortress, and starved the garrison into

submission. Captain Francis Rapin, cousin of our hero, was killed

during the siege.

The armies on both sides were now receiving reinforcements. Louis XIV.

sent seven thousand two hundred and ninety men of all ranks to the

help of James, under the command of Count Lauzun. They landed at Cork

in March, 1689, and marched at once to Dublin. Lauzun described the

country as a chaos such as he had read of in the Book of Genesis. On

his arrival at Dublin, Lauzun was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the

Irish army, and took up his residence in the castle.

On the other hand, Schomberg's forces were recruited by seven thousand

Danes, under a treaty which William III. had entered into with the

King of Denmark. New detachments of English and Scotch, of Huguenots,

Dutch, Flemings, and Brandenburgers, were also added to the allied

army.

William landed at Carrickfergus on the 14th of June. He passed on to

Belfast, where he met Schomberg, the Prince of Wurtemberg,

Major-General Kirk, and other general officers. He then pushed on to

Lisburn, the head-quarters of his army. He there declared that he

would not let the grass grow under his feet, but would pursue the war

with the utmost vigour. He ordered the whole army to assemble at

Loughbrickland. He found them to consist of sixty-two squadrons of

cavalry and fifty-two battalions of infantry--in all, thirty-six

thousand English, Dutch, French, Danes, and Germans, well appointed in

every respect. Lieutenant-General Douglas commanded the

advance-guard--to which Rapin belonged--and William III., Schomberg,

and St. Gravenmore commanded the main body.

William III. had no hesitation in entering at once on the campaign. He

had been kept too long in London by parliamentary turmoil, by

intrigues between Whigs and Tories, and sometimes by treachery on both

sides. But now that he was in the field his spirits returned, and he

determined to lose not a day in measuring swords with his enemy. He

had very little time to spare. He must lose or win his crown; though

his determination was to win. Accordingly he marched southward without

delay.

William had been in Ireland six days before James knew of his arrival.

The passes between Newry and Dundalk had been left unguarded--passes

where a small body of well-disciplined troops might easily have

checked the advance of William's army. Dundalk was abandoned. Ardee

was abandoned. The Irish army were drawn up in a strong position on

the south of the Boyne to arrest the progress of the invading army.

James had all the advantages that nature could give him. He had a deep

river in front, a morass on his left, and the narrow bridge of Slane

on his right. Behind was a rising ground stretching along the whole of

the field. In the rear lay the church and village of Donore, and the

Pass of Duleek. Drogheda lay towards the mouth of the river, where the

green and white flags of Ireland and France were flying, emblazoned

with the harp and the lilies.

William never halted until he reached the summit of a rising ground

overlooking the beautiful valley of the Boyne. It is about the most

fertile ground in Ireland. As he looked from east to west, William

said to one of his staff, "Behold a land worth fighting for!" Rapin

was there, and has told the story of the crossing of the Boyne. He

says that the forces of King James, lying on the other side of the

river, amounted to about the same number as those under King William.

They included more than seven thousand veteran French soldiers. There

was a splendid body of Irish horse, and about twenty thousand Irish

foot.

James's officers were opposed to a battle; they wished to wait for the

large fleet and the additional forces promised by Louis XIV. But James

resolved to maintain his position, and thought that he might have one

fair battle for his crown. "But," says Rapin, "notwithstanding all his

advantages--the deep river in front, the morass on his right, and the

rising ground behind him--he ordered a ship to be prepared for him at

Waterford, that in case of a defeat he might secure his retreat to

France."

On the morning of the 30th of June, William ordered his whole army to

move by break of day by three lines towards the river, about three

miles distant. The King marched in front. By nine o'clock they were

within two miles of Drogheda. Observing a hill east of the enemy, the

King rode up to view the enemy's camp. He found it to lie all along

the river in two lines. Here he had a long consultation with his

leading officers. He then rode to the pass at Old Bridge, within

musket-shot of the ford; next he rode westward, so as to take a full

view of the enemy's camp. He fixed the place where his batteries were

to be planted, and decided upon the spot where his army was to cross

the river on the following day.

The Irish on the other side of the river had not been unobservant of

the King's movements. They could see him riding up and down the banks,

for they were not sixty yards apart. The Duke of Berwick, the Viceroy

Tyrconnel, General Sarsfield, and other officers were carefully

watching his movements. While the army was marching up the river-side,

William dismounted and sat down upon a rising ground to partake of

some refreshments, for he had been on horseback since early dawn.

During this time a party of Irish horse on the other side brought

forward two field-pieces through a ploughed field, and planted them

behind a hedge. They took their sight and fired. The first shot killed

a man and two horses close by the King. William immediately mounted

his horse. The second gun was not so well aimed. The shot struck the

water, but rising _en ricochet_, it slanted on the King's right

shoulder, took a piece out of his coat, and tore the skin and the

flesh. William rode away stooping in his saddle. The Earl of Coningsby

put a handkerchief over the wound, but William said "there was no

necessity, the bullet should have come nearer."

The enemy, seeing the discomfiture of the King's party, and that he

rode away wounded, spread abroad the news that he was killed. "They

immediately," says Rapin, "set up a shout all over their camp, and

drew down several squadrons of their horse upon a plain towards the

river, as if they meant to pass and pursue the English army. Nay, the

report of the King's death flew presently to Dublin, and from thence

spread as far as Paris, where the people were encouraged to express

their joy by bonfires and illuminations." In the meantime William

returned to his tent, where he had his wound dressed, and again

mounted and showed himself to the whole army, in order to dissipate

their apprehensions. He remained on horseback until nine at night,

though he had been up since one o'clock in the morning.

William then called a council of war, and declared his resolution of

forcing the river next day. Schomberg opposed this, but finding the

King determined, he urged that a strong body of horse and foot should

be sent to Slane bridge that night, so as to be able to cross the

bridge and get between the enemy and the Pass of Duleek, which lay

behind King James's army. This advice, if followed, might perhaps have

ended the war in one campaign. Such is Rapin's opinion. The proposal

was, however, rejected; and it was determined to cross the river in

force on the following morning. William inspected the troops at

midnight. He rode along the whole army by torchlight, and after giving

out the password "Westminster," he returned to his tent for a few

hours' sleep.

The shades of night lay still over that sleeping host. The stars

looked down in peace on these sixty thousand brethren of the same

human family, ready to rise with the sun and imbrue their hands in

each other's blood. Tyrannical factions and warring creeds had set

them at enmity with each other, and turned the sweetness and joy of

their nature into gall and bitterness. The night was quiet. The murmur

of the river fell faintly on the ear. A few trembling lights gleamed

through the dark from the distant watchtowers of Drogheda. The only

sounds that rose from the vast host that lay encamped in the valley of

the Boyne were the challenges of the sentinels to each other as they

paced their midnight rounds.

The sun rose clear and beautiful. It was the first day of July--a day

for ever memorable in the history of Ireland as well as England. The

_generale_ was beat in the camp of William before daybreak, and as

soon as the sun was up the battle began. Lieutenant-General Douglas

marched towards the right with six battalions of foot, accompanied by

Count Schomberg (son of the Marshal) with twenty-four squadrons of

horse. They crossed the river below the bridge of Slane, and though

opposed by the Irish, they drove them back and pressed them on towards

Duleek.

When it was supposed that the left wing had crossed the Boyne, the

Dutch Blue Guards, beating a march till they reached the river's edge,

went in eight or ten abreast, the water reaching above their girdles.

When they had gained the centre of the stream they were saluted with a

tremendous fire from the Irish foot, protected by the breastworks,

lanes, and hedges on the farther side of the river. Nevertheless they

pushed on, formed in two lines, and drove the Irish before them.

Several Irish battalions were brought to bear upon them, but without

effect. Then a body of Irish cavalry assailed them, but still they

held their ground.

William, seeing his troops hardly pressed, sent across two Huguenot

regiments and one English regiment to their assistance. But a regiment

of Irish dragoons, at the moment of their reaching the shore, fell

upon their flank, broke their ranks, and put many of them to the

sword. Colonel Caillemotte, leader of the Huguenots, received a mortal

wound. He was laid on a litter and carried to the rear. As he met his

men coming up to the help of their comrades, he called out, "A la

gloire, mes enfants! a la gloire!" A squadron of Danish horse forded

the river, but the Irish dragoons, in one of their dashing charges,

broke and defeated them, and drove them across the river in great

confusion.

Duke Schomberg, who was in command of the centre, seeing that the day

was going against King William, and that the French Huguenots were

fighting without their leader, crossed the river and put himself at

their head. Pointing to the Frenchmen in James's ranks, he cried out

to his men, "Allons, messieurs, voila vos persecuteurs!" The words

were scarcely out of his mouth when a troop of James's guards,

returning full speed to their main body, fell furiously upon the Duke

and inflicted two sword cuts upon his head. The regiment of Cambon

began at once to fire upon the enemy, but by a miss shot they hit the

Duke. "They shot the Duke," says Rapin, "through the neck, of which he

instantly died, and M. Foubert, alighting to receive him, was shot in

the arm."

The critical moment had arrived. The centre of William's army was in

confusion. Their leaders, Schomberg and Caillemotte, were killed. The

men were waiting for orders. They were exposed to the galling fire of

the Irish infantry and cavalry. King James was in the rear on the hill

of Dunmore surrounded by his French body-guard. He was looking down

upon the field of battle, viewing now here, now there. It is even said

that when he saw the Irish dragoons routing the cavalry and riding

down the broken infantry of William, he exclaimed, "Spare! oh, spare

my English subjects!"

