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A HISTORY
OF
DOMESTIC MANNERS AND SENTIMENTS
IN ENGLAND
During the Middle Ages.
A HISTORY
OF
DOMESTIC MANNERS
AND
SENTIMENTS
IN ENGLAND
During the Middle Ages.
BY THOMAS WRIGHT, ESQ., M.A., F.S.A.,
_Hon. M.R.S.L., &c._;
_Corresponding Member of the Imperial Institute of France_
(_Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres_).
WITH
Illustrations from the Illuminations in Contemporary Manuscripts
and other Sources,
DRAWN & ENGRAVED BY F. W. FAIRHOLT, ESQ., F.S.A.
_LONDON_: CHAPMAN AND HALL, 193, PICCADILLY.
1862.
LONDON:
PRINTED BY JAMES S. VIRTUE,
CITY ROAD.
[Illustration]
_TO_
THE LADY LONDESBOROUGH,
THIS
Volume is Dedicated
AS
A TESTIMONY OF
VERY SINCERE RESPECT,
BY
THE AUTHOR.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
_To the_ LADY LONDESBOROUGH.
[Illustration]
DEAR LADY LONDESBOROUGH,
The object of the following pages is to supply what appeared to be
a want in our popular literature. We have histories of England, and
histories of the Middle Ages, but none of them give us a sufficient
picture of the domestic manners and sentiments of our forefathers at
different periods, a knowledge of which, I need hardly insist, is
necessary to enable us to appreciate rightly the motives with which
people acted, and the spirit which guided them. The subject, too, must
have an interest for many classes of readers, who will be glad to learn
something of the manners of former days, if it were only to see the
contrast with those of our own time, and to discover in them the origin
of many of the characteristics of modern society. Copious and valuable
books have been published in our language on the history of costume, on
that of domestic architecture, on military antiquities, on the history
of religious rites and ceremonies, and on other kindred subjects, which
enable the artist to clothe his personages correctly; but these would
form, after all, but the disjointed skeleton of a picture, without
that further, and perhaps more important, sort of information which is
furnished in the following pages, and which will enable him to give
life to his composition. I have not attempted to compose a very learned
or very elaborate book. The subject is an immensely wide one as regards
the materials, during a large portion of the period which I include;
and to treat it completely would require the close study of the whole
mass of the mediæval literature of Western Europe, edited or inedited,
and of the whole mass of the monuments of mediæval art. But my aim
has been to bring together a sufficient number of plain facts, in a
popular form, to enable the general reader to form a correct view of
English manners and sentiments in the middle ages, and I can venture to
claim for my book at least the merit of being the result of original
research. It is not a compilation from writers who have written on the
subject before.
There are at least two ways of arranging a work like this. I might have
taken each particular division of the subject, one after the other,
and traced it separately through the period of history which this
volume embraces; or the whole subject might be divided into historical
periods, in each of which all the different phases of social history
for that period are included. Each of these plans has its advantages
and defects. In the first, the reader would perhaps obtain a clearer
notion of the history of any particular division of the subject, as
of the history of the table and of diet, or of games and amusements,
or the like, but at the same time it would have required a certain
effort of comparison and study to arrive at a clear view of the
general question at a particular period. The second furnishes this
general view, but entails a certain amount of what might almost be
called repetition. I have chosen the latter plan, because I think this
repetition will be found to be only apparent, and it seems to me the
best arrangement for a popular book.
The division of periods, too, is, on the whole, natural, and not
arbitrary. During the Anglo-Saxon period, the social system, however
developed or modified from time to time, was strictly that of our own
Anglo-Saxon forefathers, and was the undoubted groundwork of our own.
The Norman conquest brought in foreign social manners and sentiments
totally different from those of the Anglo-Saxons, which for a time
predominated, but became gradually incorporated with the Anglo-Saxon
manners and spirit, until, towards the end of the twelfth century,
they formed the English of the middle ages. The Anglo-Norman period,
therefore, may be considered as an age of transition--it may perhaps
be described as that of the struggle between the spirit of Anglo-Saxon
society and feudalism. The thirteenth and fourteenth centuries may
be considered in regard to society as the English middle ages--the
age of feudalism in its English form--and therefore hold properly the
largest space in this volume. The fifteenth century forms again a
distinct period in the history of society--it was that of the decline
and breaking up of feudalism, the close of the middle ages. At the
Reformation, we come to a new transition period--the transition from
mediæval to modern society. This, for several reasons, I regard rather
as a conclusion, than as an integral part, of the history contained in
the following pages, and I therefore give only a light sketch of it,
noticing some of its prominent characteristics. The materials, at this
late period, become so extensive, and so full of interest, that its
history admits of several divisions, each of which is sufficient for
an important book, and I leave them to future researches. One period,
that of the English Commonwealth, is perhaps of greater interest to us
at the present time than any other, because it was that which totally
overthrew the traditions of the middle ages, and inaugurated English
society as it now exists. I know that the history of society at that
period has been studied most profoundly by a friend who is, in all
respects, far more capable of treating it than myself, Mr. Hepworth
Dixon, and from whom I trust we may look forward to a work on the
subject, which will be a most valuable addition to the historical
literature of our time. Knowing that he has been working on this
interesting subject, I have treated this period very slightly. I should
be sorry to let my weeds grow upon his flowers.
