THE QUEEN'S FRIEND.
THE PRINCESS OF WALES--MOTHER AND DAUGHTER--GEORGE III.--THE
CABAL--THE WAR WITH ALGIERS--THE PALACE OF HIRSCHHOLM--FALL OF
THE PREMIER--PROPOSED REFORMS--STRUENSEE'S MAXIMS--THE COUNCIL OF
STATE--THE ROYAL HUNT--A LOVELY WOMAN--BRANDT'S FOLLY.
On June 9, 1770, the Dowager Princess of Wales set out with her son, the
Duke of Gloucester, and a numerous retinue from Carlton House _en route_
for the Continent. As this was the first time during thirty-four years
that her royal highness had quitted England, her departure gave rise
to the wildest conjectures among her opponents. As mystery and policy
were imputed to all her motives by the so-called liberal party, her
declaration, straightforward though it was, that she was going to visit
her brother and her daughters, was not believed. Some said that she was
going to meet Lord Bute, while others expected that some _coup d'état_
was about to be carried out during her absence, to which she might plead
not having been privy. As the Duke of Gloucester accompanied her, more
charitable persons supposed that she was trying to break off his liaison
with Lady Waldegrave; others, or the uncharitable, declared that the
princess was displeased with the increasing powers of the queen, her
daughter-in-law, while others again supposed that she was conveying her
treasures out of the country for safety.
The resolute old lady cared little what was said about her, and, though
she was hooted as she passed through Canterbury, I dare say her feeling
was, "laudatur ab hiss." She was allowed to embark quietly at Dover,
and, much to Walpole's affected surprise, no bonfires or illuminations
took place in London in honour of her departure. The princess ostensibly
wanted to see her daughter, the Princess of Brunswick, probably for
some little family intrigue; but the journey was really intended to the
address of Caroline Matilda. Some good-natured friend had told George
III. an exaggerated story about his sister's conduct; and this, together
with the political crisis which was preparing in Denmark, led to the
Princess of Wales's journey. In those benighted days it was considered
of the utmost importance by English ministers that Bernstorff should
remain in power, because he was devoted to Russia, and thus prevented a
Gallo-Danish alliance.
It was arranged that the Princess of Wales and her daughter should meet
at Brunswick, and the ducal court made great preparations to receive the
exalted guests worthily, but at the moment when the King and Queen of
Denmark were expected, the grand marshal arrived with news that Queen
Matilda was unwell and unable to travel. I can hardly think that her
illness was of a very serious nature, or lasted any length of time. The
court usually played cards at Traventhal till midnight, and were out
riding by five in the morning, for the days seemed too short for pleasure.
However this might be, the Princess of Wales would not be disappointed,
and proposed a second meeting at Lüneburg, a town much nearer Denmark
than Brunswick was. The King and Queen of Denmark arrived, their suite
only consisting of Struensee and Warnstedt, who were seated in the
carriage with them. They arrived late and tired; when the princess
addressed her daughter in English, a language which Struensee did not
understand, the queen pretended to have forgotten it. The conversation
was cold and constrained; they retired to bed at an early hour, met again
at eleven A.M., and parted again in the afternoon. Caroline Matilda
did the civil thing by asking her mother and brother to pay a visit to
Copenhagen, which was declined politely, and they never met again.[118]
Horace Walpole, who reminds me greatly of Father Holt, in "Esmond," who
wished to be supposed omniscient, but was every now and then detected
in some jumbling details which destroyed his claim to authenticity,
describes the interview between mother and daughter with as much
circumstantiality as if he had been present. He says, that when the
princess lamented the fall of Bernstorff, the old servant of the family,
the Queen of Denmark said, "Pray, madam, allow me to govern my kingdom
as I please." Unfortunately for the story, Bernstorff had not yet been
overthrown. However, I dare say that some conversation did take place
about the premier, and that Caroline Matilda showed her hand too openly.
The Princess of Wales returned to England, after requesting Mr. Woodford,
her son's minister in Lower Saxony, who was at Lüneburg, to seek an
opportunity for insinuating a portion of what she had intended to say
to her daughter. Another minister, who passed through Copenhagen on his
way to Sweden, having been intrusted by the King of England with some
remonstrances for his sister, was not admitted. This monarch, also, wrote
the most earnest letters: the first was very coldly received, and the
rest not even read. We see that everybody had entered into a conspiracy
to misunderstand Caroline Matilda's motives, and attribute the lowest of
causes to her intimacy with Struensee; even her own family, who should
have known her better, believed that in so short a time she had forgotten
the lessons of her youth, and would not see that she was forced into her
present position, because her pride would not allow her to be dictated to
by the ministers, and insulted by foreign envoys. Because she selected
the only man as an ally whom she thought she could take without danger,
she was accused of forgetting her marriage vows, and no one would give
her credit for more exalted motives. Had George III. been able to draw
a distinction between the lover and the friend, he should have rejoiced
at the intimacy between his sister and Struensee, because the latter was
determined to break the power of Russia in Denmark; but he was a man of
low birth, and naturally such a person could only be favoured by a queen
through the very lowest of motives.[119] Perhaps, though, in those days
when virtue was considered a most troublesome attribute, King George can
hardly be blamed for the opinion which he formed of his sister's conduct.
In fact, the king's own truthfulness and rectitude were very injurious
to Caroline Matilda. He believed what he was told, and remonstrated with
his sister instead of examining into the reports more closely, while she,
naturally offended that her brother dared to insult her by entertaining
such suspicions, neglected all prudence, and rendered the breach between
them irreparable.
From Lüneburg, the royal couple hastened back to Copenhagen, and
proceeded, on August 24, to the palace of Frederiksborg. This palace,
which was burnt down in January, 1860, was the Versailles of Denmark, and
erected by Christian IV. from 1606-1620. It was built on three small
islets connected by bridges, in a lake, and the chief wing so completely
covered this island, that it seemed to rise directly from the water.
In one of the state rooms leading to the royal closet in the chapel,
Caroline Matilda wrote with a diamond, upon the window, the touching
words,
"Oh, keep me innocent, make others great."