The firing had now lasted uninterruptedly for more than an hour, when

William seized the opportunity of turning the tide of battle against

his spiritless adversary. Putting himself at the head of the left

wing, he crossed the Boyne by a dangerous and difficult ford a little

lower down the river; his cavalry for the most part swimming across

the tide. The ford had been left unguarded, and the whole soon reached

the opposite bank in safety. But even there the horse which William

rode sank in a bog, and he was forced to alight until the horse was

got out. He was helped to remount, for the wound in his shoulder was

very painful. So soon as the troops were got into sufficient order,

William drew his sword, though his wound made it uneasy for him to

wield it. He then marched on towards the enemy.

When the Irish saw themselves menaced by William's left wing, they

halted, and retired towards Dunmore. But gaining courage, they faced

about and fell upon the English horse. They gave way. The King then

rode up to the Enniskilleners, and asked, "What they would do for

him?" Not knowing him, the men were about to shoot him, thinking him

to be one of the enemy. But when their chief officer told them that it

was the King who wanted their help, they at once declared their

intention of following him. They marched forward and received the

enemy's fire. The Dutch troops came up, at the head of whom William

placed himself. "In this place," says Rapin, "Duke Schomberg's

regiment of horse, composed of French Protestants, and strengthened by

an unusual number of officers, behaved with undaunted resolution, like

men who fought for a nation amongst whom themselves and their friends

had found shelter against the persecution of France."

Ginckel's troops now arrived on the scene; but they were overpowered

by the Irish horse, and forced to give way. Sir Albert Cunningham's

and Colonel Levison's dragoons then came up, and enabled Ginckel's

troops to rally; and the Irish were driven up the hill, after an

hour's hard fighting. James's lieutenant-general, Hamilton, was taken

prisoner and brought before the King. He was asked "Whether the Irish

would fight any more?" "Yes," he answered; "upon my honour I believe

they will." The Irish slowly gave way, their dragoons charging again

and again, to cover the retreat of the foot. At Dunmore they made a

gallant stand, driving back the troops of William several times. The

farmstead of Sheephouse was taken and retaken again and again.

At last the Irish troops slowly retreated up the hill. The French

troops had scarcely been engaged. Sarsfield implored James to put

himself at their head, and make a last fight for his crown. Six

thousand fresh men coming into action, when the army of William was

exhausted by fatigue, might have changed the fortune of the day. But

James would not face the enemy. He put himself at the head of the

French troops and Sarsfield's regiment--the first occasion on which he

had led during the day--and set out for Dublin, leaving the rest of

his army to shift for themselves.

The Irish army now poured through the Pass of Duleek. They were

pursued by Count Schomberg at the head of the left wing of William's

army. The pursuit lasted several miles beyond the village of Duleek,

when the Count was recalled by express orders of the King. The Irish

army retreated in good order, and they reached Dublin in safety. James

was the first to carry thither the news of his defeat. On reaching

Dublin Castle, he was received by Lady Tyrconnel, the wife of the

Viceroy. "Madam," said he, "your countrymen can run well." "Not quite

so well as your Majesty," was her retort, "for I see that you have won

the race."

The opinion of the Irish soldiers may be understood from their saying,

after their defeat, "Change generals, and we will fight the battle

over again." "James had no royal quality about him," says an able

Catholic historian; "nature had made him a coward, a monk, and a

gourmand; and, in spite of the freak of fortune that had placed him on

a throne, and seemed inclined to keep him there, she vindicated her

authority, and dropped him ultimately in the niche that suited him--

'The meanest slave of France's despot lord.'"

William halted on the field that James had occupied in the morning.

The troops remained under arms all night. The loss of life was not so

great as was expected. On William's side not more than four hundred

men were killed; but amongst them were Duke Schomberg, Colonel

Caillemotte, and Dr. George Walker, the defender of Derry. "King

James's whole loss in this battle," says Rapin, "was generally

computed at fifteen hundred men, amongst whom were the Lord Dungan,

the Lord Carlingford, Sir Neil O'Neil, Colonel Fitzgerald, the Marquis

d'Hocquincourt, and several prisoners, the chief of whom was

Lieutenant-General Hamilton, who, to do him justice, behaved with

great courage, and kept the victory doubtful, until he was taken

prisoner."

On the following day Drogheda surrendered without resistance. The

garrison laid down their arms, and departed for Athlone. James stayed

at Dublin for a night, and on the following morning he started for

Waterford, causing the bridges to be broken down behind him, for fear

of being pursued by the allied forces. He then embarked on a

ship-of-war, and was again conveyed to France.

William's army proceeded slowly to Dublin. The Duke of Ormond entered

the city two days after the battle of the Boyne, at the head of nine

troops of horse. On the next day the King, with his whole army,

marched to Finglas, in the neighbourhood of Dublin; and on the 6th of

July he entered the city, and proceeded to St. Patrick's Church, to

return thanks for his victory.

The whole of the Irish army proceeded towards Athlone and Limerick,

intending to carry on the war behind the Shannon. William sent a body

of his troops, under Lieutenant-General Douglas, to Athlone, while he

himself proceeded to reduce and occupy the towns of the South. Rapin

followed his leader, and hence his next appearance at the siege of

Athlone.

Rapin conducted himself throughout the Irish campaign as a true soldier.

He was attentive, accurate, skilful, and brave. He did the work he had

to do without any fuss; but he _did_ it. Lieutenant-General Douglas,

under whom he served, soon ascertained his merits, saw through his

character, and became much attached to him. He promoted him to the rank

of aide-de-camp, so that he might have this able Frenchman continually

about his person.

Douglas proceeded westward, with six regiments of horse and ten of

foot, to reduce Athlone. But the place was by far too strong for so

small a force to besiege, and still less to take it. Athlone had

always been a stronghold. For centuries the bridge and castle had

formed the great highway into Connaught. The Irish town is defended on

the eastern side by the Shannon, a deep and wide river, almost

impossible to pass in the face of a hostile army.

Douglas summoned the Irish garrison to surrender. Colonel Richard

Grace, the gallant old governor, returned a passionate defiance.

"These are my terms," he said, discharging a pistol at the messenger:

"when my provisions are consumed, I will defend my trust until I have

eaten my boots."

Abandoning as indefensible the English part of the town, situated on

the east side of the Shannon, Grace set fire to it, and retired with

all his forces to the western side, blowing up an arch of the bridge

behind him. The English then brought up the few cannon they had with

them, and commenced battering the walls. The Irish had more cannon,

and defended themselves with vigour. The besiegers made a breach in

the castle, but it was too high and too small for an assault.

"Notwithstanding this," says Rapin, "the firing continued very brisk

on both sides; but the besiegers having lost Mr. Neilson, their best

gunner, and the cavalry suffering very much for want of forage; and at

the same time it being reported that Sarsfield was advancing with

fifteen thousand men to relieve the place, Douglas held a council of

war, wherein it was thought fit to raise the siege, which he

accordingly did on the 25th, having lost near four hundred men before

the town, the greatest part of whom died of sickness."

Thus, after a week's ineffectual siege, Douglas left Athlone, and made

all haste to rejoin the army of William, which had already reduced the

most important towns in the south of Ireland. On the 7th of August he

rejoined William at Cahirconlish, a few miles west of Limerick. The

flower of the Irish army was assembled at Limerick. The Duke of

Berwick and General Sarsfield occupied the city with their forces. The

French general, Boileau, commanded the garrison. The besieged were

almost as numerous as the besiegers. William, by garrisoning the towns

of which he took possession, had reduced his forces to about twenty

thousand men.

Limerick was fortified by walls, batteries, and ramparts. It was also

defended by a castle and citadel. It had always been a place of great

strength. The chivalry of the Anglo-Norman monarch, the Ironsides of

Cromwell, had been defeated under its walls; and now the victorious

army of William III. was destined to meet with a similar repulse.

Limerick is situated in an extensive plain, watered by the noble

Shannon. The river surrounds the town on three sides. Like Athlone,

the city is divided into the English and Irish towns, connected

together by a bridge. The English town was much the strongest. It was

built upon an island, surrounded by morasses, which could at any time

be flooded on the approach of an enemy. The town was well supplied

with provisions--all Clare and Galway being open to it, from whence

it could draw supplies.

Notwithstanding the strength of the fortress, William resolved to

besiege it. He was ill supplied with cannon, having left his heavy

artillery at Dublin. He had only a field train with him, which was

quite insufficient for his purpose. William's advance-guards drove the

Irish outposts before them; the pioneers cutting down the hedges and

filling up the ditches, until they came to a narrow pass between two

bogs, where a considerable body of Irish horse and foot were assembled

to dispute the pass.

Two field-pieces were brought up, which played with such effect upon

the Irish horse that they soon quitted their post. At the same time

Colonel Earle, at the head of the English foot, attacked the Irish who

were firing through the hedges, so that they also retired after two

hours' fighting. The Irish were driven to the town walls, and

William's forces took possession of two important positions,

Cromwell's fort and the old Chapel. The Danes also occupied an old

Danish fort, built by their ancestors, of which they were not a little

proud.

The army being thus posted, a trumpeter was sent, on the 9th of

August, to summon the garrison to surrender. General Boileau answered,

that he intended to make a vigorous defence of the town with which his

Majesty had intrusted him. In the meantime, William had ordered up his

train of artillery from Dublin. They were on their way to join him,

when a spy from William's camp went over to the enemy, and informed

them of the route, the motions, and the strength of the convoy.

Sarsfield at once set out with a strong body of horse. He passed the

Shannon in the night, nine miles above Limerick, lurked all day in

the mountains near Ballyneety, and waited for the approach of the

convoy.

The men of William's artillery, seeing no enemy, turned out their

horses to graze, and went to sleep in the full sense of security.

