CHAPTER VIII

THE DOGS OF WAR

As the autumn of 1837 wore on, the situation in Lower Canada began to

assume an aspect more and more threatening. In spite of a proclamation

from the governor forbidding such meetings, the _Patriotes_ continued

to gather for military drill and musketry exercises. Armed bands went

about the countryside, in many places intimidating the loyalists and

forcing loyal magistrates and militia officers to send in their

resignations to the governor. As early as July some of the Scottish

settlers at Cote St Joseph, near St Eustache, had fled from their

homes, leaving their property to its fate. Several houses at Cote St

Mary had been fired upon or broken into. A letter of Sir John

Colborne, the commander of the forces in British North America, written

on October 6, shows what the state of affairs was at that time:

In my correspondence with Col. Eden I have had occasion to refer to the

facts {70} and reports that establish the decided character which the

agitators have lately assumed. The people have elected the dismissed

officers of the militia to command them. At St Ours a pole has been

erected in favour of a dismissed captain with this inscription on it,

'Elu par le peuple.' At St Hyacinthe the tri-coloured flag was

displayed for several days. Two families have quitted the town in

consequence of the annoyance they received from the patriots. Wolfred

Nelson warned the patriots at a public meeting to be ready to arm. The

tri-coloured flag is to be seen at two taverns between St Denis and St

Charles. Many of the tavern-keepers have discontinued their signs and

substituted for them an eagle. The bank notes or promissory notes

issued at Yamaska have also the same emblem marked on them. Mr

Papineau was escorted from Yamaska to St Denis by a numerous retinue,

and it is said that 200 or 300 carriages accompanied him on his route.

He has attended five public meetings lately; and at one of them La

Valtrie, a priest, was insulted in his presence. The occurrence at St

Denis was certainly {71} a political affair, a family at St Antoine

opposed to the proceedings of W. Nelson, having been annoyed by the

same mob that destroyed the house of Madame St Jacques a few hours

before the shot was fired from her window.

Special animosity was shown toward the Chouayens, those French

Canadians who had refused to follow Papineau's lead. P. D. Debartzch,

a legislative councillor and a former supporter of Papineau, who had

withdrawn his support after the passing of the Ninety-Two Resolutions,

was obliged to flee from his home at St Charles; and Dr Quesnel, one of

the magistrates of L'Acadie, had his house broken into by a mob that

demanded his resignation as magistrate.

On November 6 rioting broke out in Montreal. The Doric Club, an

organization of the young men of English blood in the city, came into

conflict with the French-Canadian _Fils de la Liberte_. Which side

provoked the hostilities, it is now difficult to say. Certainly, both

sides were to blame for their behaviour during the day. The sons of

liberty broke the windows of prominent loyalists; and the members of

the Doric Club completely wrecked {72} the office of the _Vindicator_

newspaper. It was only when the Riot Act was read, and the troops were

called out, that the rioting ceased.

Up to this point the _Patriotes_ had not indulged in any overt acts of

armed rebellion. Some of their leaders, it is true, had been laying

plans for a revolt. So much is known from the correspondence which

passed between the leading _Patriotes_ in Lower Canada and William Lyon

Mackenzie, the leader of the rebellion in Upper Canada. Thomas Storrow

Brown, one of Papineau's lieutenants, wrote to Mackenzie asking him to

start the ball rolling in Upper Canada first, in order to draw off some

of the troops which Sir John Colborne had massed in Lower Canada. But

all calculations were now upset by events which rapidly precipitated

the crisis in the lower province.

Soon after the fracas in the streets of Montreal between the Doric Club

and the _Fils de la Liberte_, a priest named Quibilier waited on

Papineau, and advised him, since his presence in Montreal had become a

source of disturbance, to leave the city. Whether he came as an

emissary from the ecclesiastical authorities or merely as a friend is

not clear. At any rate, Papineau accepted his advice, {73} and

immediately set out for St Hyacinthe. The result was most unfortunate.

The government, thinking that Papineau had left the city for the

purpose of stirring up trouble in the Richelieu district, promptly

issued warrants for the arrest of Papineau and some of his chief

lieutenants, Dr Wolfred Nelson, Thomas Storrow Brown, Edmund Bailey

O'Callaghan, and several others.