A portion of the matter contained in this volume has already appeared
in a series of papers in the _Art-Journal_, but this portion has not
only been carefully revised and partly re-written, but so much addition
has been made, that I believe that more than half the present volume
is entirely new, and the whole may fairly be considered as a new book.
I ought to add that one chapter, that on mediæval cookery (chapter
xvi.) and the brief notices of the history of the horse in the middle
ages, first appeared in papers, contributed by the author to the
_London Review_. It must be stated, too, that the illustrations to my
chapter on mediæval minstrelsies were originally engraved for a series
of papers on the minstrels, by the Rev. E. L. Cutts, published in the
_Art-Journal_, and that I have to thank that gentleman for the ready
willingness with which he has allowed me to use them.
In conclusion, dear Lady Londesborough, I need hardly say that the
study of the histories of the people (instead of that of their rulers)
has always been a favourite study with me; and that in these researches
on mediæval social manners and history, I have always received the warm
sympathy and encouragement of the late Lord Londesborough and of your
Ladyship. In his Lordship I have lost a respected and valued friend,
to whose learned appreciation of the subject of mediæval manners and
mediæval art I could always have recourse with trust and satisfaction,
with whom I have often conversed on the subjects treated of in the
present volume, and whose extensive and invaluable collection of
objects of art of the mediæval period, and of that of the renaissance,
furnished a never-ending source of information and pleasure. It is
therefore with feelings of great personal gratification that I profit
by your kind permission to dedicate this volume to your Ladyship.
I have the honour to be, dear Lady Londesborough,
Your Ladyship’s very obedient servant,
THOMAS WRIGHT.
14, SYDNEY STREET, BROMPTON, LONDON,
_November 10, 1861_.
[Illustration]
CONTENTS.
Anglo-Saxon Period.
CHAPTER I.
PAGE
INTRODUCTORY--THE ANGLO-SAXONS BEFORE THEIR CONVERSION--GENERAL
ARRANGEMENT OF A SAXON HOUSE 1
CHAPTER II.
IN-DOOR LIFE AMONG THE ANGLO-SAXONS--THE HALL AND ITS HOSPITALITY--THE
SAXON MEAL--PROVISIONS AND COOKERY--AFTER-DINNER OCCUPATIONS--DRUNKEN
BRAWLS 18
CHAPTER III.
THE CHAMBER AND ITS FURNITURE--BEDS AND BED-ROOMS--INFANCY AND
CHILDHOOD AMONG THE ANGLO-SAXONS--CHARACTER AND MANNERS OF
THE ANGLO-SAXON LADIES--THEIR CRUELTY TO THEIR SERVANTS--THEIR
AMUSEMENTS--THE GARDEN; LOVE OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS FOR
FLOWERS--ANGLO-SAXON PUNISHMENTS--ALMSGIVING 40
CHAPTER IV.
OUT-OF-DOOR AMUSEMENTS OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS--HUNTING AND HAWKING--HORSES
AND CARRIAGES--TRAVELLING--MONEY-DEALINGS 63
Anglo-Norman Period.
CHAPTER V.
THE EARLY NORMAN PERIOD--LUXURIOUSNESS OF THE NORMANS--ADVANCE
IN DOMESTIC ARCHITECTURE--THE KITCHEN AND THE HALL--PROVISIONS
AND COOKERY--BEES--THE DAIRY--MEAL-TIMES AND DIVISIONS OF THE
DAY--FURNITURE--THE FALDESTOL--CHAIRS AND OTHER SEATS 80
CHAPTER VI.
THE NORMAN HALL--SOCIAL SENTIMENTS UNDER THE ANGLO-NORMANS--DOMESTIC
AMUSEMENTS--CANDLES AND LANTERNS--FURNITURE--BEDS--OUT-OF-DOOR
RECREATIONS--HUNTING--ARCHERY--CONVIVIAL INTERCOURSE AND
HOSPITALITY--TRAVELLING--PUNISHMENTS--THE STOCKS--A NORMAN
SCHOOL--EDUCATION 98
The English Middle Ages.
CHAPTER VII.
EARLY ENGLISH HOUSES--THEIR GENERAL FORM AND DISTRIBUTION 120
CHAPTER VIII.
THE OLD ENGLISH HALL--THE KITCHEN, AND ITS CIRCUMSTANCES--THE
DINNER-TABLE--MINSTRELSY 141
CHAPTER IX.
THE MINSTREL--HIS POSITION UNDER THE ANGLO-SAXONS--THE NORMAN
TROUVERE, MENESTREL, AND JOUGLEUR--THEIR CONDITION--RUTEBEUF--DIFFERENT
MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS IN USE AMONG THE MINSTRELS--THE
BEVERLEY MINSTRELS 175
CHAPTER X.