Sarsfield's body of horse came down upon them, slew or dispersed the

convoy, and took possession of the cannon. Sarsfield could not,

however, take the prizes into Limerick. He therefore endeavoured to

destroy them. Cramming the guns with powder up to their muzzles, and

burying their mouths deep in the earth, then piling the stores,

waggons, carriages, and baggage over them, he laid a train and fired

it, just as Sir John Lanier, with a body of cavalry, was arriving to

rescue the convoy. The explosion was tremendous, and was heard at the

camp of William, more than seven miles off. Sarsfield's troops

returned to Limerick in triumph.

Notwithstanding these grievous discouragements, William resolved to

persevere. He recovered two of the guns, which remained uninjured. He

obtained others from Waterford. The trenches were opened on the 17th

of August. A battery was raised below the fort to the right of the

trenches. Firing went on on both sides. Several redoubts were taken.

By the 25th, the trenches were advanced to within thirty paces of the

ditch near St. John's Gate, and a breach was made in the walls about

twelve yards wide.

The assault was ordered to take place on the 27th. The English

grenadiers took the lead, supported by a hundred French officers and

volunteers. The enemy were dislodged from the covered way and the two

forts which guarded the breach on each side. The assailants entered

the breach, but they were not sufficiently supported. The Irish

rallied. They returned to the charge, helped by the women, who pelted

the besiegers with stones, broken bottles, and such other missiles as

came readily to hand. A Brandenburg regiment having assailed and taken

the Black Battery, it was blown up by an explosion, which killed many

of the men. In fine, the assault was vigorously repulsed; and

William's troops retreated to the main body, with a loss of six

hundred men killed on the spot and as many mortally wounded.

Rapin was severely wounded. A musket shot hit him in the shoulder, and

completely disabled him. His brother Solomon was also wounded. His

younger brother fell dead by his side. They belonged to the "forlorn

hope," and were volunteers in the assault on the breach. Rapin was

raised to the rank of captain.

The siege of Limerick was at once raised. The heavy baggage and cannon

were sent away on the 30th of August, and the next day the army

decamped and marched towards Clonmel. The King intrusted the command

of his army to Lieutenant-General Ginckel, and set sail for England

from Duncannon Fort, near Waterford, on the 5th of September.

The campaign was not yet over. The Earl of Marlborough landed near

Cork with four thousand men. Reinforced by four thousand Danes and

French Huguenots, he shortly succeeded in taking the fortified towns

of Cork and Kinsale. After garrisoning these places the Earl returned

to England.

General Ginckel went into winter quarters at Mullingar, in Westmeath.

The French troops, under command of Count Lauzun, went into Galway.

Lauzun shortly after returned to France, and St. Ruth was sent over to

take command of the French and Irish army. But they hung about Galway

doing nothing. In the meantime Ginckel was carefully preparing for the

renewal of the campaign. He was reinforced by an excellent body of

troops from Scotland, commanded by General Mackay. He was also well

supplied, through the vigilance of William, with all the necessaries

of war.

Rapin's friend, Colonel Lord Douglas, pressed him to accompany him to

Flanders as his aide-de-camp; but the wound in his shoulder still

caused him great pain, and he was forced to decline the appointment.

Strange to say, his uncle Pelisson--the converter, or rather the

buyer, of so many Romish converts in France--sent him a present of

fifty pistoles through his cousin M. de la Bastide, which consoled him

greatly during his recovery.

General Ginckel broke up his camp at Mullingar at the beginning of

June, and marched towards Athlone. The Irish had assembled a

considerable army at Ballymore, about midway between Mullingar and

Athlone. They had also built a fort there, and intended to dispute the

passage of Ginckel's army. A sharp engagement took place when his

forces came up. The Irish were defeated, with the loss of over a

thousand prisoners and all their baggage.

Ginckel then appeared before Athlone, but the second resistance of the

besieged was much less successful than the first. St. Ruth, the French

general, treated the Irish officers and soldiers under his command

with supercilious contempt. He admitted none of their officers into

his councils. He was as ignorant of the army which he commanded as of

the country which he occupied. Nor was he a great general. He had been

principally occupied in France in hunting and hanging the poor

Protestants of Dauphiny and the Cevennes. He had never fought a

pitched battle; and his incapacity led to the defeat of the Irish at

Athlone, and afterwards at Aughrim.

St. Ruth treated his English adversaries with as much contempt as he

did his Irish followers. When he heard that the English were about to

cross the Shannon, he said "it was impossible for them to take the

town, and be so near with an army to succour it." He added that he

would give a thousand louis if they _durst_ attempt it. To which

Sarsfield retorted, "Spare your money and mind your business; for I

know that no enterprise is too difficult for British courage to

attempt."

Ginckel took possession of the English town after some resistance,

when the Irish army retreated to the other side of the Shannon.

Batteries were planted, pontoons were brought up, and the siege began

with vigour. Ginckel attempted to get possession of the bridge. One of

the arches was broken down, on the Connaught side of the river. Under

cover of a heavy fire, a party of Ginckel's men succeeded in raising a

plank-work for the purpose of spanning the broken arch. The work was

nearly completed, when a sergeant and ten bold Scots belonging to

Maxwell's Brigade on the Irish side, pushed on to the bridge; but they

were all slain. A second brave party was more successful than the

first. They succeeded in throwing all the planks and beams into the

river, only two men escaping with their lives.

Ginckel then attempted to repair the broken arch by carrying a close

gallery on the bridge, in order to fill up the gap with heavy planks.

All was ready, and an assault was ordered for next day. It was

resolved to cross the Shannon in three places--one body to cross by

the narrow ford below the bridge, another by the pontoons above it,

while the main body was to force the bridge itself. On the morning of

the intended crossing, the Irish sent a volley of grenades among the

wooden work of the bridge, when some of the fascines took fire, and

the whole fabric was soon in a blaze. The smoke blew into the faces of

the English, and it was found impossible to cross the river that day.

A council of war was held, to debate whether it was advisable to renew

the attack or to raise the siege and retreat. The cannonade had now

continued for eight days, and nothing had been gained. Some of the

officers were for withdrawing, but the majority were in favour of

making a general assault on the following day--seeing more danger in

retreating than in advancing. The Duke of Wurtemberg, Major-Generals

Mackay, Talmash, Ruvigny, Tetleau, and Colonel Cambon urged "that no

brave action could be performed without hazard; and that the attempt

was like to be attended with success." Moreover, they proffered

themselves to be the first to pass the river and attack the enemy.

The assault was therefore agreed upon. The river was then at the

lowest state at which it had been for years. Next morning, at six

o'clock--the usual hour for relieving guards--the detachments were led

down to the river. Captain Sands led the first party of sixty

grenadiers. They were supported by another strong detachment of

grenadiers and six battalions of foot. They went into the water twenty

abreast, clad in armour, and pushed across the ford a little below the

bridge. The stream was very rapid, and the passage difficult, by

reason of the great stones which lay at the bottom of the river. The

guns played over them from the batteries and covered their passage.

The grenadiers reached the other side amidst the fire and smoke of

their enemies. They held their ground and made for the bridge. Some of

them laid planks over the broken arch, and others helped at preparing

the pontoons. Thus the whole of the English army were able to cross to

the Irish side of the river. In less than half an hour they were

masters of the town. The Irish were entirely surprised. They fled in

all directions, and lost many men. The besiegers did not lose above

fifty.

St. Ruth, the Irish commander-in-chief, seemed completely idle during

the assault. It is true he ordered several detachments to drive the

English from the town after it had been taken; but, remembering that

the fortifications of Athlone, nearest to his camp, had not been

razed, and that they were now in possession of the enemy, he recalled

his troops, and decamped from before Athlone that very night. In a few

days Ginckel followed him, and inflicted on his army a terrible defeat

at the battle of Aughrim. With that, however, we have nothing to do at

present, but proceed to follow the fortunes of Rapin.

Rapin entered Athlone with his regiment, and conducted himself with

his usual valour. Ginckel remained only a few days in the place, in

order to repair the fortifications. That done, he set out in pursuit

of the enemy. He left two regiments in the castle, one of which was

that to which Rapin belonged. The soldiers, who belonged to different

nationalities, had many contentions with each other. The officers

stood upon their order of precedence. The men were disposed to

quarrel. Aided by a friend, a captain like himself, Rapin endeavoured

to pacify the men, and to bring the officers to reason. By his kind,

gentle, and conciliatory manner, he soon succeeded in restoring quiet

and mutual confidence; and during his stay at Athlone no further

disturbance occurred among the garrison.

Rapin was ordered to Kilkenny, where he had a similar opportunity of

displaying his qualities of conciliation. A quarrel had sprung up

between the chief magistrate of the town and the officers of the

garrison. Rapin interceded, and by his firmness and moderation he

reconciled all differences; and, at the same time, he gained the

respect and admiration of both the disputing parties.

By this time the second siege of Limerick had occurred. Ginckel

surrounded the city, and battered the walls and fortresses for six

weeks. The French and Irish armies at length surrendered. Fourteen

thousand Irish marched out with the honours of war. A large proportion

of them joined the army of Louis XIV., and were long after known as

"The Irish Brigade." Although they fought valiantly and honourably in

many well-known battles, they were first employed in Louis'

persecution of the Protestants in the Vaudois and Cevennes mountains.

Their first encounter was with the Camisards, under Cavalier, their

peasant leader. They gained no glory in that campaign, but a good deal

of discredit.

In the meantime Ireland had been restored to peace. After the

surrender of Limerick no further resistance was offered to the arms of

William III. A considerable body of English troops remained in Ireland

to garrison the fortresses. Rapin's regiment was stationed at Kinsale,

and there he rejoined it in 1693. He made the intimate friendship of

Sir James Waller, the governor of the town. Sir James was a man of

much intelligence, a keen observer, and an ardent student. By his

knowledge of political history, he inspired Rapin with a like taste,

and determined him at a later period in his life to undertake what was

a real want at the time, an intelligent and readable history of

England.