The country around the palace is remarkably fine, and the drives and
walks through the forest are beautiful.[120] It is not surprising,
therefore, that the queen should make it her favourite residence, owing
to her love of exercise and privacy.
That the residence of the royal couple at Traventhal was not devoted to
frivolous orgies, as the enemies of the queen and Struensee, and even
her princely brother-in-law at Gottorp asserted, has been sufficiently
proved. On the contrary, the time was employed in meditating the mode of
carrying out great reforms, though what extent they would have depended
on the future. The condition of the king was now of such a sad nature
that he helplessly signed the orders laid before him for his assent.
Struensee was the only man who was still able to make the king form a
resolution by his quiet remarks, and the stay at Frederiksborg, away
from the seat of government, was purposely selected, in order to carry
through the reforms already arranged with the queen, without any external
opposition, and to bring them to the knowledge of the public. Count
Rantzau-Ascheberg had, in the meanwhile, preceded the returning court,
and arrived at Copenhagen by August 14. Two days after his arrival in
the capital, he was appointed third deputy of the War Department. It
can hardly be believed that he had done so much to obtain so little:
indeed, it had been at first arranged that he should be placed at the
head of this department by the retirement of his two seniors, but one
of them was Gähler, the husband of the pretty and docile woman who had
become so necessary at court, and the other was an old friend of the
queen. Rantzau also retained the command of the queen's regiment, and
was likewise appointed on the 29th of the same month commandant of
Glückstadt, though he remained in Copenhagen. Still, it was a great error
on the part of Struensee to have placed so ambitious a man as Rantzau in
such a subaltern position, and it proved that he possessed but little
common sense or knowledge of the human heart. In politics it is wrong to
be ungrateful, and more especially to be so by halves. After what had
passed, Rantzau could no longer remain indifferent, and a man of that
character does a great deal of evil or a great deal of good. Therefore,
he ought to have been appointed minister, or else exiled.[121]
At the same time, however, a man reappeared in the capital in whom the
opposite party fancied they had a support against Rantzau. This was
Major-General Chevalier Michael Filosofow, who had just been appointed
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Russia. He had
arrived three weeks previously in Hamburg, but had not hurried to reach
Copenhagen, probably because he did not expect much from a speedy return
to the capital. In the latter case he was perfectly right: for in the
present state of affairs the most speedy return would have been too late
for him and his designs.
In order to furnish a just idea of the reforms which Struensee undertook,
it is necessary to take a glance at the state of Denmark at the period
when he assumed the administration. Before the war against Charles
Gustavus, King of Sweden, the government of Denmark had been a thorough
oligarchy, much like that of Poland. The chief power was vested in the
hands of the nobles, or of a senate composed of their representatives,
and entrusted with their interests: the crown was elective, and the king
had no authority but what the senate left him. The clergy had lost their
power and wealth through the Reformation. An almost absolute despotism
weighed on the citizens of the capital and the other towns, though their
deputies figured as a species of third estate in the diets of the nation:
the country people, _adstricti glebæ_, were divided among the noble
landowners like herds of cattle, and were employed by them to till the
soil.
In 1660, the citizens of Copenhagen, who had just repulsed the Swedes
from their walls, took advantage of their momentary strength to change
the government; they abolished the senate, rendered the crown hereditary,
and by a solemn treaty unreservedly handed over the whole power to their
king, Frederick III., both for himself and his heirs for ever, hoping,
doubtless, that the yoke of a single master would be less oppressive than
that of a caste of nobles.
Frederick III. regulated the absolute power with which he was invested,
and in order to compensate the nobility in some measure for what they had
lost, he called to him the most considerable of them and formed them into
a privy council, which was, as it were, the image of that senate by which
the nation had been so long governed. But his successor, Christian V.,
gave his entire confidence to Schumacker, the son of a wine merchant, who
governed Denmark skilfully under the title of Count von Griffenfeldt, and
this system was continued even after the favourite's fall.
Under the following reigns, as the sovereigns still suspected the
nobility of their country, they summoned foreigners into their service;
and as this policy was persisted in, foreigners gradually seized on
not only the home and foreign offices, but even the most considerable
civil and military posts. These foreigners, not having any relatives or
friends in the country, and not being always able to obtain subordinates
from abroad, chose their confidential agents among their most devoted
servants, and procured them advantageous posts as a reward, or else to
secure them as partisans. This example was soon followed by the natives;
and just as in ancient Rome the power fell into the hands of freed men,
lackeys became in Denmark influential personages, who did not limit their
ambition to subaltern employments.
In proportion as foreigners and people in their service assumed a greater
share in the government, offices, appointments, and pensions were
multiplied; and under the specious pretext of benefiting the interests of
the state or the public, a multitude of establishments were erected, with
the requisite officers to manage them and perform the different duties.
Some served the prince, others managed the finances and crown lands, or
entered the army, the police, or the law. There were establishments for
the relief of the poor, for the advancement of the arts and sciences,
education, agriculture, trade, and manufactures, and they were required
for everything.
Just as the state displayed its luxury in land and sea forces, at
foreign courts and at home, each branch of the administration had also
its abundance of officers, registrars and clerks. Still, beyond certain
limits, it is impossible to endow new officers without trenching on
the salaries of the old ones: hence it happened that, in excessively
increasing the number of clerks, the wages of the majority were reduced
to the most moderate rate. As money ran short, recourse was had to titles
and honorary distinctions, the etiquette of each rank being settled with
the minutest details, as well as the respect or deference attaching to
it. When it was decided that rank and titles conferred by the government
should receive the honours and consideration due to merit, there was an
eager rush to obtain them. The tradesman left his counter, the artisan
his shop, the plain citizen gave up his modest livelihood, in order
to acquire a title and become somebody. This vanity, penetrating all
classes, gave a great impulse to luxury and ostentation.
Government was not chary in granting a largess that cost it so little. It
accorded titles to favour: it gave them as reward for services, and even
sold them. Rank soon ceased to be exclusively attached to office, and
more than once encroached on the principles of military subordination.