AMUSEMENTS AFTER DINNER--GAMBLING--THE GAME OF CHESS--ITS
HISTORY--DICE--TABLES--DRAUGHTS 194
CHAPTER XI.
DOMESTIC AMUSEMENTS AFTER DINNER--THE CHAMBER AND ITS FURNITURE--PET
ANIMALS--OCCUPATIONS AND MANNERS OF THE LADIES--SUPPER--CANDLES,
LAMPS, AND LANTERNS 226
CHAPTER XII.
THE BED AND ITS FURNITURE--THE TOILETTE; BATHING--CHESTS AND
COFFERS IN THE CHAMBER--THE HUTCH--USES OF RINGS--COMPOSITION
OF THE FAMILY--FREEDOM OF MANNERS--SOCIAL SENTIMENTS, AND
DOMESTIC RELATIONS
256
CHAPTER XIII.
OCCUPATIONS OUT OF DOORS--THE PLEASURE-GARDEN--THE LOVE OF FLOWERS,
AND THE FASHION OF MAKING GARLANDS--FORMALITIES OF THE
PROMENADE--GARDENING IN THE MIDDLE AGES 283
CHAPTER XIV.
AMUSEMENTS--PERFORMING BEARS--HAWKING AND
HUNTING--RIDING--CARRIAGES--TRAVELLING--INNS AND TAVERNS--HOSPITALITY
304
CHAPTER XV.
EDUCATION--LITERARY MEN AND SCRIBES--PUNISHMENTS; THE STOCKS;
THE ALLOWS 338
CHAPTER XVI.
OLD ENGLISH COOKERY--HISTORY OF “GOURMANDISE”--ENGLISH COOKERY
OF THE OURTEENTH AND FIFTEENTH CENTURIES--BILLS OF FARE--GREAT
FEASTS
347
The Fifteenth Century.
CHAPTER XVII.
SLOW PROGRESS OF SOCIETY IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY--ENLARGEMENT
OF THE HOUSES--THE HALL AND ITS FURNITURE--ARRANGEMENT OF THE
TABLE FOR MEALS--ABSENCE OF CLEANLINESS--MANNERS AT TABLE--THE
PARLOUR 359
CHAPTER XVIII.
IN-DOOR LIFE AND CONVERSATION--PET ANIMALS--THE
DANCE--RERE-SUPPERS--ILLUSTRATIONS FROM THE “NANCY” TAPESTRY 379
CHAPTER XIX.
THE CHAMBER AND ITS FURNITURE AND USES--BEDS--HUTCHES AND
COFFERS--THE TOILETTE; MIRRORS 399
CHAPTER XX.
STATE OF SOCIETY--THE FEMALE CHARACTER--GREEDINESS IN
EATING--CHARACTER OF THE MEDIÆVAL SERVANTS--DAILY OCCUPATIONS IN
THE HOUSEHOLD: SPINNING AND WEAVING; PAINTING--THE GARDEN AND ITS
USES--GAMES OUT OF DOORS; HAWKING, ETC.--TRAVELLING, AND MORE
FREQUENT USE OF CARRIAGES--TAVERNS; FREQUENTED BY WOMEN--EDUCATION
AND LITERARY OCCUPATIONS; SPECTACLES 415
England after the Reformation.
CHAPTER XXI.
CHANGES IN ENGLISH DOMESTIC MANNERS DURING THE PERIOD BETWEEN
THE REFORMATION AND THE COMMONWEALTH--THE COUNTRY GENTLEMAN’S
HOUSE--ITS HALL--THE FIREPLACE AND FIRE--UTENSILS--COOKERY--USUAL
HOURS FOR MEALS--BREAKFAST--DINNER, AND ITS FORMS AND CUSTOMS--THE
BANQUET--CUSTOM OF DRINKING HEALTHS 441
CHAPTER XXII.
HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE--THE PARLOUR--THE CHAMBER 471
CHAPTER XXIII.
OCCUPATIONS OF THE LADIES--GAMES AND ENJOYMENTS--ROUGHNESS OF
ENGLISH SPORTS AT THIS PERIOD--THE HOT-HOUSES, OR BATHS--THE
ORDINARIES--DOMESTIC PETS--TREATMENT OF CHILDREN--METHODS OF
LOCOMOTION--CONCLUSION 482
[Illustration]
_HISTORY_
OF
DOMESTIC MANNERS AND SENTIMENTS.
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTORY.--THE ANGLO-SAXONS BEFORE THEIR CONVERSION.--GENERAL
ARRANGEMENT OF A SAXON HOUSE.