Rapin was suddenly recalled to England. He was required to leave his

regiment and report himself to King William. No reason was given; but

with his usual obedience to orders he at once set out. He did not

leave Ireland without regret. He was attached to his numerous Huguenot

comrades, and he hoped yet to rise to higher guides in the King's

service. By special favour he was allowed to hand over his company to

his brother Solomon, who had been wounded at the first siege of

Limerick. His brother received the promotion which he himself had

deserved, and afterwards became lieutenant-colonel of dragoons.

Rapin's fortune led him in quite another direction.

It turned out that, by the recommendation of the Earl of Galway

(formerly the Marquis de Ruvigny, another French Huguenot), he had

been recalled to London for the purpose of being appointed governor

and tutor to Lord Woodstock, son of Bentinck, Earl of Portland, one of

King William's most devoted servants. Lord Galway was consulted by the

King as to the best tutor for the son of his friend. He knew of

Rapin's valour and courage during his campaigns in Ireland; he also

knew of his discretion, his firmness, and his conciliatory manners, in

reconciling the men under his charge at Athlone and Kilkenny; and he

was also satisfied about his thoughtfulness, his delicacy of spirit,

his grace and his nobleness--for he had been bred a noble, though he

had first served as a common soldier in the army of William.

The King immediately approved the recommendation of Lord Galway. He

knew of Rapin's courage at the battle of the Boyne; and he

remembered--as every true captain does remember--the serious wound he

had received while accompanying the forlorn hope at the first siege of

Limerick. Hence the sudden recall of Rapin from Ireland. On his

arrival in London he was presented to the King, and immediately after

he entered upon his new function of conducting the education of the

future Duke of Portland.

Henry, Lord Woodstock, was then about fifteen. Being of delicate

health, he had hitherto been the object of his father's tender care,

and it was not without considerable regret that Lord Portland yielded

to the request of the King and handed over his son to the government

of M. Rapin. Though of considerable intelligence, the powers of his

heart were greater than those of his head. Thus Rapin had no

difficulty in acquiring the esteem and affection of his pupil.

Portland House was then the resort of the most eminent men of the Whig

party, through whose patriotic assistance the constitution of England

was placed in the position which it now occupies. Rapin was introduced

by Lord Woodstock to his friends. Having already mastered the English

language, he had no difficulty in understanding the conflicting

opinions of the times. He saw history developing itself before his

eyes. He heard with his ears the discussions which eventuated in Acts

of Parliament, confirming the liberties of the English people, the

liberty of speech, the liberty of writing, the liberty of doing,

within the limits of the common law.

All this was of great importance to Rapin. It prepared him for writing

his afterwards famous works, his "History of England," and his

Dissertation on the Whigs and Tories. Rapin was not only a man of

great accomplishments, but he had a remarkable aptitude for

languages. He knew French and English, as well as Italian, Spanish,

and German. He had an extraordinary memory, and a continuous

application and perseverance, which enabled him to suck the contents

of many volumes, and to bring out the facts in future years during the

preparation of his works. His memory seems to have been of the same

order as that of Lord Macaulay, who afterwards made use of his works,

and complimented his predecessor as to their value.

According to the custom of those days, the time arrived when Rapin was

required to make "the grand tour" with his pupil and friend, Lord

Woodstock. This was considered the complement of English education

amongst the highest classes. It was thought necessary that young

noblemen should come in contact with foreigners, and observe the

manners and customs of other countries besides their own; and that

thus they might acquire a sort of cosmopolitan education. Archbishop

Leighton even considered a journey of this sort as a condition of

moral perfection. He quoted the words of the Latin poet: "Homo sum, et

nihil hominem a me alienum puto."

No one could be better fitted than Rapin to accompany the young lord

on his foreign travels. They went to Holland, Germany, France, Spain,

and Italy. Rapin diligently improved himself, while instructing his

friend. He taught him the languages of the countries through which

they passed; he rendered him familiar with Greek and Latin; he

rendered him familiar with the principles of mathematics. He also

studied with him the destinies of peoples and of kings, and pointed

out to him the Divine will accomplishing itself amidst the destruction

of empires. Withal he sought to penetrate the young soul of the friend

committed to his charge with that firmness of belief and piety of

sentiment which pervaded his own.

It was while in Italy that the Earl of Portland, at the instigation of

Rapin, requested copies to be made for him of the rarest and most

precious medals in point of historic interest; and also to purchase

for him objects of ancient workmanship. Hence Rapin was able to secure

for him the _Portland Vase_, now in the British Museum, one of the

most exquisite products of Roman and Etruscan ceramic art.

In 1699, the Earl of Portland was sent by William III. as ambassador

to the court of Louis XIV., in connection with the negotiations as to

the Spanish succession. Lord Woodstock attended the embassy, and Rapin

accompanied him. They were entertained at Versailles. Persecution was

still going on in France, although about eight hundred thousand

persons had already left the country. Rapin at one time thought of

leaving Lord Woodstock for a few days, and making a rapid journey

south to visit his friends near Toulouse. But the thought of being

made a prisoner and sent to the galleys for life stayed him, and he

remained at Versailles until the return of the embassy.

Rapin remained with Lord Woodstock for thirteen years. In the meantime

he had married, at the Hague, Marie Anne Testart, a refugee from

Saint-Quentin. Jean Rou describes her as a true helpmeet for him,

young, beautiful, rich, and withal virtuous, and of the most pleasing

and gentle temper in the world. Her riches, however, were not great.

She had merely, like Rapin, rescued some portion of her heritage from

the devouring claws of her persecutors. Rapin accumulated very little

capital during his tutorship of Lord Woodstock; but to compensate him,

the King granted him a pension of L100 a year, payable by the States

of Holland, until he could secure some better income.

Rapin lived for some time at the Hague. While there he joined a

society of learned French refugees. Among them were Rotolf de la

Denese, Basnage de Beauval, and Jean Rou, secretary to the

States-General. One of the objects of the little academy was to

translate the Psalms anew into French verse; but before the version

was completed, Rapin was under the necessity of leaving the Hague.

William III., his patron, died in 1701, when his pension was stopped.

He was promised some remunerative employment, but he was forgotten

amidst the press of applicants.

At length he removed to the little town of Wesel, on the Lower Rhine,

in the beginning of May, 1707. He had a wife and four children to

maintain, and living was much more reasonable at Wesel than at the

Hague. His wife's modest fortune enabled him to live there to the end

of his days. Wesel was also a resort of the French refugees--persons

of learning and taste, though of small means. It was at his modest

retreat at Wesel that Rapin began to arrange the immense mass of

documents which he had been accumulating during so many years,

relating to the history of England. The first work which he published

was "A Dissertation on the Origin and Nature of the English

Constitution." It met with great success, and went through many

editions, besides being translated into nearly all the continental

languages.

He next proceeded with his great work, "The History of England."

During his residence in Ireland and England, he had read with great

interest all books relating to the early history of the Government of

England. He began with, the history of England after the Norman

Conquest; but he found that he must begin at the beginning. He studied

the history of the Anglo-Saxons, but found it "like a vast forest,

where the traveller, with great difficulty, finds a few narrow paths

to guide his wandering steps. It was this, however, that inspired him

with the design of clearing this part of the English history, by

removing the rubbish, and carrying on the thread so as to give, at

least, a general knowledge of the earlier history." Then he went back

to Julius Caesar's account of his invasion of Britain, for the purpose

of showing how the Saxons came to send troops into this country, and

now the conquest which had cost them so much was at last abandoned by

the Romans. He then proceeded, during his residence in England, with

his work of reading and writing; but when he came to the reign of

Henry II. he was about to relinquish his undertaking, when an

unexpected assistance not only induced him to continue it, but to

project a much larger history of England than he had at first

intended.

This unexpected assistance was the publication of Rymer's "Foedera,"

at the expense of the British Government. The volumes as they came out

were sent to Rapin by Le Clerc (another refugee), a friend of Lord

Halifax, who was one of the principal promoters of the publication.

This book was of infinite value to Rapin in enabling him to proceed

with his history. He prepared abstracts of seventeen volumes (now in

the Cottonian collection), to show the relation of the acts narrated

in Rymer's "Foedera" to the history of England. He was also able to

compare the facts stated by English historians with, those of the

neighbouring states, whether they were written in Latin, French,

Italian, or Spanish.

The work was accomplished with great labour. It occupied seventeen

years of Rapin's life. The work was published at intervals. The first

two volumes appeared in November, 1723. During the following year six

more volumes were published. The ninth and tenth volumes were left in

manuscript ready for the press. They ended with the coronation of

William and Mary at Westminster. Besides, he left a large number of

MSS., which were made use of by the editor of the continuation of

Rapin's history.

Rapin died at Wesel in 1725, at the age of sixty-four. His work, the

cause of his fatal illness, was almost his only pleasure. He was worn

out by hard study and sedentary confinement, and at last death came to

his rescue. He had struggled all his life against persecution; against

the difficulties of exile; against the enemy; and though he did not

die on the field of battle, he died on the breach pen in hand, in work

and duty, striving to commemorate the independence through which a

noble people had worked their way to ultimate freedom and liberty. The

following epitaph was inscribed over his grave:--

"Ici le casque et la science,

L'esprit vif, la solidite,

La politesse et la sincerite

Ont fait une heureuse alliance,

Dont le public a profite."

The first edition of Rapin's history, consisting of ten volumes, was

published at the Hague by Rogessart. The Rev. David Durand added two

more volumes to the second edition, principally compiled from the

memoranda left by Rapin at his death. The twelfth volume concluded the

reign of William III.

The fourth edition appeared in 1733. Being originally composed and

published in French, the work was translated into English by Mr. N.