Thus, an officer in the army would take precedence of his commander,
and bring the rules of discipline under those of etiquette. Still, it
appeared that the profusion of titles, far from inspiring disgust,
strengthened the mania for them: men were ashamed not to have what so
many people possessed.
Eminent titles, such as those of Count or Baron, retained a portion of
their privileges: those who held them could not be arrested for debt, and
they found at their manors an asylum against criminal prosecutions until
sentence was passed. These estates, which were partly free from taxes,
could not be confiscated even for high treason, and were transmissible
by inalienable succession from eldest son to eldest son. These noble
landowners exercised the rights of high and low jurisdiction on their
estates, and these privileges recalled the olden times of lordly rule.
But nothing recalled it so much as the serfdom which continued to oppress
the class of peasants, and the militia duties appeared to double the
burden.
Nevertheless, we must allow that this numerous and interesting portion
of the population was not quite forgotten. In each district, a bailiff
administering on royal account either the lands taken from the clergy at
the Reformation, or lapsed feudal estates and the other domains of the
crown, had among his other duties that of hearing the complaints of the
peasants against their lords, and protecting them against oppression.
But the bailiff could not always be found at home, and was not always
disposed to compromise his own interests in sustaining those of the
peasants.
A portion of the woes of Denmark evidently resulted from these old
institutions; and many of the abuses would have sprung up without the
interference of foreigners. Besides, it is indubitable that there were
men of merit among the foreigners called in to govern the country:
but the best intentioned nearly all committed the error of trying to
introduce a system successfully carried out in other countries, without
considering that it agreed neither with the wants of Denmark nor her
resources; in this they resembled a farmer who plants exotics in his
fields, instead of cultivating those suited to the ground and the climate.
In this way, academies of science and fine arts were established
at Copenhagen, in imitation of the nations farthest advanced in
civilization. Under the ministry preceding Struensee, learned men had
been sent at the king's expense to the East, for the purpose of studying
its monuments and antiquities, as if Denmark were in a position to make
such sacrifices to satisfy curiosity: thus new trades were introduced,
new manufactures undertaken, without consulting the resources of the
country and the merchants, and they had no other effect but impoverishing
the Treasury. In the same way money was squandered in sending envoys
to look after interests unconnected with the country; and following
the example of powerful nations, armaments were made, intended to be
imposing, but which, being disproportionate to the real strength of
Denmark, only served to prove her weakness.
Although the state had enjoyed uninterrupted peace since 1720, the errors
of the administration had produced the effect of a cruel war: the debt
of 20,000,000 of dollars was tending to increase instead of diminishing.
The burdens that oppressed it not only prevented its strength from
developing, but seemed daily to weaken it. It languished like a robust
body, threatening to fall into a state of atrophy, because unable to
perform its natural functions freely. A species of constraint was felt
from the throne down to the lowest classes, and reforms seemed to be
invoked by the public voice.[122]
The royal family remained for ten days at Frederiksborg, but this short
stay was rendered remarkable by the first appearance of a royal message
without the adhesion of the Council of State or other administrative
authorities. As it is notorious that this message was proposed to
the king by Struensee, the latter's participation in the government
is generally dated from this period. The message contained various
regulations, bearing the date of September 14, and was of a very
important nature. The first related to the future restriction in granting
titles. We read in it that the number of persons who had, during the last
year, been granted titles on festal occasions, or through recommendation,
had grown so enormously large that distinctions of this nature had
ceased to be a reward for services, or a proof of special royal favour.
Hence the king had resolved to grant such distinctions, in future, more
sparingly, and only for their real purpose. Henceforth regard would
solely be had, in such cases, to faithful performance of duties, zeal and
diligence in office, and special abilities. Government officials, who
recommended persons for honorary distinctions, would be responsible that
no undeserving person obtained them.[123]
The writer and suggester of this proclamation certainly deserved the
thanks of his contemporaries; and all sensible persons were pleased
at this message from their sovereign. The second decree referred to
the quarrel then going on with the Dey of Algiers. A commission was
appointed, consisting of Count Rantzau-Ascheberg, Lieutenant-General von
Gähler, Vice-Admiral von Römeling, and the Schoutbynacht (Rear-Admiral)
Hoogland, whose duty it would be to inquire whether Algiers could be
taken, or the city so injured that the dey would be compelled to make
peace, or whether satisfaction must be extorted from the piratical
prince in some other way. The appointment of this commission entailed an
investigation into the conduct of Admiral Kaas and all the promoters of
the unsuccessful expedition against the piratical state, which had cost
Denmark 2,000,000 dollars. A few words about this strange affair may be
advisable here.
The Dey of Algiers, though he was quite absolute, or, perhaps, from
the fact of his absolutism, was obliged to humour his army and keep
it in good temper. The troops, who lived principally on plunder, were
very annoyed at the truces, or treaties of peace, concluded with nearly
all the maritime powers. The tribute which the nations of second
rank consented to pay, in order to buy the safety of their commerce,
represented the prince's share of the plunder; but the soldiers insisted
on having a nation given up to them every now and then, as a compensation
for their trade depression. Sieur Oerboë, the Danish consul, not having
been able to take the right steps, on the expiration of his treaty in
1769, for its renewal, the dey gave him orders to withdraw in three days,
and all the subjects of the king in six weeks, alleging as motive that
the Danes had favoured the Russians in their war with the Sublime Porte,
and had abused the safety granted to their flag by protecting the trade
of hostile nations.
The Copenhagen cabinet began by negotiating at Constantinople; and it was
settled with the Porte that Denmark should send an expedition which would
intimidate the troops of Algiers, and prevent them from murmuring at the
facility with which the dey revoked his orders; and that at the same
time, in order to contradict the rumours of the pretended aid to Russia,
the Danish squadron should have on board a messenger from his highness,
bearing instructions to the dey to renew the peace. Bernstorff, who had
been the founder of the Danish Levant trade, and was naturally very proud
of his bantling, intrusted the embassy to Vice-Admiral Kaas, who had
performed, a few years previously, a similar commission to the Emperor of
Morocco in a satisfactory manner.