Much has been written at different times on the costume and some other
circumstances connected with the condition of our forefathers in past
times, but no one has undertaken with much success to treat generally
of the domestic manners of the middle ages. The history of domestic
manners, indeed, is a subject, the materials of which are exceedingly
varied, widely scattered, and not easily brought together; they, of
course, vary in character with the periods to which they relate, and
at certain periods are much rarer than at others. But the interest of
the subject must be felt by every one who appreciates art; for what
avails our knowledge of costume unless we know the manners, the mode
of living, the houses, the furniture, the utensils, of those whom we
have learnt how to clothe? and, without this latter knowledge, history
itself can be but imperfectly understood.
In England, as in most other countries of western Europe, at the period
of the middle ages when we first become intimately acquainted with
them, the manners and customs of their inhabitants were a mixture of
those of the barbarian settlers themselves, and of those which they
found among the conquered Romans; the latter prevailing to a greater or
less extent, according to the peculiar circumstances of the country.
This was certainly the case in England among our Saxon forefathers; and
it becomes a matter of interest to ascertain what were really the types
which belonged to the Saxon race, and to distinguish them from those
which they derived from the Roman inhabitants of our island.
We have only one record of the manners of the Saxons before they
settled in Britain, and that is neither perfect, nor altogether
unaltered--it is the romance of Beowulf, a poem in pure Anglo-Saxon,
which contains internal marks of having been composed before the people
who spoke that language had quitted their settlements on the Continent.
Yet we can hardly peruse it without suspecting that some of its
portraitures are descriptive rather of what was seen in England than of
what existed in the north of Germany. Thus we might almost imagine that
the “street variegated with stones” (_stræt wœs stân-fáh_), along
which the hero Beowulf and his followers proceeded from the shore to
the royal residence of Hrothgar, was a picture of a Roman road as found
in Britain.
It came into the mind of Hrothgar, we are told, that he would cause
to be built a house, “a great mead-hall,” which was to be his chief
palace, or metropolis. The hall-gate, we are informed, rose aloft,
“high and curved with pinnacles” (_heáh and horn-geáp_). It is
elsewhere described as a “lofty house;” the hall was high; it was “fast
within and without, with iron bonds, forged cunningly;” it appears that
there were steps to it, and the roof is described as being variegated
with gold; the walls were covered with tapestry (_web æfter wagum_),
which also was “variegated with gold,” and presented to the view “many
a wondrous sight to every one that looketh upon such.” The walls appear
to have been of wood; we are repeatedly told that the roof was carved
and lofty; the floor is described as being variegated (probably a
tesselated pavement); and the seats were benches arranged round it,
with the exception of Hrothgars chair or throne. In the vicinity of
the hall stood the chambers or bowers, in which there were beds (_bed
æfter búrum_).
These few epithets and allusions, scattered through the poem, give us a
tolerable notion of what the house of a Saxon chieftain must have been
in the country from whence our ancestors came, as well as afterwards
in that where they finally settled. The romantic story is taken up
more with imaginary combats with monsters, than with domestic scenes,
but it contains a few incidents of private life. The hall of king
Hrothgar was visited by a monster named Grendel, who came at night to
prey upon its inhabitants; and it was Beowulf’s mission to free them
from this nocturnal scourge. By direction of the primeval coast-guards,
he and his men proceeded by the “street” already mentioned to the hall
of Hrothgar, at the entrance to which they laid aside their armour and
left their weapons. Beowulf found the chief and his followers drinking
their ale and mead, and made known the object of his journey. “Then,”
says the poem, “there was for the sons of the Geats (Beowulf and his
followers), altogether, a bench cleared in the beer-hall; there the
bold of spirit, free from quarrel, went to sit; the thane observed his
office, he that in his hand bare the twisted ale-cup; he poured the
bright sweet liquor; meanwhile the poet sang serene in Heorot (the
name of Hrothgar’s palace), there was joy of heroes.” Thus the company
passed their time, listening to the bard, boasting of their exploits,
and telling their stories, until Wealtheow, Hrothgar’s queen, entered
and “greeted the men in the hall.” She now served the liquor, offering
the cup first to her husband, and then to the rest of the guests, after
which she seated herself by Hrothgar, and the festivities continued
till it was time to retire to bed. Beowulf and his followers were
left to sleep in the hall--“the wine-hall, the treasure-house of men,
variegated with vessels” (_fættum fáhne_). Grendel came in the night,
and after a dreadful combat received his death-wound from Beowulf. The
noise in the hall was great; “a fearful terror fell on the North Danes,
on each of those who from the walls heard the outcry.” These were the
watchmen stationed on the wall forming the chieftain’s palace, that
enclosed the whole mass of buildings (_of wealle_).
As far as we can judge by the description given in the poem, Hrothgar
and his household in their bowers or bed-chambers had heard little of
the tumult, but they went early in the morning to the hall to rejoice
in Beowulf’s victory. There was great feasting again in the hall that
day, and Beowulf and his followers were rewarded with rich gifts.
After dinner the minstrel again took up the harp, and sang some of
the favourite histories of their tribe. “The lay was sung, the song
of the gleeman, the joke rose again, the noise from the benches grew
loud, cup-bearers gave the wine from wondrous vessels.” Then the queen,
“under a golden crown,” again served the cup to Hrothgar and Beowulf.