Tindal, who added numerous notes. Two editions wore published

simultaneously in London, and a third translation was published some

sixty years later. The book was attacked by the Jacobite authors, who

defended the Stuart party against the statements of the author. In

those fanatical times impartiality was nothing to them. A man must be

emphatically for the Stuarts, or against them. Yet the work of Rapin

held its ground, and it long continued to be regarded as the best

history that had up to that time been written.

The Rapin family are now scattered over the world. Some remain in

Holland, some have settled in Switzerland, some have returned to

France, but the greater number are Prussian subjects. James, the only

son of Rapin, studied at Cleves, then at Antwerp, and at thirty-one he

was appointed to the important office of Director of the French

Colonies at Stettin and Stargardt. Charles, Rapin's eldest brother,

was a captain of infantry in the service of Prussia. Two sons of Louis

de Rapin were killed in the battles of Smolensko and Leipsic.

Many of the Rapins attained high positions in the military service of

Prussia. Colonel Philip de Rapin-Thoyras was the head of the family in

Prussia. He was with the Allied Army in their war of deliverance

against France in the years 1813, 1814, and 1815. He was consequently

decorated with the Cross and the Military Medal for his long and

valued services to the country of his adoption.

The handsome volume by Raoul de Cazenove, entitled "Rapin-Thoyras, sa

Famille, sa Vie, et ses OEuvres," to which we are indebted for much of

the above information, is dedicated to this distinguished military

chief.

III.

CAPTAIN RIOU, R.N.

"Brave hearts! to Britain's pride

Once so faithful and so true,

On the deck of fame that died,

With the gallant good Riou:

Soft sigh the winds of heaven o'er their grave!"

CAMPBELL'S _Battle of the Baltic_.

The words in which Campbell describes Captain Riou in his noble ode

are nearly identical with those used by Lord Nelson himself when

alluding to his death in the famous despatch relative to the battle of

Copenhagen. These few but pregnant words, "the gallant and the good,"

constitute nearly all the record that exists of the character of this

distinguished officer, though it is no slight glory to have them

embalmed in the poetry of Campbell and the despatches of Nelson.

Having had the good fortune, in the course of recent inquiries as to

the descendants of illustrious Huguenots in England, to become

acquainted with the principal events in Captain Riou's life, drawn

from family papers, I now propose to supplement Lord Nelson's brief

epitome of his character by the following memoir of this distinguished

seaman.

Captain Riou was descended from the ancient Riou family of Vernoux, in

Languedoc, of whom early mention is made in French history, several

members of it having specially distinguished themselves as generals in

the wars in Spain. Like many other noble families of Languedoc in the

seventeenth century, the Rious were staunch Huguenots; and when, in

1685, Louis XIV. determined to stamp out Protestantism in France, and

revoked the Edict of Nantes, the principal members of the family,

refusing to conform, left the country, and their estates were

confiscated by the Crown.

Estienne Riou, heir to the estate at Vernoux, was born after the death

of his father, who was a man of eminent repute in his neighbourhood;

and he did not leave France until his eleventh year, when he fled with

his paternal uncle, Matthew Labrune, across the frontier, and took

refuge with him at Berne, in Switzerland. There the uncle engaged in

business as a merchant, while the nephew, when of sufficient age,

desirous of following the usual career of his family, went into

Piedmont to join the little Huguenot army from England, then engaged

in assisting the Duke of Savoy against the armies of the French king.

Estienne was admitted a cadet in Lord Galway's regiment, then engaged

in the siege of Casale; and he remained with it for two years, when,

on the army returning to England, he received an honourable discharge,

and went back to reside for a time with his bachelor uncle at Berne.

In 1698 both uncle and nephew left Switzerland to settle in London as

merchants, bringing with them a considerable capital. They exported

English manufactured goods to the East Indies, Holland, Germany, and

Italy; and imported large quantities of raw silk, principally from

Spain and Italy, carrying on their business with uniform probity and

credit. In course of time Estienne married Magdalen Baudoin, the

daughter of a refugee gentleman from Touraine,--the members of

refugee families usually intermarrying for several generations after

their settlement in England. The issue of this marriage was an only

son, Stephen Riou, who, like his ancestors, embraced the profession of

arms, rising to be captain in the Horse Grenadier Guards. He

afterwards attended the Confederate forces in Flanders as an engineer,

and on the conclusion of peace, he travelled for nearly four years

through the principal countries of Europe, accompanying Sir P. Ker

Porter on his embassy to Constantinople. He afterwards settled,

married, and had two sons,--Philip, the elder, who entered the Royal

Artillery, and died senior colonel at Woolwich in 1817; and Edward,

the second son, who entered the navy--the subject of the present

memoir.

Edward Riou was born at Mount Ephraim, near Faversham, on the 20th

November, 1762. The family afterwards removed to London, where Edward

received his education, partly at the Marylebone Grammar School and

partly at home, where his father superintended his instruction in

fortification, and navigation. Though of peculiarly sweet and amiable

disposition, young Riou displayed remarkable firmness and even

fearlessness as a boy. He rejoiced at all deeds of noble daring, and

it was perhaps his love of adventure that early determined his choice

of a profession; for, even when a very little fellow, he was usually

styled by the servants and by his playmates, "the noble captain."

Accordingly, when only twelve years old, he went to sea as midshipman

on board Admiral Pye's ship, the _Harfleur_; from whence, in the

following year, he was removed to the _Romney_, Captain Keith

Elphinstone, on the Newfoundland station; and on the return of the

ship to England in 1776, he had the good fortune to be appointed

midshipman on board the _Discovery_, Captain Charles Clarke, which

accompanied Captain Cook in the _Resolution_ in his last voyage round

the world. Nothing could have been more to the mind of our sailor-boy

than this voyage of adventure and discovery, in company with the

greatest navigator of the age.

The _Discovery_ sailed from the Downs on the 18th of June, but had no

sooner entered the Channel than a storm arose which did considerable

damage to the ship, which was driven into Portland Roads. At Plymouth,

the _Discovery_ was joined by the _Resolution_; but as the former had

to go into harbour for repairs, Captain Cook set sail for the Cape

alone, leaving orders for Captain Clarke to follow him there. The

_Discovery_ at length put to sea, and after a stormy voyage joined

Captain Cook in Table Bay on the 11th of August. Before setting sail

on the longer voyage, Riou had the felicity of being transferred to

the _Resolution_, under the command of Captain Cook himself.

It is not necessary that we should describe this celebrated voyage,

with which every boy is familiar--its storms and hurricanes; the

landings on islands where the white man's face had never been seen

before; the visits to the simple natives of Huahine and Otaheite, then

a little Eden; the perilous coasting along the North American seaboard

to Behring's Straits, in search of the North-Western passage; and

finally, the wintering of the ships at Owyhee, where Captain Cook met

his cruel death, of which young Riou was a horror-struck spectator

from the deck of the _Resolution_, on the morning of the 14th of

February, 1779.

After about four years' absence on this voyage, so full of adventure

and peril, Riou returned to England with the _Resolution_, and was

shortly after appointed lieutenant of the sloop _Scourge_, Captain

Knatchbull, Commander, which took part, under Lord Rodney, in the

bombardment and capture of St. Eustatia. Here Riou was so severely

wounded in the eye by a splinter that he lost his sight for many

months. In March, 1782, he was removed to the _Mediator_, forty-four

guns, commanded by Captain Luttrell, and shared in the glory which

attached to the officers and crew of that ship through its almost

unparalleled achievement of the 12th of December of that year.

It was at daybreak that the _Mediator_ sighted five sail of the enemy,

consisting of the _Menagere_, thirty-six guns _en flute_; the

_Eugene_, thirty-six; and the _Dauphin Royal_, twenty-eight (French);

in company with the _Alexander_, twenty-eight guns, and another brig,

fourteen (American), formed in line of battle to receive the

_Mediator_, which singly bore down upon them. The skilful seamanship

and dashing gallantry of the English disconcerted the combinations of

the enemy, and after several hours' fighting two of their vessels fell

out of the line, and went away, badly crippled, to leeward. About an

hour later the _Alexander_ was cut off, the _Mediator_ wearing between

her and her consorts, and in ten minutes she struck. A chase then

ensued after the larger vessels, and late in the evening the

_Menagere_, being raked within pistol shot, hailed for quarter. The

rest of the squadron escaped, and the gallant _Mediator_, having taken

possession of her two prizes, set sail with them for England, arriving

in Cawsand Bay on the 17th of December.

In the year following, Captain Luttrell, having been appointed to the

_Ganges_, took with him Mr. Riou as second lieutenant. He served in

this ship until the following summer, when he retired for a time on

half-pay, devoting himself to study and continental travel until

March, 1786, when we find him serving under Admiral Elliot as second

lieutenant of the _Salisbury_. It was about this time that he

submitted to the Admiralty a plan, doubtless suggested by his voyage

with Captain Cook, "for the discovery and preservation of a passage

through the continent of North America, and for the increase of

commerce to this kingdom." The plan was very favourably received, but

as war seemed imminent, no steps were then taken to carry it into

effect.

The young officer had, however, by this time recommended himself for

promotion by his admirable conduct and his good service; and in the

spring of 1789 he was appointed to the command of the _Guardian_,

forty-four guns, armed _en flute_, which was under orders to take out

stores and convicts to New South Wales. In a chatty, affectionate letter

written to his widowed mother, from on shipboard at the Cape while on

the voyage out, he says,--"I have no expectation, after the promotion

that took place before I left England, of finding myself master and

commander on my return." After speculating as to what might happen in

the meantime while he was so far from home, and expressing an anxiety

which was but natural on the part of an enterprising young officer eager

for advancement in his profession, he proceeded,--"Politics must take a

great turn, I think, by the time of my return. War will likely be begun;

in that case we may bring a prize in with us. But our foresight is

short--and mine particularly so. I hardly ever look forward to beyond

three months. 'Tis in vain to be otherwise, for Providence, which

directs all things, is inscrutable." And he concluded his letter

thus,--"Now for Port Jackson. I shall sail to-night if the wind is fair.