Bernstorff proposed to Count Laurvig, the head of the Admiralty, that
the squadron should be composed of three men-of-war, two frigates, and
two bomb-ketches; and Laurvig, without consulting with his colleagues,
decided that this force was sufficient. As Denmark possessed no
bomb-ketches, merchantmen were purchased and fitted up for the purpose,
which considerably delayed the expedition; and Kaas was not able to leave
the Baltic till 1770. On arriving off Algiers, he first hoisted a white
flag, and the dey sent off a Christian consul to ask what he wanted. He
answered that he demanded peace, reparation for injuries inflicted on his
nation, and the expenses of the expedition. The envoy from the Porte,
who was landed, was hardly listened to, because he spoke on behalf of a
master who was engaged elsewhere, and who was not feared. The negotiation
being at once broken off, Kaas began throwing shells into the city, and
firing at the batteries, but with so little effect, that the Algerines,
in mockery, brought their children down to the beach to fire pistols in
reply to the Danish bomb-ketches. After throwing in seventy-four shells,
the admiral held a council of war, in which he showed that the ketches
were too weak for the duty; that the seams were beginning to open; that
the vessels would suffer more harm from the guns of the forts than they
inflicted on the ramparts; and it was unanimously decided that they must
retire to Mahon and refit.
The most important of the cabinet orders issued, however, was the one
that abolished the censorship, and rendered the press perfectly free.
The king--such was the reason given for a decree which entailed terrible
consequences--was of opinion that it was injurious to the impartial
examination of the truth, and prevented the uprooting of antiquated
errors, if honest-minded patriots, who felt anxious about the general
welfare and the true benefit of their fellow-citizens, were unable to
express their views and convictions openly through the press, assail
abuses, and show up prejudices. Hence his Majesty had determined to
introduce unbounded freedom of the press in all the countries beneath his
sceptre, so that, henceforth, no one would be obliged to subject books
and pamphlets, which he intended to print, to the previous examination
and opinion of the censor.
There is but little doubt that Struensee, in passing this law, hoped that
the _gent écrivassière_ would take advantage of it to abuse Bernstorff,
whose downfall took place almost simultaneously. Unfortunately, the
weapons were turned against himself, for the Danes, constitutionally
prone to stand on ancient customs, disliked the innovations, and, above
all, that they were introduced by a German. One great cause of offence
was, that the decrees emanated from the royal cabinet, and cabinet orders
were a rarity in those days; but, indubitably, the chief annoyance
was felt at the decrees being drawn up in German, which language was
henceforth employed in all public proclamations. For, although German was
the language of the court and the nobles, royal orders, which did not
concern the duchies, had hitherto always been drawn up in Danish.
Before the royal pair left Frederiksborg they were present at the
Copenhagen shooting festival, which honour had only been bestowed on
the citizens before by Queen Charlotte Amelia, consort of Christian V.
Caroline Matilda, however, granted the company an even greater honour,
by firing a shot herself and hitting the popinjay, in which her consort
attempted to imitate her, but made a grand miss. While the queen gained
many hearts by her condescension, she aroused quite as much anger by
her free and easy manners. She appeared at this feast in male clothing,
sitting her horse like a man, which created great scandal among the
females. She did so, however, by the special request of her husband,
who hated ceremony, and, according to his peculiar mania, liked his
wife to display her beautiful form. It is certain that riding _en
homme_ soon after became the prevalent fashion among the fine ladies of
Copenhagen.[124]
This was one of the long series of errors that Caroline Matilda committed
in her short career. Indeed, ever since she had become intimate with
Frau von Gähler and the other light beauties who formed her court, a
great change had taken place in her, and a defiant recklessness of
public opinion grieved her best friends, and was a terrible mistake in
so puritanical a country as Denmark. The priests took advantage of the
popular feeling, and many a sarcastic allusion to Jezebel could be heard
from the pulpit. Of course, the freedom of the press found a splendid
opening in abuse of the queen and her supposed minion, and the capital
was soon flooded with the most scandalous attacks on the couple. Ere
long, caricatures, in which the queen and her Cicisbeo were represented
in the most ignoble postures; satires, in which the most disgusting
scenes were described, were spread about the city, and not merely pasted
on the walls, but even in the passages of the palace.[125]
The court next proceeded to Hirschholm for the summer. This palace, only
a few miles from the capital, was the most magnificent of all the royal
residences in Denmark, and has been described as the "culminating point
of the luxury and magnificence that sprang up in the reign of Louis XIV."
Adorned externally with all the nicest French refinements in gardening
and pleasure-grounds, it dazzled the eye within by the profusion of solid
silver intermingled with mother-o'-pearl and rock crystal, with which
not only pictures and looking-glasses, but even the very panels of the
audience-chamber, were prodigally encircled.[126] According to the "Old
Chamberlain," this palace was built by Sophia Magdalena, who demolished
the celebrated old castle, and erected a new palace in the middle of the
lake on many thousands of piles driven into the ground, which was formed
of mould brought from a long distance. A large iron gate, standing open,
between high stone pillars, formed the entrance to a wide alley laid out
upon a dyke, leading across the lake to the palace, which was connected
with the land by this avenue only, and occupied the whole of the square
island in the centre of the lake. Above two low ranges of building rose
a broad Italian wing, with a flat roof in the form of a balcony, and
in the middle of it a prodigious gate tower, terminating at top in a
pyramid, supported by four lions couchant, and surmounted with a royal
crown. Through this gateway could be seen a quadrangular court, in which
a fountain, adorned with marble figures, threw up its jets. Two large
pavilions, at the two extremities of the balcony wing, connected this
with the side wing and inner main wing, while two bridges, one on either
side of the palace, communicated with the gardens and stables. The inner
wing had windows toward the palace yard, as well as toward the south
side of the garden beyond the lake, which was very wide, and separated
the palace from the gardens. Two narrow gravel walks, at the foot of the
broad flight of stone steps, ran along the walls of the palace.