She afterwards went as before to her seat, and “there was the costliest
of feasts, the men drank wine,” until bed-time arrived a second time.
While their leader appears to have been accommodated with a chamber,
Beowulf’s men again occupied the hall. “They bared the bench-planks;
it was spread all over with beds and bolsters; at their heads they set
their war-rims, the bright shield-wood; there, on the bench, might
easily be seen, above the warrior, his helmet lofty in war, the ringed
mail-shirt, and the solid shield; it was their custom ever to be ready
for war, both in house and in field.”
Grendel had a mother (it was the primitive form of the legend of the
devil and his dam), and this second night she came unexpectedly to
avenge her son, and slew one of Hrothgar’s favourite counsellors and
nobles, who must therefore have also slept in the hall. Beowulf and his
warriors next day went in search of this new marauder, and succeeded
in destroying her, after which exploit they returned to their own home
laden with rich presents.
These sketches of early manners, slight as they may be, are invaluable
to us, in the absence of all other documentary record during several
ages, until after the Anglo-Saxons had been converted to Christianity.
During this long period we have, however, one source of invaluable
information, though of a restricted kind--the barrows or graves of
our primeval forefathers, which contain almost every description of
article that they used when alive. In that solitary document, the
poem of Beowulf, we are told of the arms which the Saxons used, of
the dresses in which they were clad; of the rings, and bracelets, and
ornaments, of which they were proud; of the “solid cup, the valuable
drinking-vessel,” from which they quaffed the mead, or the vases
from which they poured it; but we can obtain no notions of the form
or character of these articles. From the graves, on the contrary, we
obtain a perfect knowledge of the form and design of all these various
articles, without deriving any knowledge as to the manner in which they
were used. The subject now becomes a more extensive one; and in the
Anglo-Saxon barrows in England, we find a mixture, in these articles,
of Anglo-Saxon and Roman, which furnishes a remarkable illustration
of the mixture of the races. We are all perfectly well acquainted
with Roman types; and in the few examples which can be here given of
articles found in early Anglo-Saxon barrows, I shall only introduce
such as will enable us to judge what classes of the subsequent mediæval
types were really derived from pure Saxon or Teutonic originals.
[Illustration: _No. 1. Anglo-Saxon Drinking Glasses._]
It is curious enough that the poet who composed the romance of Beowulf
enumerates among the treasures in the ancient barrow, guarded by the
dragon who was finally slain by his hero, “the dear, or precious
drinking-cup” (_dryncfæt deóre_). Drinking-cups are frequently found in
the Saxon barrows or graves in England. A group, representing the more
usual forms, is given in our cut, No. 1, found chiefly in barrows in
Kent, and preserved in the collections of lord Londesborough and Mr.
Rolfe, the latter of which is now in the possession of Mr. Mayer, of
Liverpool. The example to the left no doubt represents the “twisted”
pattern, so often mentioned in Beowulf, and evidently the favourite
ornament among the early Saxons. All these cups are of glass; they are
so formed that it is evident they could not stand upright, so that it
was necessary to empty them at a draught. This characteristic of the
old drinking-cups is said to have given rise to the modern name of
tumblers.
[Illustration: _No. 2. Germano-Saxon Drinking Glasses._]
That these glass drinking-cups--or, if we like to use the term, these
glasses--were implements peculiar to the Germanic race to which the
Saxons belonged, and not derived from the Romans, we have corroborative
evidence in discoveries made on the Continent. I will only take
examples from some graves of the same early period, discovered at
Selzen, in Rhenish Hesse, an interesting account of which was published
at Maintz, in 1848, by the brothers W. and L. Lindenschmit. In these
graves several drinking-cups were found, also of glass, and resembling
in character the two middle figures in our cut, No. 1. Three specimens
are given in the cut No. 2. In our cut, No. 5, (see page 8), is one
of the cup-shaped glasses, also found in these Hessian graves, which
closely resembles that given in the cut No. 1. None of the cups of
the champagne-glass form, like those found in England, occur in these
foreign barrows.