God for ever bless you."

But neither Riou nor the ill-fated _Guardian_ ever reached Port

Jackson! A fortnight after setting sail from the Cape, while the ship

was driving through a thick fog (in lat. 44.5, long. 41) a severe

shock suddenly called Riou to the deck, where an appalling spectacle

presented itself. The ship had struck upon an iceberg. A body of

floating ice twice as high as the masthead was on the lee beam, and

the ship appeared to be entering a sort of cavern in its side. In a

few minutes the rudder was torn away, a severe leak was sprung, and

all hands worked for bare life at the pumps. The ship became

comparatively unmanageable, and masses of overhanging ice threatened

every moment to overwhelm her. At length, by dint of incessant

efforts, the ship was extricated from the ice, but the leak gained

fearfully, and stores, cattle, guns, booms, everything that could be

cut away, was thrown overboard.

It was all in vain. The ship seemed to be sinking; and despair sat on

every countenance save that of the young commander. He continued to

hope even against hope. At length, after forty-eight hours of

incessant pumping, a cry arose for "the boats," as presenting the only

chance of safety. Riou pleaded with the men to persevere, and they

went on bravely again at the pumps. But the dawn of another day

revealed so fearful a position of affairs that the inevitable

foundering of the ship seemed to be a matter of minutes rather than

of hours. The boats were hoisted out, discipline being preserved to

the last. Riou's servant hastened to him to ask what boat he would

select to go in, that he himself might take a place beside him. His

answer was that "he would stay by the ship, save her if he could, and

if needs be sink with her, but that the people were at liberty to

consult their own safety." He then sat down and wrote the following

letter to the Admiralty, giving it in charge to Mr. Clements, the

master, whose boat was the only one that ever reached land:--

"Her Majesty's Ship _Guardian_,

"_December, 1789._

"If any part of the officers or crew of the _Guardian_ should

ever survive to reach home, I have only to say that their

conduct, after the fatal stroke against an island of ice, was

admirable and wonderful in everything that relates to their

duties, considered either as private men or in his Majesty's

service. As there seems no possibility of my remaining many hours

in this world, I beg leave to recommend to the consideration of

the Admiralty a sister, to whom, if my conduct or services should

be found deserving any memory, favour might be shown, together

with a widowed mother.

"I am, sir, with great respect,

"Your ever obedient servant,

"EDWARD RIOU.

"PHILIP STEPHENS, ESQ.,

"Admiralty."

About half the crew remained with Riou, some because they determined

to stand by their commander, and others because they could not get

away in the boats, which, to avoid being overcrowded, had put off in

haste, for the most part insufficiently stored and provided. The sea,

still high, continued to make breaches over the ship, and many were

drowned in their attempts to reach the boats. Those who remained were

exhausted by fatigue; and, without the most distant hope of life, some

were mad with despair. A party of these last contrived to break open

the spirit-room, and found a temporary oblivion in intoxication. "It

is hardly a time to be a disciplinarian," wrote Riou in his log, which

continues a valued treasury in his family, "when only a few more hours

of life seem to present themselves; but this behaviour greatly hurts

me." This log gives a detailed account, day by day, of the eight

weeks' heroic fortitude and scientific seamanship which preserved the

_Guardian_ afloat until she got into the track of ships, and was

finally towed by Dutch whalers into Table Bay, Cape of Good Hope.

The master's boat, in which were also the purser and chaplain, had by

a miracle been picked up, and those officers, on their return to

England, reported to the Admiralty "the total loss of the _Guardian_".

They also at the same time spoke of Riou's noble conduct in terms of

such enthusiasm as to awaken general admiration, and occasion the

greatest regret at his loss. Accordingly, when the Admiralty received

from his own hand the unexpected intelligence of his safety, his

widowed mother and only sister had the affectionate sympathy of all

England. Lord Hood himself, before unknown to the family, hastened to

their house with the news, calling to the servants as he ran up the

stairs to "throw off their mourning!" The following was Riou's brief

letter to his mother, which he found time to scrawl and send off by a

ship just leaving Table Bay for England as the poor helpless

_Guardian_ was being towed in:--

"Cape of Good Hope,

"_February, 22, 1790_.

"DEAREST,--God has been merciful. I hope you have no fatal

accounts of the _Guardian_. I am safe; I am well, notwithstanding

you may hear otherwise. Join with me in prayer to that blessed

Saviour who hath hung over my ship for two months, and kept thy

dear son safe, to be, I hope, thankful for almost a miracle. I

can say no more because I am hurried, and the ship sails for

England this afternoon.

"Yours ever and ever,

"EDWARD RIOU."

Riou remained many months at the Cape trying to patch up the

_Guardian_, and repair it so as to bring it back to port; but all his

exertions were fruitless, and in October the Admiralty despatched the

_Sphinx_ ship-of-war to bring him and the survivors of his crew to

England, where they landed shortly after. There was, of course, the

usual court-martial held upon him for the loss of his ship, but it was

merely a matter of form. At its conclusion he was complimented by the

Court in the warmest terms; and "as a mark of the high consideration

in which the magnanimity of his conduct was held, in remaining by his

ship from an exalted sense of duty when all reasonable prospects of

saving her were at an end," he received the special thanks of the

Admiralty, was made commander, and at the same time promoted to the

rank of post captain.

No record exists of the services of Captain Riou from the date of his

promotion until 1794, when we find him in command of his Majesty's

ship _Rose_, assisting in the reduction of Martinique. He was then

transferred to the _Beaulieu_, and remained cruising in the West

Indian seas till his health became so injured by the climate that he

found himself compelled to solicit his recall, and he consequently

returned to England in the _Theseus_ in the following year. Shortly

after, in recognition of his distinguished services, he was appointed

to the command of the royal yacht, the _Princess Augusta_, in which he

remained until the spring of 1790. So soon as his health was

sufficiently re-established, he earnestly solicited active employment,

and he was accordingly appointed to the command of the fine frigate,

the _Amazon_, thirty-eight guns, whose name afterwards figured so

prominently in Nelson's famous battle before Copenhagen.

After cruising about in her on various stations, and picking up a few

prizes, the _Amazon_, early in 1801, was attached to Sir Hyde Parker's

fleet, destined for the Baltic. The last letter which Riou wrote home

to his mother was dated Sunday, the 29th March, "at the entrance to

the Sound;" and in it he said:--"It yet remains in doubt whether we

are to fight the Danes, or whether they will be our friends." Already,

however, Nelson was arranging his plan of attack, and on the following

day, the 30th, the Admiral and all the artillery officers were on

board the _Amazon_, which proceeded to examine the northern channel

outside Copenhagen Harbour. It was on this occasion that Riou first

became known to Nelson, who was struck with admiration at the superior

discipline and seamanship which were observable on board the frigate

during the proceedings of that day.

Early in the evening of the 1st of April the signal to prepare for

action was made; and Lord Nelson, with Riou and Foley, on board the

_Elephant_--all the other officers having returned to their

respective ships--arranged the order of battle on the following day.

What remains to be told of Riou is matter of history. The science and

skill in navigation which made Nelson intrust to him the last

soundings, and place under his command the fire-ships which were to

lead the way on the following morning,--the gallantry with which the

captain of the _Amazon_ throw himself, _impar congressus_, under the

fearful fire of the Trekroner battery, to redeem the failure

threatened by the grounding of the ships of the line,--have all been

told with a skilful pen, and forms a picture of a great sailor's last

hours, which is cherished with equal pride in the affections of his

family and the annals of his country.

Sir Hyde Parker's signal to "leave off action," which Nelson, putting

his telescope to his blind eye, refused to see, was seen, by Riou and

reluctantly obeyed. Indeed, nothing but that signal for retreat saved

the _Amazon_ from destruction, though it did not save its heroic

commander. As he unwillingly drew off from the destructive fire of the

battery he mournfully exclaimed, "What will Nelson think of us!" His

clerk had been killed by his side. He himself had been wounded in the

head by a splinter, but continued to sit on a gun encouraging his men,

who were falling in numbers around him. "Come then, my boys," he

cried, "let us all die together." Scarcely had he uttered the words,

when a raking shot cut him in two. And thus, in an instant, perished

the "gallant good Riou," at the early age of thirty-nine.

Riou was a man of the truest and tenderest feelings, yet the bravest

of the brave. His private correspondence revealed the most endearing

qualities of mind and heart, while the nobility of his actions was

heightened by lofty Christian sentiment, and a firm reliance on the

power and mercy of God. His chivalrous devotion to duty in the face of

difficulty and danger heightened the affectionate admiration with

which he was regarded, and his death before Copenhagen was mourned

almost as a national bereavement. The monument erected to his memory

in St. Paul's Cathedral represented, however inadequately, the widely

felt sorrow which pervaded all classes at the early death of this

heroic officer. "Except it had been Nelson himself," says Southey,

"the British navy could not have suffered a severer loss."

Captain Riou's only sister married Colonel Lyde Browne, who closed his

honourable career of twenty-three years' active service in Dublin, on

July 23rd, 1803. Within two years of her bitter mourning for the death

of her brother, she had also to mourn for the loss of her husband. He

was colonel of the 21st Fusiliers. He was hastening to the assistance

of Lord Kilwarden on the fatal night of Emmett's rebellion, when he

was basely assassinated. He was buried in the churchyard of St.

Paul's, Dublin, where his brother officers erected a marble tablet to

his memory. He left an only daughter, who was married, in 1826, to M.

G. Benson, Esq., of Lulwyche Hall, Salop. It is through this lady that

we have been permitted to inspect the family papers relating to the

life and death of Captain Riou.

