BOOK V.

The Islands Luzones, or Manilas, which are both of them antient Names,

having been discover'd by Magellan; after his Death, and various

Accidents befallen his Companions, Sebastian [Sebastian Cano the

first that sail'd round the World.] Cano return'd to Spain in that

renowned Ship, call'd the Victory, as it were to express her Voyage,

which is not so likely as true. Sebastian Cano, was born in the Town

of Guetaria, on the Pyrenean Mountains, as we are told by Massæus,

in his Latin History, where he extols Cano's mighty Resolution,

and skill in the Art of Navigation. He tell us with what Respect and

Admiration all Men look'd on him, as the first that went round this

Globe, which is the Habitation of Mortals. And in Truth what value

shall we henceforward put upon the Fabulous Argonauts, Tiphys, Jason,

and all other Sailers, so much celebrated by the Greek Eloquence,

or Vanity, if compar'd with our Cano? He was the first Witness of

the Communication of the two Seas, to whom Nature disclos'd what

she had till then reserv'd for his Discovery, suffering herself to

be entirely lay'd open, as a Beginning of such Bold Enterprizes of

that Law which serves, and renders us Immortal.

[Islands Lusones call'd Philippines.] Magellan being dead, the islands

Lusones, which ought to have inherited his Name for being his Place

of Burial, as the Streight did for his discovering and passing it,

in the year 1565, chang'd theirs for that of Philippines, tho' those

of that Eastern Archipelago bear the same. The Adelantado, or Lord

Lieutenant Michael de Legaspe, sent from New-Spain, by the Viceroy Don

Lewis de Velasco, with a Spanish Fleet arriv'd at these Islands. He

first conquer'd that of Zebu, and its Neighbours, where he spent six

[Legaspe the first Conqueror.] Years. These Islands, as there are

several Names given to divers of those Parts, are call'd Pintados,

because then the Indians went naked, and their Bodies wrought and

painted of several Colours. He left a Garrison there, [Luzon Island

subdu'd.] and went over to possess himself of Luzon, 150 Leagues

from Zebu. He fought the Barbarians, who after the first Surprize,

caus'd by our Arms, Ships, and Countenances, differing from theirs,

was over, were encourag'd by that very Novelty. Legaspe ran into a

Bay, four Leagues over at the Mouth, where is an Island now call'd

Marivelez. The Bay runs thirty Leagues up to the City Manila, and is

eight Leagues over, lying North-West, and South-East. The Inhabitants

of this City oppos'd him with more Bravery than the Pintados; because

they had Cannon, and a Fort, but as soon as they saw that taken by

the Spaniards, they submitted. This was done so expeditiously that

the Country had not time to come in; and thus he enter'd Manila,

a Place strong by Nature. At a Point of it, which is shut in by the

Waters of the Bay, a considerable River empties it self, which rises

in the Great Lake call'd Vay, five Leagues Distant. This Point which

at first is narrow and sharp, presently widens, because the Sea-coast

runs away to the South South-East, and the River West, leaving a most

[Manila City.] spacious Spot for the City, which is all encompass'd

with Water, except that part which lyes to the South-West. Legaspe then

built it of Wood, whereof there is great plenty in those parts. The

Roofs he cover'd, or Thatch'd with the Leaves of Nipa, which is like

our Sedge, or Sword-Grass, and a sufficient Fence against the Rains;

but a Combustible Matter, and the occasion of Great Conflagrations,

which have often hapned.

[Luzon Island describ'd.] Luzon is more Populous than any of the

other Islands, which in Honour of King Philip the Second, were call'd

Philippines, and which some affirm are in Number 11000. The Compass

of Luzon is 350 Leagues. It runs without the Bay 100 Leagues to

the Northward, as far as New Segovia; and from where this Province

commences, which is at Cape Bojador, and 70 Leagues from it, turns

to the Eastward, to the Promontory del Enganno; from thence along

the Coast to the South, 80 Leagues; then turning again to that

they call Embocadero, or the Mouth, being the Streight against

the Island Tandaya, 40 Leagues, and this is 80 from the Bay. So

that it bears the shape of a Square, and in it several Bays, and

few good Harbours. It lyes in 160 Degrees Longitude, reckoned from

the Canaries, the Southermost Part in 14 Degrees of North Latitude,

and the Northermost in 19. On that Side of it lyes China, separated

from it by the Sea 60 Leagues over; and the Islands of Japan, 250

Leagues distant. On the East is the Vast Ocean; on the South is the

greatest of all the Archipelagos, divided into five, and those again

rent into so many Islands, Kingdoms, and Provinces, as if Nature

had resolv'd that Man should never determine their Number. The most

known are the two Javas, our Moluccos, Borneo, and New Guinea. On the

West of Luzon, at 300 Leagues, and greater Distances, lye Malaca,

Siam, Patan, Camboxa, Cochin-china, and several other Provinces on

the Continent of Asia. The Chineses forsook their Habitations in our

Philippine Islands, but not the Trade. Neither did the Worship they

had introduc'd cease, nor their Fertility. [Product, and Trade.]