In the gardens was a summer-house, which was used as a temporary theatre
for the diversion of Queen Matilda and her companions; and in another
part was a wooden building called a Norway house, containing landscapes
in relief and imitations of rocks, with wooden cottages perched on
them, and wooden roads. In the gardens were numerous fountains, and the
dining-room was also remarkable for a jet d'eau and twelve fountains
which spouted from the sides.[127]
The style of living at Hirschholm matched with the splendour of the
interior. The usual number that sat down to dinner at the king's table
was twelve, alternately five ladies and seven gentlemen, or seven ladies
and five gentlemen. The king cut a wretched figure on these occasions;
but the queen dressed very superbly, and made a noble appearance. The
king and queen were served on gold plate by noble pages; the marshal of
the palace sat at the foot of the table, the chief lady of the household
at the head; and the company opposite to their Majesties.
A table of eighty covers was provided every day in the chamber called the
Rose, for the great officers of state, who were served on silver plate.
At this table Struensee, Brandt, and their friends and favourites, male
and female, used to dine. The courtiers paid Struensee more homage than
they did the king, and even in these early days of his prosperity it was
noticed that he was growing haughty and imperious; but it would have
needed a stronger head than he possessed to withstand the influences of
his sudden change. But a few years before he had been seriously thinking
of going across the ocean to better his fortunes, and now he was a
confidential intimate of royalty, and honoured with the too favourable
consideration of an amiable and accomplished queen.
While the court was at Hirschholm, the measures were taken to liberate
the party of the new era from their dangerous opponent, Count Bernstorff.
For some time past the premier had seen the efforts made to induce him,
by insult or coarse allusions, voluntarily to retire; and he had seen
equally clearly that his reception from the king was growing more and
more cold. He asked himself the question, whether he should anticipate
his fate or await it. He chose the latter course, and soon after gave
occasion for still greater zeal on the part of those who were preparing
his overthrow. Without heeding Rantzau's promise not to interfere in
the Russian negociations about the exchange of territory, Bernstorff
expressed himself in a report to the king rather freely about the
opponents of the negotiation, and as Rantzau at once learned the fact
from Struensee, he resolved to be avenged. It may be assumed that the
doctor had some share in the count's dismissal, and indeed he did not
deny it afterwards. But he was in an awkward position, for though he
disapproved of Bernstorff's policy, the latter had been his benefactor.
The king, however, was easily persuaded to dismiss his minister, as he
had never liked him.
On September 13, 1770, the king wrote an autograph letter to Bernstorff,
in which he thanked him for past faithful services, but at the same time
intimated that, in consequence of intended changes in the system of
government, he no longer required his advice, and therefore dismissed
him with a pension of 6,000 dollars. Bernstorff was seated at his
writing-table when this letter was handed to him. He read the contents
in silence, and then rose with a look of pain. To Councillor of Legation
Sturtz, who was present, the count said calmly, "I am dismissed from
office," and added, with his eyes raised to heaven, "Almighty, bless
this country and its king!" On October 3 he quitted the capital,
accompanied by Klopstock, who was residing with him. Bernstorff thought
that the most suitable place to which he could retire was his estate
of Borstel, in Holstein, which had come to him through his wife, and
where he allowed his mother-in-law, Frau von Buchwold, to reside. He had
always been received there with open arms, whenever he had found time
to escape from business; and such had been the case in this very year.
As the château was large, and could contain several families, he sent
an upholsterer to get two rooms ready for him. Frau von Buchwold turned
out the upholsterer, and refused to receive her son-in-law, who, through
his facile generosity, had given up his own house to her. The disgraced
minister spent the winter in Hamburg, and the following summer at his
château of Wotersen, in Lauenburg.[128]
Bernstorff's fate aroused general sympathy. It is true that he had
fostered the extravagance of the court, favoured foreigners, and
repeatedly allowed the state to be swindled by projectors. Nor could
he be acquitted of a certain vanity; but still he was a man of noble
character, and honestly desired the welfare of the state. He had
sacrificed a large portion of his fortune in the service of his adopted
country, and the prospect of a permanent peace with Russia was his work.
The incorporation of the ducal estates of Plön, when this line died
out, with the royal portion of Holstein, was owing to his exertions; he
had materially raised the prestige of the kingdom at foreign courts, by
carrying through the profitable free trade, and creating a maritime trade
in the Mediterranean and the Levant. He was a true father to the poor,
and hence we can understand that the whole nation regretted his fall, and
that general respect accompanied him on his departure.
Bernstorff's post as minister of foreign affairs was not immediately
filled up. For this reason, the ministers of the foreign courts were
requested to address the king directly in writing in matters concerning
their courts. The real object of this was to prevent the Russian
ambassador, Filosofow, from causing the king to alter his mind through
personal representations. The intention did not escape Filosofow; he
became terribly excited, and vented his anger in the bitterest complaints
and remarks. He openly threatened the vengeance of his court, and sent
off at once by a courier a full account of the remarkable events he had
witnessed in the course of a few weeks.[129]
Bernstorff's discharge was followed by a great number of others. The
first blow fell on the father-in-law of the ex-favourite, chief
secretary at war, and intendant of the navy, Admiral Danneskjold
Laurvig,[130] a man who was universally despised, and consequently not
a voice was raised against his dismissal. His post was not filled up,
but Vice-Admiral Römeling was appointed first deputy of the Admiralty
College, with immediate reference to the king. In the War Department
important changes also took place. Lieutenant-General Von Hauch lost the
presidency, which was given to Gähler, and Rantzau-Ascheberg was promoted
to be second deputy. In the College of Finances, Privy Councillor Shack
and Count Gustavus Holck were dismissed, and their post was given to Von
Scheel. In the two War Offices a number of dismissals and promotions also
took place.