[Illustration: _No. 3. Anglo-Saxon Pottery._]
[Illustration: _No. 4. Germano-Saxon Pottery._]
We shall find also that the pottery of the later Anglo-Saxon period
presented a mixture of forms, partly derived from those which
had belonged to the Saxon race in their primitive condition, and
partly copied or imitated from those of the Romans. In fact, in our
Anglo-Saxon graves we find much purely Roman pottery intermingled with
earthen vessels of Saxon manufacture; and this is also the case in
Germany. As Roman forms are known to every one, we need only give the
pure Saxon types. Our cut, No. 3, represents five examples, and will
give a sufficient notion of their general character. The two to the
left were taken, with a large quantity more, of similar character,
from a Saxon cemetery at Kingston, near Derby; the vessel in the
middle, and the upper one to the right, are from Kent; and the lower
one to the right is also from the cemetery at Kingston. Several of
these were usually considered as types of ancient British pottery,
until their real character was recently demonstrated, and it is
corroborated by the discovery of similar pottery in what I will term
the Germano-Saxon graves. Four examples from the cemetery at Selzen,
are given in the cut No. 4. We have here not only the rude-formed
vessels with lumps on the side, but also the characteristic ornament
of crosses in circles. The next cut, No. 5, represents two earthen
vessels of another description, found in the graves at Selzen. The one
to the right is evidently the prototype of our modern pitcher. I am
informed there is, in the Museum at Dover, a specimen of pottery of
this shape, taken from an Anglo-Saxon barrow in that neighbourhood;
and Mr. Roach Smith took fragments of another from an Anglo-Saxon
tumulus near the same place. The other variation of the pitcher here
given is remarkable, not on account of similar specimens having been
found, as far as I know, in graves in England, but because vessels of a
similar form are found rather commonly in the Anglo-Saxon illuminated
manuscripts. One of these is given in the group No. 6, which represents
three types of the later Anglo-Saxon pottery, selected from a large
number copied by Strutt from Anglo-Saxon manuscripts. The figure to
the left, in this group, is a later Saxon form of the pitcher; perhaps
the singular form of the handle may have originated in an error of the
draughtsman.
[Illustration: _No. 5. Germano-Saxon Pottery and Glass._]
[Illustration: _No. 6. Anglo-Saxon Pottery._]
[Illustration: _No. 7. Anglo-Saxon Bowls._]
[Illustration: _No. 8. Anglo-Saxon Buckets._]
Among the numerous articles of all kinds found in the early Anglo-Saxon
graves, are bowls of metal (generally bronze or copper), often very
thickly gilt, and of elegant forms; they are, perhaps, borrowed from
the Romans. Three examples are given in the cut No. 7, all found in
Kent. They were probably intended for the service of the table. Another
class of utensils found rather commonly in the Anglo-Saxon barrows
are buckets. The first of those represented in our cut, No. 8, was
found in a Saxon barrow near Marlborough, in Wiltshire; the other
was found on the Chatham lines. As far as my own experience goes, I
believe these buckets are usually found with male skeletons, and from
this circumstance, and the fact of their being usually ornamented,
I am inclined to think they served some purposes connected with the
festivities of the hall; probably they were used to carry the ale or
mead. The Anglo-Saxon translation of the Book of Judges (ch. vii.
ver. 20), rendered _hydrias confregissent_ by _to-bræcon tha bucas_,
“they broke the buckets.” A common name for this implement, which
was properly _buc_, was _æscen_, which signified literally a vessel
made of ash, the favourite wood of the Anglo-Saxons. Our cut, No. 9,
represents a bucket of wood with very delicately-formed bronze hoops
and handle, found in a barrow in Bourne Park, near Canterbury. The wood
was entirely decayed; but the hoops and handle are in the collection
of lord Londesborough. Such buckets have, also, been found under
similar circumstances on the Continent. The close resemblance between
the weapons and other instruments found in the English barrows and in
those at Selzen, may be illustrated by a comparison of the two axes
represented in the cut, No. 10. The upper one was found at Selzen;
the lower one is in the Museum of Mr. Rolfe, and was obtained from a
barrow in the Isle of Thanet. The same similarity is observed between
the knives, which is the more remarkable, as the later Anglo-Saxon
knives were quite of a different form. The example, cut No. 11, taken
from a grave at Selzen, is the only instance I know of a knife of this
early period of Saxon history with the handle preserved; it has been
beautifully enamelled. This may be taken as the type of the primitive
Anglo-Saxon knife.
[Illustration: _No. 9. Anglo-Saxon Bucket._]
[Illustration: _No. 10. Anglo-Saxon Axes._]
Having given these few examples of the general forms of the implements
in use among the Saxons before their conversion to Christianity, as
much to illustrate their manners as described by Beowulf, as to show
what classes of types were originally Saxon, we will proceed to treat
of their domestic manners as we learn them from the more numerous and
more definite documents of a later period. We shall find it convenient
to consider the subject separately as it regards in-door life and
out-door life, and it will be proper first that we should form some
definite notion of an Anglo-Saxon house.
[Illustration: _No. 11. Germano-Saxon Knife._]
We can already form some notion of the primeval Saxon mansion from
our brief review of the poem of Beowulf; and we shall find that it
continued nearly the same down to a late period. The most important
part of the building was the hall, on which was bestowed all the
ornamentation of which the builders and decorators of that early period
were capable. Halls built of stone are alluded to in a religious poem
at the beginning of the Exeter book; yet, in the earlier period at
least, there can be little doubt that the materials of building were
chiefly wood. Around, or near this hall, stood, in separate buildings,
the bed-chambers, or bowers (_búr_), of which the latter name is only
now preserved as applied to a summer-house in a garden; but the reader
of old English poetry will remember well the common phrase of a _bird
in bure_, a lady in her bower or chamber. These buildings, and the
household offices, were all grouped within an inclosure, or outward
wall, which, I imagine, was generally of earth, for the Anglo-Saxon
word, _weall_, was applied to an earthen rampart, as well as to
masonry. What is termed in the poem of Judith, _wealles geát_, the gate
of the wall, was the entrance through this inclosure or rampart. I am
convinced that many of the earth-works, which are often looked upon as
ancient camps, are nothing more than the remains of the inclosures of
Anglo-Saxon residences.