Meanwhile, on the day that these warrants for arrest were being issued

(November 16), a skirmish took place between a small party of British

troopers and a band of _Patriotes_ on the road between Chambly and

Longueuil--a skirmish which may be described as the Lexington of the

Lower Canada rebellion. The troopers, under Lieutenant Ermatinger, had

been sent to St Johns to arrest two French Canadians, named Demaray and

Davignon, who had been intimidating the magistrates. The arrest had

been effected, and the party were on their way back to Montreal, when

they were confronted by an armed company of _Patriotes_, under the

command of Bonaventure Viger, who demanded the release of the

prisoners. A brisk skirmish ensued, in which several on both sides

were wounded. The troopers, outnumbered by at least five {74} to one,

and having nothing but pistols with which to reply to the fire of

muskets and fowling-pieces, were easily routed; and the two prisoners

were liberated.

The news of this affair spread rapidly through the parishes, and

greatly encouraged the _Patriotes_ to resist the arrest of Papineau and

his lieutenants. Papineau, Nelson, Brown, and O'Callaghan had all

evaded the sheriff's officer, and had taken refuge in the country about

the Richelieu, the heart of the revolutionary district. In a day or

two word came to Montreal that considerable numbers of armed habitants

had gathered at the villages of St Denis and St Charles, evidently with

the intention of preventing the arrest of their leaders. The force at

St Denis was under the command of Wolfred Nelson, and that at St

Charles was under the command of Thomas Storrow Brown. How these

self-styled 'generals' came to be appointed is somewhat of a mystery.

Brown, at any rate, seems to have been chosen for the position on the

spur of the moment. 'A mere accident took me to St Charles,' he wrote

afterwards, 'and put me at the head of a revolting force.'

Sir John Colborne, who was in command of the British military forces,

immediately {75} determined to disperse these gatherings by force and

to arrest their leaders. His plan of campaign was as follows. A force

consisting of one regiment of infantry, a troop of the Montreal

Volunteer Cavalry, and two light field-guns, under the command of

Lieutenant-Colonel Wetherall, had already been dispatched to Chambly by

way of the road on which the rescue of Demaray and Davignon had taken

place. This force would advance on St Charles. Another force,

consisting of five companies of the 24th regiment, with a

twelve-pounder, under Colonel Charles Gore, a Waterloo veteran, would

proceed by boat to Sorel. There it was to be joined by one company of

the 66th regiment, then in garrison at Sorel, and the combined force

would march on St Denis. After having dispersed the rebels at St

Denis, which was thought not to be strongly held, the little army was

to proceed to St Charles, where it would be joined by the force under

Wetherall.

At eight o'clock on the evening of November 22, Colonel Gore set out

with his men from the barrack-square at Sorel for St Denis. The

journey was one of eighteen miles; and in order to avoid St Ours, which

was held by the _Patriotes_, Gore turned away from the main {76} road

along the Richelieu to make a detour. This led his troops over very

bad roads. The night was dark and rain poured down in torrents. 'I

got a lantern,' wrote one of Gore's aides-de-camp afterwards, 'fastened

it to the top of a pole, and had it carried in front of the column; but

what with horses and men sinking in the mud, harness breaking, wading

through water and winding through woods, the little force soon got

separated, those in the rear lost sight of the light, and great delays

and difficulties were experienced. Towards morning the rain changed to

snow, it became very cold, and daybreak found the unfortunate column

still floundering in the half-frozen mud four miles from St Denis.'

Meanwhile word had reached the rebels of the coming of the soldiers.

At daybreak Dr Wolfred Nelson had ridden out to reconnoitre, and had

succeeded in destroying several bridges. As the soldiers approached St

Denis they heard the church bells ringing the alarm; and it was not

long before they found that the village was strongly defended. After

capturing some of the houses on the outskirts of the village, they were

halted by a stockade built across the road covered by a large brick

house, well fortified on all sides. The commander of {77} the troops

brought reinforcements up to the firing line, and the twelve-pounder

came into action. But the assailants made very little impression on

the defence. Although the engagement lasted for more than five hours,

the troops succeeded in capturing nothing more than one of the flanking

houses. The ammunition of the British was running low, and the numbers

of the insurgents seemed to be increasing. Colonel Gore therefore

deemed it advisable to retire. By some strange oversight the British

were without any ambulance or transport of any kind; and they were

compelled to leave their dead and wounded behind them. Their

casualties were six killed and eighteen wounded. The wounded, it is a

pleasure to be able to say, were well looked after by the victorious

_Patriotes_.