These changes principally affected individuals, but the new Regent did
not stop with these, and it became more and more clear that he intended a
thorough reform of the administration. But no comprehensive and connected
scheme was drawn up. Conferenzrath Struensee read, as _lecteur du roi_,
letters and proposals for reforms to the king, which he recommended for
further consideration and resolution, but he consulted no one else about
his views. The king, himself, then decided in Struensee's presence what
should be done, and how carried out. At times Struensee laid before the
king proposals drawn up by himself, which Christian either sanctioned or
altered, but wrote his own orders himself. Conferenzrath Schumacher drew
up these orders in an official form, and the king read them all through
once more before he affixed his signature. It was clear that the monarch
chiefly listened to Struensee's propositions, and equally certain that
the bases of reforms in the administration emanated from the latter. The
more important of these reforms were as follows:--
All representations addressed to the king must be in writing, and the
kings decisions would be given in the same way. At the same time persons
would be careful so to draw up the petitions, that they only contained
the material points, and the questions on which the king had to decide
must be plainly and clearly brought forward. In cases where the king
might find it necessary to consult with other persons, he would either
request the opinion of the college in question, or appoint a commission
to investigate the matter, but everything, as far as was possible,
should be settled by the ordinary government organs--the departments.
The colleges would strive, as far as the matter allowed, to treat and
bring forward all affairs in a similar form. As the king in deciding on
matters did not wish to enter into details, but expected it to be done
by the colleges, the latter would urge their subordinates to attend
to this duty and make them responsible for it, so that all government
business might be treated in a similar mode. Lastly, the business of
the several departments would be so kept separate, that each would only
attend to those matters which naturally fell to it, and none would have
an influence over the other. The number of departments would, moreover,
be reduced, so that there would be only one department for each division
of the administration.
As regards the different branches of the administration, the following
rules were laid down concerning foreign affairs: the king had resolved
to strive after no further influence over foreign courts in any matters
that did not affect the position of his own kingdom and the prosperity
of trade. At the same time, the king wished to spare the expense which
numerous first-class embassies at foreign courts entailed. On the other
hand, the king would not allow foreign courts any influence over the
internal affairs of his kingdoms. Although Struensee could not thoroughly
convince himself of the importance of the Holstein territorial exchange
for the Danish monarchy, he was still of opinion that the king must
remain true to the Russian alliance, and create no suspicion at the
court of Petersburg. However, the Russian court must not seek guarantees
in accidental and immaterial circumstances, but solely trust to the
rectitude of the king, of which he had lately given the empress the
most manifest proofs. As regards these ticklish relations Struensee
entertained very different views from Rantzau-Ascheberg, who was of
opinion that Denmark should not lean exclusively on Russia, but draw
nearer to other courts, especially the Swedish.
As regards Sweden, Struensee, speaking through the king, entertained
wise and peaceful sentiments. These were, that the court should get
rid of the disquieting idea that Sweden was necessarily the enemy of
Denmark, gradually retire from officious interference in the affairs
of that kingdom, and, before all, not expend such large sums upon it.
Struensee was also of opinion that France should no longer be treated
with the coldness which had set in when she gave up subsidizing Denmark,
and attempts be made to regain her friendship. The French and Swedish
envoys, Marquis de Blosset and Baron von Sprengtporten, were the only
foreign ministers who paid respect to Struensee during the period of his
grandeur, and the only envoys who appeared at his levees.
When the arguments on these points were ended, the king read through
everything that had been urged by the two advisers of the crown, and
decided in favour of Struensee, though he had previously had no fixed
opinion on the subject.
As regards home affairs, it was decided that everything connected
with the finances of the state should be placed under one college.
Order and economy were recognised as the sole means of relieving the
embarrassed finances, and all enterprises not based on those two
principles were given up. The whole of the state revenue would be paid
into one exchequer, and the requisite sums paid out of it to the
other departments, so that the king might more easily see the state
of his income and out-goings. As a relief for the subjects and the
tax-gatherers, the payments in kind would be converted into payments
in money, in order to promote the industry of the country people, and
prevent the frequent abuses which so often occurred in payments in kind.
The king wished the out-goings for the government to be kept quite
distinct from the private expenditure for the court and royal family.
Factories, which, owing to their nature and the circumstances of the
country, could not exist without assistance, would no longer be supported
by the Treasury, and the support of others would be given in the shape
of premiums, as the king wished to have no partnership in them; and
the same would be the case with commerce. All pensions which appeared
excessive in proportion to the royal income would be reduced. As regarded
the administration of justice, the king would not decide in any matter
till it had been legally discussed by the courts. The number of courts
would be reduced, as everybody, no matter his rank, would be regarded as
a simple citizen in judicial matters. The judges would receive no fees,
but have a settled salary from the Treasury, and trials would take place
more rapidly.
General St. Germain had effected such excellent reforms in the army, that
the king in council proposed to make no change in it, although the system
of recruiting among the natives had not yet been introduced. For the
navy, the sensible regulation was established that its strength did not
consist in the number of vessels, but in those already existing being fit
for sea and properly equipped. It was also of importance that everything
required for a bombardment should always be kept in store. As regards the
court, every superfluity that only served for pomp would be removed, and
only that intended for amusement retained, but it must be borne in mind
that the amusements and court circles would be arranged in accordance
with the taste of the king and queen.
In addition to these general rules for the future administration, there
were several maxims which Struensee often repeated to the king, and
tried to imprint on his weak memory. The principal of them were to the
following effect:--
It was injurious to foster the flocking to court of persons who hoped
to make their fortune there, for it only tended to ruin such persons,
to impoverish the country, and entail losses on the king's Treasury. It
would be better for the nobility to live on their estates if they did
not desire employment, and those who wished for an official appointment
must render themselves fit for it in subordinate posts.[131] Exceptions
to this rule should only occur for valid reasons, and not through favour
or a lengthened residence at court. In giving appointments, the king
must trust to the recommendations of the colleges, and pay no regard to
the requests of courtiers or patronage. The king must issue no decree
by which the privileges of citizens were attacked. His Majesty also, at
least during the first years, must grant no distinctions or titles that
did not agree with the office held by the recipient.[132] Pensions must
only be granted in extraordinary cases, and after long service, and no
alms were to be bestowed on courtiers, but all the more copiously on
those who really needed them. The king must strive to make Copenhagen
great and prosperous, not by luxury and numerous consumers, but by
industry and foreign commerce, so that capitalists might be attracted to
the capital. Improved morals could not be produced by police laws, which
were an encroachment as well on human liberty; for immoral conduct, if it
have no immediate injurious influence on the quiet and safety of society,
must be left to conscience to condemn. The secret vices which force
and oppression entailed were frequently much greater offences against
morality, and constraint only generated hypocrisy.