In Beowulf, the sleeping-rooms of Hrothgar and his court seem to have
been so completely detached from the hall, that their inmates did not
hear the combat that was going on in the latter building at night. In
smaller houses the sleeping-rooms were fewer, or none, until we arrive
at the simple room in which the inmates had board and lodging together,
with a mere hedge for its inclosure, the prototype of our ordinary
cottage and garden. The wall served for a defence against robbers and
enemies, while, in times of peace and tranquillity, it was a protection
from indiscreet intruders, for the doors of the hall and chambers seem
to have been generally left open. Beggars assembled round the door of
the wall--the _ostium domûs_--to wait for alms.
The vocabularies of the Anglo-Saxon period furnish us with the names
of most of the parts of the ordinary dwellings. The entrance through
the outer wall into the court, the strength of which is alluded to
in early writers, was properly the gate (_geát_). The whole mass
inclosed within this wall constituted the _burh_ (burgh), or tun,
and the inclosed court itself seems to have been designated as the
_cafer-tun_, or _inburh_. The wall of the hall, or of the internal
buildings in general, was called a _wag_, or _wah_, a distinctive word
which remained in use till a late period in the English language, and
seems to have been lost partly through the similarity of sound.[1]
The entrance to the hall, or to the other buildings in the interior,
was the _duru_, or door, which was thus distinguished from the gate.
Another kind of door mentioned in the vocabularies was a _hlid-gata_,
literally a gate with a lid or cover, which was perhaps, however, a
word merely invented to represent the Latin _valva_, which is given as
its equivalent. The _door_ is described in Beowulf as being “fastened
with fire-bands” (_fyr-bendum fæst_, I. 1448), which must mean iron
bars.[2] Either before the door of the hall, or between the door and
the interior apartment, was sometimes a _selde_, literally a shed, but
perhaps we might now call it a portico. The different parts of the
architectural structure of the hall enumerated in the vocabularies
are _stapul_, a post or log set in the ground; _stipere_, a pillar;
_beam_, a beam; _ræfter_, a rafter; _læta_, a lath; _swer_, a column.
The columns supported _bigels_, an arch or vault, or _fyrst_, the
interior of the roof, the ceiling. The _hrof_, or roof, was called
also _thecen_, or _thæcen_, a word derived from the verb _theccan_, to
cover; but although this is the original of our modern word _thatch_,
our readers must not suppose that the Anglo-Saxon _thæcen_ meant what
we call a thatched roof, for we have the Anglo-Saxon word _thæc-tigel_,
a thatch-tile, as well as _hrof-tigel_, a roof-tile. There was
sometimes one story above the ground-floor, for which the vocabularies
give the Latin word _solarium_, the origin of the later mediæval word,
_soler_; but it is evident that this was not common to Anglo-Saxon
houses, and the only name for it was _up-flor_, an upper floor. It was
approached by a _stæger_, so named from the verb _stigan_, to ascend,
and the origin of our modern word _stair_. There were windows to the
hall, which were probably improvements upon the ruder primitive Saxon
buildings, for the only Anglo-Saxon words for a window are _eag-thyrl_,
an eye-hole, and _eag-duru_, an eye-door.
We have unfortunately no special descriptions of Anglo-Saxon houses,
but scattered incidents in the Anglo-Saxon historians show us that
this general arrangement of the house lasted down to the latest
period of their monarchy. Thus, in the year 755, Cynewulf, king of
the West Saxons, was murdered at Merton by the atheling Cyneard. The
circumstances of the story are but imperfectly understood, unless we
bear in mind the above description of a house. Cynewulf had gone to
Merton privately, to visit a lady there, who seems to have been his
mistress, and he only took a small party of his followers with him.