A VISIT TO THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS.

[Illustration: "The country of Felix Neff." (Dauphiny.)]

CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTORY.

Dauphiny is one of the least visited of all the provinces of France.

It occupies a remote corner of the empire, lying completely out of the

track of ordinary tourists. No great road passes through it into

Italy, the Piedmontese frontier of which it adjoins; and the annual

streams of English and American travellers accordingly enter that

kingdom by other routes. Even to Frenchmen, who travel little in their

own country and still less in others, Dauphiny is very little known;

and M. Joanne, who has written an excellent Itinerary of the South of

France, almost takes the credit of having discovered it.

Yet Dauphiny is a province full of interest. Its scenery almost vies

with that of Switzerland in grandeur, beauty, and wildness. The great

mountain masses of the Alps do not end in Savoy, but extend through

the south-eastern parts of France, almost to the mouths of the Rhone.

Packed closer together than in most parts of Switzerland, the

mountains of Dauphiny are furrowed by deep valleys, each with its

rapid stream or torrent at bottom, in some places overhung by

precipitous rocks, in others hemmed in by green hills, over which are

seen the distant snowy peaks and glaciers of the loftier mountain

ranges. Of these, Mont Pelvoux--whose double pyramid can be seen from

Lyons on a clear day, a hundred miles off--and the Aiguille du Midi,

are among the larger masses, rising to a height little short of Mont

Blanc itself.

From the ramparts of Grenoble the panoramic view is of wonderful

beauty and grandeur, extending along the valleys of the Isere and the

Drac, and across that of the Romanche. The massive heads of the Grand

Chartreuse mountains bound the prospect to the north; and the summits

of the snow-clad Dauphiny Alps on the south and east present a

combination of bold valley and mountain scenery, the like of which is

not to be seen in France, if in Europe.

But it is not the scenery, or the geology, or the flora of the

province, however marvellous these may be, that constitutes the chief

interest for the traveller through these Dauphiny valleys, so much as

the human endurance, suffering, and faithfulness of the people who

have lived in them in past times, and of which so many interesting

remnants still survive. For Dauphiny forms a principal part of the

country of the ancient Vaudois or Waldenses--literally, the people

inhabiting the _Vaux_, or valleys--who for nearly seven hundred years

bore the heavy brunt of Papal persecution, and are now, after all

their sufferings, free to worship God according to the dictates of

their conscience.

The country of the Vaudois is not confined, as is generally supposed,

to the valleys of Piedmont, but extends over the greater part of

Dauphiny and Provence. From the main ridge of the Cottian Alps, which,

divide France from Italy, great mountain spurs are thrown out, which

run westward as well as eastward, and enclose narrow strips of

pasturage, cultivable land, and green shelves on the mountain sides,

where a poor, virtuous, and hard-working race have long contrived to

earn a scanty subsistence, amidst trials and difficulties of no

ordinary kind,--the greatest of which, strange to say, have arisen

from the pure and simple character of the religion they professed.

The tradition which exists among them is, that the early Christian

missionaries, when travelling from Italy into Gaul by the Roman road

passing over Mont Genevre, taught the Gospel in its primitive form to

the people of the adjoining districts. It is even surmised that St.

Paul journeyed from Rome into Spain by that route, and may himself

have imparted to the people of the valleys their first Christian

instruction. The Italian and Gallic provinces in that quarter were

certainly Christianized in the second century at the latest, and it is

known that the early missionaries were in the habit of making frequent

journeys from the provinces to Rome. Wherefore it is reasonable to

suppose that the people of the valleys would receive occasional visits

from the wayfaring teachers who travelled by the mountain passes in

the immediate neighbourhood of their dwellings.

As years rolled on, and the Church at Rome became rich and allied

itself with the secular power, it gradually departed more and more

from its primitive condition,[92] until at length it was scarcely to

be recognised from the Paganism which it had superseded. The heathen

gods were replaced by canonised mortals; Venus and Cupid by the Virgin

and Child; Lares and Penates by images and crucifixes; while incense,

flowers, tapers, and showy dresses came to be regarded as essential

parts of the ceremonial of the new religion as they had been of the

old. Madonnas winked and bled again, as the statues of Juno and Pompey

had done before; and stones and relics worked miracles as in the time

of the Augurs.

[Footnote 92: The ancient Vaudois had a saying, known in

other countries--"Religion brought forth wealth, and the

daughter devoured the mother;" and another of like meaning,

but less known--"When the bishops' croziers became golden,

the bishops themselves became Wooden."]

Attempts were made by some of the early bishops to stem this tide of

innovation. Thus, in the fourth, century, Ambrose, Bishop of Milan,

and Philastrius, Bishop of Brescia, acknowledging no authority on

earth as superior to that of the Bible, protested against the

introduction of images in churches, which they held to be a return to

Paganism. Four centuries later, Claude, Bishop of Turin, advanced like

views, and opposed with energy the worship of images, which he

regarded as absolute idolatry. In the meanwhile, the simple Vaudois,

shut up in their almost inaccessible valleys, and knowing nothing of

these innovations, continued to adhere to their original primitive

form of worship; and it clearly appears, from a passage in the

writings of St. Ambrose, that, in his time, the superstitions which

prevailed elsewhere had not at all extended into the mountainous

regions of his diocese.

The Vaudois Church was never, in the ordinary sense of the word, a

"Reformed" Church, simply because it had not become corrupted, and did

not stand in need of "reformation." It was not the Vaudois who left

the Church, but the Roman Church that left them in search of idols.

Adhering to their primitive faith, they never recognised the paramount

authority of the Pope; they never worshipped images, nor used incense,

nor observed Mass; and when, in the course of time, these corruptions

became known to them, and they found that the Western Church had

ceased to be Catholic, and become merely Roman; they openly separated

from it, as being no longer in conformity with the principles of the

Gospel as inculcated in the Bible and delivered to them by their

fathers. Their ancient manuscripts, still extant, attest to the purity

of their doctrines. They are written, like the Nobla Leycon, in the

Romance or Provencal--the earliest of the modern classical languages,

the language of the troubadours--though now only spoken as a _patois_

in Dauphiny, Piedmont, Sardinia, the north of Spain, and the Balearic

Isles.[93]

[Footnote 93: Sismondi, "Litterature du Midi de l'Europe," i.

159.]

If the age counts for anything, the Vaudois are justified in their

claim to be considered one of the oldest churches in Europe. Long

before the conquest of England by the Normans, before the time of

Wallace and Bruce in Scotland, before England had planted its foot in

Ireland, the Vaudois Church existed. Their remoteness, their poverty,

and their comparative unimportance as a people, for a long time

protected them from interference; and for centuries they remained

unnoticed by Rome. But as the Western Church extended its power, it

became insatiable for uniformity. It would not tolerate the

independence which characterized the early churches, but aimed at

subjecting them to the exclusive authority of Rome.

The Vaudois, however, persisted in repudiating the doctrines and

formularies of the Pope. When argument failed, the Church called the

secular arm to its aid, and then began a series of persecutions,

extending over several centuries, which, for brutality and ferocity,

are probably unexampled in history. To crush this unoffending but

faithful people, Rome employed her most irrefragable arguments--the

curses of Lucius and the horrible cruelties of Innocent--and the

"Vicar of Christ" bathed the banner of the Cross in a carnage from

which the wolves of Romulus and the eagles of Caesar would have turned

with loathing.

Long before the period of the Reformation, the Vaudois valleys were

ravaged by fire and sword because of the alleged heresy of the people.

Luther was not born until 1483; whereas nearly four centuries before,

the Vaudois were stigmatized as heretics by Rome. As early as 1096, we

find Pope Urban II. describing Val Louise, one of the Dauphiny

valleys--then called Vallis Gyrontana, from the torrent of Gyr, which

flows through it--as "infested with heresy." In 1179, hot persecution

raged all over Dauphiny, extending to the Albigeois of the South of

France, as far as Lyons and Toulouse; one of the first martyrs being

Pierre Waldo, or Waldensis,[94] of Lyons, who was executed for heresy

by the Archbishop of Lyons in 1180.

[Footnote 94: It has been surmised by some writers that the

Waldenses derived their name from this martyr; but being

known as "heretics" long before his time, it is more probable

that they gave the name to him than that he did to them.]

Of one of the early persecutions, an ancient writer says: "In the year

1243, Pope Innocent II. ordered the Bishop of Metz rigorously to

prosecute the Vaudois, especially because they read the sacred books

in the vulgar tongue."[95] From time to time, new persecutions were

ordered, and conducted with ever-increasing ferocity--the scourge, the

brand, and the sword being employed by turns. In 1486, while Luther

was still in his cradle, Pope Innocent VIII. issued a bull of

extermination against the Vaudois, summoning all true Catholics to the

holy crusade, promising free pardon to all manner of criminals who

should take part in it, and concluding with the promise of the

remission of sins to every one who should slay a heretic.[96] The

consequence was, the assemblage of an immense horde of brigands, who

were let loose on the valleys of Dauphiny and Piedmont, which they

ravaged and pillaged, in company with eighteen thousand regular

troops, jointly furnished by the French king and the Duke of Savoy.

[Footnote 95: Jean Leger, "Histoire Generale des Eglises

Evangeliques des Vallees de Piedmont, ou Vaudoises." Leyde,

1669. Part ii. 330.]

[Footnote 96: Leger, ii. 8-20.]