It cannot be denied that such a system of government, in many respects,
agreed with the principal wants of society and the country at that day.
Still it must be carried out without precipitation, with caution, and a
thorough knowledge of the country and the national character. Two points
in this advice to the king deserve comment, however. In his opinion about
the nobility, Struensee showed himself to be a man who had but slight
confidence in himself, and was more competent to form great schemes
than carry them out. A statesman displays his weakness when he shows
a fear of that class of his fellow-citizens who are able to weigh his
actions properly. In the hands of a wise regent and a clever minister
the service of the nobility must be the principal support of the state,
and not the object of ignoble apprehension. As regards Struensee's views
about morality, and its influence in the welfare of the state, he was one
of those sciolists who derive their principles neither from reason nor
virtue, and who, under the deceptive mask of respect for the rights of
society, give admission to the utmost irregularity.
The general overthrow, which had not spared any class of officials, and
had hurled the highest of them from office, aroused an indescribable
alarm in every mind. The queen dowager quietly watched this terrible
storm from a distance: her dissatisfaction at it was as uncertain
as it was of little consequence; she merely made a point of meeting
those persons, on whom the ruinous blows had fallen, with the greatest
expressions of sympathy and friendship on every occasion. In the
meanwhile, the young queen and her adviser enjoyed the advantages they
had acquired; the confidential union and peace in which they lived was
heightened by the most agreeable amusements, and their happy days were
passed in undisturbed delight. Still they did not forget to insure the
permanency of this state of things, and followed a very cleverly-devised
plan. Struensee, whose far-sighted schemes aimed at getting the whole
royal authority into his hands and the queen's, felt that this was
impossible so long as the power was not brought into one hand, and that
hand must be the king's.
The king was certainly an absolute ruler, but there was a serious
obstacle to the proposed scheme in the traditional respect felt for the
council of state, which had grown, as it were, into a law of custom.
Through Bernstorff's fall the council had certainly received a shock, but
the earnest Thott, the experienced Moltke, and the clever Rosenkrantz,
were still members of it, and possessed numerous partisans. The privy
council aroused a certain degree of reverence, both because it was
established on the introduction of absolutism into Denmark in 1660, and
because it had always consisted of members of the highest aristocracy.
Hence it seemed a serious matter to abolish it all at once, and
Struensee, therefore, resolved upon an expedient.
After Bernstorff's dismissal the privy council was not called together
for eleven days, and on September 24 a royal rescript to the following
effect was sent to its members. As it was the king's wish, the rescript
ran, to have the council of state organised in the best manner, he
requested that on the first occasion of their usual meeting they should
properly consider the matters laid before them, and leave the final
decision to his Majesty, for the privy council, in a monarchical state,
was intended to offer the king all possible assistance in governing. With
respect to this, the king expected the members of the council of state
ever to reflect that in a sovereign state like Denmark the narrowest
limits must be given to subordinate authority, so that there might be
no encroachment on the sovereign power, which was solely represented
by the person of the king. The privy councillors must therefore never
forget that the king did not grant them any power of decision in any
matter that was ventilated, and much less any legislative and executive
authority, and that the council of state was merely established in order
to place the matters intrusted to it for consultation in a clear light,
and lay an opinion before the king. Hence, in judicial matters, no appeal
to the privy council would hereafter be permitted, and the Danish and
German chanceries would henceforth report directly to the king, as would
the departments of foreign affairs and the finances.[133] The privy
council would meet once or twice a week, and when important matters had
to be discussed the king would preside in person, but in his absence the
council would send in a report in writing about its session to the king.
About this period the salt tax was repealed, which had produced great
dissatisfaction among the poorer classes, and even caused an outbreak
in the island of Bornholm. The abolition of this tax was effected at
a time when government had heavy extraordinary expenses to defray on
account of the expedition against Algiers. But Struensee, who, in spite
of all his faults, always thought of alleviating the necessities of the
poor, considered this tax, which only oppressed the lower orders, so
unjust, that he proposed its immediate abolition. Ere long, other reforms
followed.
Although in most of the other Protestant countries the excessive
number of religious holidays had been done away with, they were still
kept in Denmark and the crown lands, and were spent in idleness and
excesses. In consequence, there appeared, on October 26, a decree, which
abolished the previous three days' holiday at Christmas, Easter and
Whitsuntide, Twelfth day, St. John's and Michaelmas days, All Saints,
the Purification, Visitation and Transfiguration of the Virgin Mary,
and the annual Te Deums for the repulse of the attack on the capital
on February 11,[134] and the great fire of October 23. This regulation
caused great annoyance among the large clique of pietists, who considered
the Christian religion deeply injured by the abolition of superfluous
holidays.
On the same day a second cabinet order appeared, which purposed to
prevent the filling up of offices of state by favour and simony, as it
was desired that future candidates should have their abilities subjected
to a strict examination.
It must not be supposed, however, that it was all work and no play at
Hirschholm. The queen became about this time excessively fond of hunting,
and the court, magnificent in everything, kept up three establishments;
and for each of these there was a very costly uniform. That for the
king's stag hunt was a buff coat with light-blue collar and cuffs; the
coat was trimmed all round with silver lace, and lined with blue; the
blue waistcoat was also laced; the breeches were of leather; and the
cocked-hat laced, with a black cockade. The uniform for the hare hunt was
a green velvet coat and waistcoat, leathern breeches, brown top-boots,
and cocked-hat with green cockade. The falcon or hawk hunt uniform was
the most magnificent of all, being crimson velvet, with green cuffs and
collar trimmed with gold lace, leathern breeches, gold-laced cocked-hat,
and green cockade. Matilda, when she hunted, was attired, I am sorry
to say, exactly like a man. Her hair was dressed with less powder, and
pinned up closer, but in the usual style, with side curls, toupet, and
turned up behind; she wore a dove-colour beaver hat with a deep gold
band and tassels, a long scarlet coat faced with gold all round, a buff
gold-laced waistcoat, frilled shirt, a man's neckerchief, and buckskin
small clothes and spurs. She looked splendidly when mounted and dashing
through the woods, but when she dismounted the charm was, to a great
degree, dispelled, for she appeared shorter than she really was; the
shape of her knees betrayed her sex, and her belt seemed to cut her in
two.[135]
But when Caroline Matilda was dressed in the manner becoming her sex,
_incessu patuit dea_, she was every inch a queen. She had grown much
taller and stouter since her arrival in Denmark, and any one who had
not seen her for the last four years would hardly have recognised her.