Cyneard, having received information of this visit, assembled a body
of men, entered the inclosure of the house unperceived (as appears by
the context), and surrounded the detached chamber (_búr_) in which was
the king with the lady. The king, taken by surprise, rushed to the
door (_on tha duru eode_), and was there slain fighting. The king’s
attendants, although certainly within the inclosure of the house, were
out of hearing of this sudden fray (they were probably in the hall),
but they were roused by the woman’s screams, rushed to the spot, and
fought till, overwhelmed by the numbers of their enemies, they also
were all slain. The murderers now took possession of the house, and
shut the entrance gate of the wall of inclosure, to protect themselves
against the body of the king’s followers who had been left at a
distance. These, next day, when they heard what had happened, hastened
to the spot, attacked the house, and continued fighting around the gate
(_ymb thá gatu_) until they made their way in, and slew all the men
who were there. Again, we are told, in the Ramsey Chronicle published
by Gale, of a rich man in the Danish period, who was oppressive to
his people, and, therefore, suspicious of them. He accordingly had
four watchmen every night, chosen alternately from his household,
who kept guard at the outside of his hall, evidently for the purpose
of preventing his enemies from being admitted into the inclosure by
treachery. He lay in his chamber, or bower. One night, the watchmen
having drunk more than usual, were unguarded in their speech, and
talked together of a plot into which they had entered against the life
of their lord. He, happening to be awake, heard their conversation from
his chamber, and defeated their project. We see here the chamber of the
lord of the mansion so little substantial in its construction that its
inmates could hear what was going on out of doors. At a still later
period, a Northumbrian noble, whom Hereward visited in his youth, had a
building for wild beasts within his house or inclosure. One day a bear
broke loose, and immediately made for the chamber or bower of the lady
of the household, in which she had taken shelter with her women, and
whither, no doubt, the savage animal was attracted by their cries. We
gather from the context that this asylum would not have availed them,
had not young Hereward slain the bear before it reached them. In fact,
the lady’s chamber was still only a detached room, probably with a very
weak door, which was not capable of withstanding any force.
The Harleian Manuscript, No. 603 (in the British Museum), contains
several illustrations of Anglo-Saxon domestic architecture, most of
which are rather sketchy and indefinite; but there is one picture
(fol. 57, v^o.) which illustrates, in a very interesting manner, the
distribution of the house. Of this, an exact copy is given in the
accompanying cut, No. 12.[3] The manuscript is, perhaps, as old as
the ninth century, and the picture here given illustrates Psalm cxi.,
in the Vulgate version, the description of the just and righteous
chieftain: the beggars are admitted within the inclosure (where the
scene is laid), to receive the alms of the lord; and he and his lady
are occupied in distributing bread to them, while his servants are
bringing out of one of the bowers raiment to clothe the naked. The
larger building behind, ending in a sort of round tower with a cupola,
is evidently the hall--the stag’s head seems to mark its character.
The buildings to the left are chambers or bowers; to the right is the
domestic chapel, and the little room attached is perhaps the chamber of
the chaplain.
[Illustration: _No. 12. Anglo-Saxon Mansion._]
It is evidently the intention in this picture to represent the walls of
the rooms as being formed, in the lower part, of masonry, with timber
walls above, and all the windows are in the timber walls. If we make
allowance for want of perspective and proportion in the drawing, it is
probable that only a small portion of the elevation was masonry, and
that the wooden walls (_parietes_) were raised above it, as is very
commonly the case in old timber-houses still existing. The greater
portion of the Saxon houses were certainly of timber; in Alfric’s
colloquy, it is the carpenter, or worker in wood (_se treo-wyrhta_),
who builds houses; and the very word to express the operation of
building, _timbrian_, _getimbrian_, signified literally to construct of
timber. We observe in the above representation of a house, that none
of the buildings have more than a ground-floor, and this seems to have
been a characteristic of the houses of all classes. The Saxon word
_flór_ is generally used in the early writers to represent the Latin
_pavimentum_. Thus the “variegated floor” (_on fágre flór_) of the hall
mentioned in Beowulf (l. 1454) was a paved floor, perhaps a tessellated
pavement; as the road spoken of in an earlier part of the poem (_stræt
wæs stán-fáh_, the street was stone-variegated, l. 644) describes a
paved Roman road. The term upper-floor occurs once or twice, but only
I think in translating from foreign Latin writers. The only instance
that occurs to my memory of an upper-floor in an Anglo-Saxon house, is
the story of Dunstan’s council at Calne in 978, when, according to the
Saxon Chronicle, the _witan_, or council, fell from an upper-floor (_of
ane úp-floran_), while Dunstan himself avoided their fate by supporting
himself on a beam (_uppon anum beame_). The buildings in the above
picture are all roofed with tiles of different forms, evidently copied
from the older Roman roof-tiles. Perhaps the flatness of these roofs
is only to be considered as a proof of the draughtsman’s ignorance of
perspective. One of Alfric’s homilies applies the epithet _steep_ to a
roof--_on tham sticelan hrofe_. The hall is not unfrequently described
as lofty.
The collective house had various names in Anglo-Saxon. It was called
_hús_, a house, a general term for all residences great or small; it
was called _heal_, or hall, because that was the most important part
of the building--we still call gentlemen’s seats halls; it was called
_ham_, as being the residence or home of its possessor; and it was
called _tún_, in regard of its inclosure.
The Anglo-Saxons chose for their country-houses a position which
commanded a prospect around, because such sites afforded protection
at the same time that they enabled the possessor to overlook his own
landed possessions. The Ramsey Chronicle, describing the beautiful
situation of the mansion at “Schitlingdonia” (Shitlington), in
Bedfordshire, tells us that the surrounding country lay spread out like
a panorama from the door of the hall--_ubi ab ostio aulæ tota fere
villa et late patens ager arabilis oculis subjacet intuentis_.