Sometimes the valleys were under the authority of the kings of France,

sometimes under that of the dukes of Savoy, whose armies alternately

overran them; but change of masters and change of popes made little

difference to the Vaudois. It sometimes, however, happened, that the

persecution waxed hotter on one side of the Cottian Alps, while it

temporarily relaxed on the other; and on such occasions the French and

Italian Vaudois were accustomed to cross the mountain passes, and take

refuge in each others' valleys. But when, as in the above case, the

kings, soldiers, and brigands, on both sides, simultaneously plied the

brand and the sword, the times were very troublous indeed for these

poor hunted people. They had then no alternative but to climb up the

mountains into the least accessible places, or hide themselves away

in dens and caverns with their families, until their enemies had

departed. But they were often, tracked to their hiding-places by their

persecutors, and suffocated, strangled, or shot--men, women, and

children. Hence there is scarcely a hiding-place along the

mountain-sides of Dauphiny but has some tradition connected with it

relating to those dreadful times. In one, so many women and children

were suffocated; in another, so many perished of cold and hunger; in a

third, so many were ruthlessly put to the sword. If these caves of

Dauphiny had voices, what deeds of horror they could tell!

* * * * *

What is known as the Easter massacre of 1655 made an unusual sensation

in Europe, but especially in England, principally through the attitude

which Oliver Cromwell assumed in the matter. Persecution had followed

persecution for nearly four hundred years, and still the Vaudois were

neither converted nor extirpated. The dukes of Savoy during all that

time pursued a uniform course of treachery and cruelty towards this

portion of their subjects. Sometimes the Vaudois, pressed by their

persecutors, turned upon them, and drove them ignominiously out of

their valleys. Then the reigning dukes would refrain for a time; and,

probably needing their help in one or other of the wars in which they

were constantly engaged, would promise them protection and privileges.

But such promises were invariably broken; and at some moment when the

Vaudois were thrown off their guard by his pretended graciousness, the

duke for the time being would suddenly pounce upon them and carry fire

and sword through their valleys.

Indeed, the dukes of Savoy seem to have been about the most

wrong-headed line of despots that ever cursed a people by their rule.

Their mania was soldiering, though they were oftener beaten than

victorious. They were thrashed out of Dauphiny by France, thrashed out

of Geneva by the citizens, thrashed out of the valleys by their own

peasantry; and still they went on raising armies, making war, and

massacring their Vaudois subjects. Being devoted servants of the Pope,

in 1655 they concurred with him in the establishment of a branch of

the society _De Propaganda Fide_ at Turin, which extended over the

whole of Piedmont, for the avowed purpose of extirpating the heretics.

On Palm Sunday, the beginning of Holy Week, the society commenced

active proceedings. The army of Savoy advanced suddenly upon La Tour,

and were let loose upon the people. A general massacre began,

accompanied with shocking brutalities, and continued for more than a

week. In many hamlets not a cottage was left standing, and such of the

people as had not been able to fly into the upper valleys were

indiscriminately put to the sword. And thus was Easter celebrated.

The noise of this dreadful deed rang through Europe, and excited a

general feeling of horror, especially in England. Cromwell, then at

the height of his power, offered the fugitive Vaudois an asylum in

Ireland; but the distance which lay between was too great, and the

Vaudois asked him to help them in some other way. Forthwith, he

addressed letters, written by his secretary, John Milton,[97] to the

principal European powers, calling upon them to join him in putting a

stop to these horrid barbarities committed upon an unoffending

people. Cromwell did more. He sent the exiles L2,000 out of his own

purse; appointed a day of humiliation and a general collection all

over England, by which some L38,000 were raised; and dispatched Sir

Samuel Morland as his plenipotentiary to expostulate in person with

the Duke of Savoy. Moreover, a treaty was on the eve of being signed

with France; and Cromwell refused to complete it until Cardinal

Mazarin had undertaken to assist him in getting right done to the

people of the valleys.

[Footnote 97: It was at this time that Milton wrote his noble

sonnet, beginning--

"Avenge, O Lord, Thy slaughter'd saints, whose bones

Lie scattered on the Alpine mountains cold," &c.]

These energetic measures had their effect. The Vaudois who survived

the massacre were permitted to return to their devastated homes, under

the terms of the treaty known as the "Patents of Grace," which was

only observed, however, so long as Cromwell lived. At the Restoration,

Charles II. seized the public fund collected for the relief of the

Vaudois, and refused to remit the annuity arising from the interest

thereon which Cromwell had assigned to them, declaring that he would

not pay the debts of a usurper!

After that time, the interest felt in the Vaudois was very much of a

traditional character. Little was known as to their actual condition,

or whether the descendants of the primitive Vaudois Church continued

to exist or not. Though English travellers--amongst others, Addison,

Smollett, and Sterne--passed through the country in the course of last

century, they took no note of the people of the valleys. And this

state of general ignorance as to the district continued down to within

about the last fifty years, when quite a new interest was imparted to

the subject through the labours and researches of the late Dr. Gilly,

Prebendary of Durham.

It happened that that gentleman was present at a meeting of the

Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, in the year 1820, when a

very touching letter was read to the board, signed "Frederick Peyrani,

minister of Pramol," requesting the assistance of the society in

supplying books to the Vaudois churches of Piedmont, who were

described as maintaining a very hard struggle with poverty and

oppression. Dr. Gilly was greatly interested by the reading of this

letter. Indeed, the subject of it so strongly arrested his attention,

that he says it "took complete possession of him." He proceeded to

make search for information about the Vaudois, but could find very

little that was definite or satisfactory respecting them. Then it was

that he formed the determination of visiting the valleys and

ascertaining the actual condition of the people in person.

His visit was made in 1823, and in the course of the following year

Dr. Gilly published the result in his "Narrative of an Excursion to

the Mountains of Piedmont." The book excited much interest, not only

in England, but in other countries; and a movement was shortly after

set on foot for the relief and assistance of the Vaudois. A committee

was formed, and a fund was raised--to which the Emperor of Russia and

the Kings of Prussia and Holland contributed--with the object, in the

first place, of erecting a hospital for the sick and infirm Vaudois at

La Tour, in the valley of Luzern. It turned out that the money raised

was not only sufficient for this purpose, but also to provide schools

and a college for the education of pastors, which were shortly after

erected at the same place.

In 1829, Dr. Gilly made a second visit to the Piedmontese valleys,

partly in order to ascertain how far the aid thus rendered to the poor

Vaudois had proved effectual, and also to judge in what way certain

further sums placed at his disposal might best be employed for their

benefit.[98] It was in the course of his second visit that Dr. Gilly

became aware of the fact that the Vaudois were not confined to the

valleys of Piedmont, but that numerous traces of them were also to be

found on the French side of the Alps, in Dauphiny and Provence. He

accordingly extended his journey across the Col de la Croix into

France, and cursorily visited the old Vaudois district of Val

Fressinieres and Val Queyras, of which an account will be given in the

following chapters. It was while on this journey that Dr. Gilly became

acquainted with the self-denying labours of the good Felix Neff among

those poor outlying Christians, with whose life and character he was

so fascinated that he afterwards wrote and published the memoir of

Neff, so well known to English readers.

[Footnote 98: Dr. Gilly's narrative of his second visit to

the valleys was published in 1831, under the title of

"Waldensian Researches."]

Since that time occasional efforts have been made in aid of the French

Vaudois, though those on the Italian side have heretofore commanded by

far the larger share of interest. There have been several reasons for

this. In the first place, the French valleys are much less accessible;

the roads through some of the most interesting valleys are so bad that

they can only be travelled on foot, being scarcely practicable even

for mules. There is no good hotel accommodation in the district, only

_auberges_, and these of an indifferent character. The people are also

more scattered, and even poorer than they are on the Italian side of

the Alps. Then the climate is much more severe, from the greater

elevation of the sites of most of the Vaudois villages; so that when

pastors were induced to settle there, the cold, and sterility, and

want of domestic accommodation, soon drove them away. It was to the

rigour of the climate that Felix Neff was eventually compelled to

succumb.

Yet much has been done of late years for the amelioration of the

French Vaudois; and among the most zealous workers in their behalf

have been the Rev. Mr. Freemantle, rector of Claydon, Bucks, and Mr.

Edward Milsom, the well-known merchant of Lyons. It was in the year

1851 that the Rev. Mr. Freemantle first visited the Vaudois of

Dauphiny. His attention was drawn to the subject while editing the

memoir of a young English clergyman, the Rev. Spencer Thornton, who

had taken Felix Neff for his model; and he was thereby induced to

visit the scene of Neff's labours, and to institute a movement on

behalf of the people of the French valleys, which has issued in the

erection of schools, churches, and pastors' dwellings in several of

the most destitute places.

It is curious and interesting to trace the influence of personal

example on human life and action. As the example of Oberlin in the Ban

de la Roche inspired Felix Neff to action, so the life of Felix Neff

inspired that of Spencer Thornton, and eventually led Mr. Freemantle

to enter upon the work of extending evangelization among the Vaudois.

In like manner, a young French pastor, M. Bost, also influenced by the

life and labours of Neff, visited the valleys some years since, and

wrote a book on the subject, the perusal of which induced Mr. Milsom

to lend a hand to the work which the young Genevese missionary had

begun. And thus good example goes on ever propagating itself; and

though the tombstone may record "Hic jacet" over the crumbling dust of

the departed, his spirit still lives and works through other

minds--stimulates them to action, and inspires them with

hope--"allures to brighter worlds, and leads the way."

* * * * *

A few words as to the origin of these fragmentary papers. In chalking

out a summer holiday trip, one likes to get quite away from the

ordinary round of daily life and business. Half the benefits of such a

trip consists in getting out of the old ruts, and breathing fresh air

amidst new surroundings. But this is very difficult if you follow the

ordinary tourist's track. London goes with you and elbows you on your

way, accompanied by swarms of commissionaires, guides, and beggars.

You encounter London people on the Righi, on the Wengern Alp, and

especially at Chamouni. Think of being asked, as I once was on

entering the Pavilion at Montanvert, after crossing the Mer de Glace

from the Mauvais Pas, "Pray, can you tell me what was the price of

Brighton stock when you left town?"