She was always gay and tasteful in her dress, and combined a happy mean
between London and Paris fashions. Her complexion was exquisitely fair,
and it was a disadvantage to her beauty that the fashions of the day
obliged her to hide the colour and texture of her fine silver tresses
under a load of powder and pomatum. The best description of Caroline
Matilda I have met with, and one which exactly corresponds with the
portraits of her that I have seen, will be found in a work published in
Denmark a few years ago, which, though in the form of a novel, bears
evident traces of being what it represents to be--the "Recollections of
an Old Chamberlain:"--
"Over a marble table hung a portrait in a broad gilt frame. It
represented a lady in a dress of bluish satin, embroidered with gold
and edged with lace, the sleeves and puffs over the full bosom being of
brownish brocade. Round her neck was a closely-strung necklace of pearls,
and similar rings were in her ears. The hair was turned up and powdered;
it occupied a height and breadth which, agreeably to the fashion of the
times, exceeded that of the whole face, and was decorated with a gold
chain, enamels and jewels, entwined with a border of blonde, which hung
down over one ear. The face was oval, the forehead high and arched,
the nose delicately carved, the mouth pretty large, the lips red and
swelling, the eyes large, and of a peculiar light blue, mild, and at
the same time serious, deep, and confiding. I could describe the entire
dress, piece by piece, and the features trait by trait; but in vain
should I endeavour to convey an idea of the peculiar expression, the
amiable loftiness, or lofty amiability, which beamed from that youthful
face, the freshness of whose colour I have never seen surpassed. It
needed not to cast your eye upon the purple mantle, bordered with ermine,
which hung over her shoulder, to discover in her a queen; she could be
nothing of inferior rank. This the painter, too, had felt, for the border
of the mantle was so narrow as to be almost overlooked. It was as though
he meant to say: 'This woman would be a queen without a throne.' But
she was more," the author adds; "she was an angel, and the Danes still
cling with affectionate regard to the memory of the lovely being thus
portrayed."
Although I do not believe entirely in the accounts of the orgies at
Hirschholm, as described by the author of the MS. in "Northern Courts,"
I cannot help allowing that much happened there which offered cause for
regret. The old court had been austere and devoted, the new one became
futile and impious, as the preachers called it. Sunday had been in former
times given to the Lord, and the Saturday employed in preparation for it;
but now these days were purposely selected for pleasure. As if this were
not enough, Brandt was guilty of the inconceivable folly of ascending
the pulpit of the palace chapel and delivering an absurd sermon to the
assembled court. As a fresh amusement, Equerry von Warnstedt got up
horse-races, at which the king offered a prize of 600 dollars. All this
folly naturally strengthened the game of the queen dowager, who, though
she kept quiet, was incessantly on the watch for her opportunity.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 118: Reverdil, p. 159.]
[Footnote 119: In the same way Frederick the Great writes: "L'accès
que le médecin eut à la cour lui fit gagner imperceptiblement plus
d'ascendant sur l'esprit de la reine qu'il n'étoit convenable _à un homme
de cette extraction_."]
[Footnote 120: De Flaux: "Du Danemark."]
[Footnote 121: De Flaux: "Du Danemark."]
[Footnote 122: On this subject, the "Mémoires de Falckenskjold" and De
Flaux's "Du Danemark" may be consulted with advantage.]
[Footnote 123: This and the subsequent royal decrees will be found in
full in Höst's "Struensee's Ministerium," vol. iii.]
[Footnote 124: Colonel Keith writes home: "An abominable riding-habit,
with a black slouched hat, has been almost universally introduced here,
which gives every woman the air of an awkward postilion. In all the time
I have been in Denmark I never saw the queen out in any other garb."]
[Footnote 125: De Flaux: "Du Danemark."]
[Footnote 126: "Memoirs of Sir R. M. Keith," vol. i. p. 199.]
[Footnote 127: "Coxe's Travels," vol. v. Not a trace of Hirschholm now
exists. It was pulled down by order of Frederick VI., and not a stone was
left on the other.]
[Footnote 128: Reverdil.]
[Footnote 129: "Authentische Aufklärungen," p. 59.]
[Footnote 130: A branch of the Danneskjold family, so called from a large
iron foundry belonging to it, the only county in Norway. In Denmark the
family had also large estates in the island of Langeland.]
[Footnote 131: Struensee hit upon a most ingenious plan for driving the
nobles from the capital. He obtained a decree from the king by which
any creditor could arrest his debtor if unable to pay. In a very short
time the first gentlemen in the land were seen flying to their country
seats; among them was Count von Laurvig, a man whose presence caused the
favourite some alarm, and against whom the new law had been specially
directed.]
[Footnote 132: The constitutional, almost democratic government of
Denmark, has sinned grievously against this sensible rule. The late king,
and I dare say the present, appointed surgeons, postmasters, custom-house
officers, &c., councillors of justice, although these gentry understood
nothing of law, and many a shopkeeper or farmer bears the title of war
assessor, war councillor, or chief commissary of war. The reason alleged
for this by the government of Frederick VI. was, that the titled persons
paid a handsome tax to the Treasury.]
[Footnote 133: As the Norwegian language is merely a dialect, but the
written language in both kingdoms is Danish, and the kingdom of Norway
was at that time governed like a mere province, there was only a Danish
chancery for the two kingdoms, and a German one for the duchies and
counties.]
[Footnote 134: Charles X.'s attack of February 11, 1659.]
[Footnote 135: Reverdil and "Northern Courts."]