The British effected their retreat with great steadiness, despite the

fact that the men had had no food since the previous day and had been

marching all night. They were compelled to abandon their

twelve-pounder in the mud; but they reached St Ours that night without

further loss. The next day they were back at Sorel.

The number of the insurgents at St Denis has never been accurately

ascertained; {78} probably they were considerably in excess of the

troops. Their position was one of great strength, and good judgment

had been shown in fortifying it. On the other hand, with the exception

of a few veterans of Major de Salaberry's Voltigeurs, they were

untrained in war; and their muskets and fowling-pieces were much

inferior to the rifles of the regulars. Their victory, it must be

said, reflected great credit upon them; although their losses had been

twice as great as those of the soldiers,[1] these peasants in homespun

had stood their ground with a courage and steadiness which would have

honoured old campaigners. The same, unfortunately, cannot be said

about some of their leaders. Papineau and O'Callaghan were present in

St Denis when the attack began; but before the morning was well

advanced, they had departed for St Hyacinthe, whence they later fled to

the United States. Papineau always declared that he had taken this

action at the {79} solicitation of Wolfred Nelson, who had said to him:

'Do not expose yourself uselessly: you will be of more service to us

after the fight than here.' In later days, however, when political

differences had arisen between the two men, Nelson denied having given

Papineau any such advice. It is very difficult to know the truth. But

even if Nelson did advise Papineau to leave, it cannot be said that

Papineau consulted his own reputation in accepting the advice. He was

not a person without military experience: he had been a major in the

militia, and was probably superior in rank to any one in the village.

His place was with the brave farmers who had taken up arms on his

behalf.

An episode in connection with the attack on St Denis left a dark stain

on the _Patriote_ escutcheon and embittered greatly the relations

between the two races in Canada. This was the murder, on the morning

of the fight, of Lieutenant Weir, a subaltern in the 32nd regiment, who

had been sent with dispatches to Sorel by land. He had reached Sorel

half an hour after Colonel Gore and his men had departed for St Denis.

In attempting to catch up with Gore's column he had taken the direct

road to St Denis and had arrived there {80} in advance of the British

troops. On approaching the village he was arrested, and by Wolfred

Nelson's orders placed in detention. As the British attack developed,

it was thought better by those who had him in charge to remove him to

St Charles. They bound him tightly and placed him in a wagon. Hardly

had they started when he made an attempt to escape. In this emergency

his warders seem to have lost their heads. In spite of the fact that

Weir was tightly bound and could do no harm, they fell upon him with

swords and pistols, and in a short time dispatched him. Then, appalled

at what they had done, they attempted to hide the body. When the

British troops entered St Denis a week later, they found the body

lying, weighted down with stones, in the Richelieu river under about

two feet of water. The autopsy disclosed the brutality with which Weir

had been murdered; and the sight of the body so infuriated the soldiers

that they gave the greater part of the village of St Denis to the

flames. In the later phases of the rebellion the slogan of the British

soldiers was, 'Remember Jack Weir.'

Another atrocious murder even more unpardonable than that of Weir was

perpetrated {81} a few days later. On November 28 some _Patriotes_

near St Johns captured a man by the name of Chartrand, who was enlisted

in a loyal volunteer corps of the district. After a mock trial

Chartrand was tied to a tree and shot by his own countrymen.

[1] According to a report twelve _Patriotes_ lost their lives during

the engagement. Among them was Charles Ovide Perrault, member of the

Assembly for Vaudreuil, a young barrister of considerable promise. He

seems to have been Papineau's closest follower and confidant During the

last sessions of the Lower Canada legislature Perrault contributed many

letters to _La Minerve_.

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The 'Patriotes' of '37: A Chronicle of the Lower Canada Rebellion · 第 8 / 12 章