They produce plenty of Corn, and other necessary Grain; Deer, Cows,

Buffaloes, Goats, and Wild Boars; Fruit, and Sweets; and if any be

wanting the Chincheo Chineses bring it, as they do Porcelane, and

Silks. The Wine they use, and always drank, is drawn from the Palm, or

rather Coco Trees, cutting off the Clusters of the Fruit they produce,

when Green, and taking off the Nipples of them, they gather the Water

that runs from them, and Boil it in Jars, till it becomes so strong,

that it makes Men drunk, in the same manner as the strongest Spanish

Wine. Of its Natural Growth, the Island has Oranges, Lemmons, and

most delicious Citrons; of Spanish Fruit, Figs, and Pears. There

are Numerous Breeds of Sparrow-Hawks, [Birds.] Birds like small

Herons, and Eagles, besides sundry Sorts of Parrots, and other large

and small Fowl. In the Rivers and Lakes there are many Monstrous

Crocodils, or Alligators. These easily kill the Indians, [Alligators.]

and especially Boys, who happen unadvisedly to come where they are,

and the Cattle that goes into the Water to drink. It often happens,

they lay hold of their Snouts, or Noses, and draw them under Water,

where they are drown'd, without being able to defend themselves;

then they drag the Carcass to the Shore, and devour it. An Alligator

being kill'd a whole Buffaloes Head has been found some times in the

Belly, and yet in that Country they are as big as the largest Ox in

Spain. The Alligators lay Eggs as the Tortoises do, about the bigness

of Goose-Eggs, and so hard that they will scarce break, tho' struck

against a Stone with main Force. They are Hatch'd by burying in the

Sand, near the edge of the Water; the moisture whereof, with the Heat

of the Sun forms the young Ones. There are some Indians so brave, that

as fierce as these Creatures [How the Indians fight the Alligators.]

are, they kill them with their Hands. They arm the left up to the Arm

with a Glove of Buffalo's Hide. They hold in it a Stick, or small

Stake, somewhat above a Foot long, and as thick as a Man's Wrist,

and sharpned at both Ends, with which they go into the Water up to

the Waste: The Crocodile makes up to the Indian, gaping to swallow

him, and he holding out his Arm that is arm'd, and the Hand with the

Stake in it, for the Monster to bite at, claps it across his Mouth,

so that he cannot shut it, or make use of his Teeth to hurt him. The

Alligator feeling the hurt of the sharp pointed Stick, is so dismayed

that he neither makes resistance, nor offends, nor dares so much as

move, because the least strugling gauls him. Then the Indian holding

fast the Stake, with a Ponyard he has in his other Hand, Wounds the

Creature so often about the Gills, till it bleeds to Death. Then

he drags it ashore with Ropes and Noozes, many Indians joyning

to draw, and there is need of many, considering the Bulk of those

Crocodiles. They are shap'd like Lizards, but arm'd with such strong

Shells, that a Musket-shot makes little Impression on them, and they

are scarce to be hurt, but only about the Gills, and under their short

Legs, where Nature has plac'd a sort of sweet Odour, which the Indians

make their Advantage of. These Islands, besides the Cattel, produce

all that is found in Africk, as Tygers, Lions, Bears, Foxes, Monkeys,

[Beasts.] Apes, Squirrels, and some of them Abundance of Civet-Cats,

which are much Hunted, in order to be sent into several Countries,

with other Commodities of China; Callicoes, Silks, Porcelane, Iron,

Copper, Steel, [Commodities.] Quicksilver, and many more Yearly

Transported from those Countries. The Religion and Government is

now the same as in Spain; but in those which are not yet subdu'd,

they follow an Extravagant Idolatry; believing the Soul Immortal,

but wandering from one Body to another, according to that ridiculous

Transmigration invented or published by Pythagoras. They are much

addicted to Trade, and forwarded in it by the Commerce with China. The

Philippine People are braver than their Neighbours; the Spaniards

and their Breed do not degenerate from their Original.

An Army was now forming of all these Sorts of People, by Order of the

King, to attempt recovering the Forts of the Moluccos. Don Ronquillo

de Pennalosa was then Governour there; and tho' he had receiv'd some

Intelligence [Ronquillo's Preparations for the Moluccos.] brought him

thence by Spies and Traders, yet not satisfy'd with it, he sent thither

another Soldier. He disguised himself, and being like the Natives

in Countenance, and speaking their Language to Perfection, got to

Tydore. He found our People very earnest to forward that Enterprize,

and that King ready to support it with all his Power. Thence he

pass'd over to Ternate, among Merchants, where he view'd the Forts,

the Shoals of the Harbours; observ'd their Correspondence with the

English, and took notice how they Landed, and Traded in all Safety,

or rather with Authority. Nor was he unacquainted with the Numbers

of conceal'd Christians, who would take up Arms when a seasonable

Opportunity was offer'd, or any other Particular, which belong'd to a

Judicious Spy to enquire into. Hereupon Ronquillo gather'd about 300

Spaniards, and above 1500 Natives [The Forces sent under Sarmiento.]

of the Philippines, with Ammunition, Provisions, and Seamen, and at

the proper Season sent them for the Moluccos in three Great Ships,

and a considerable Number of Small Ones. Peter Sarmiento, a brave

and experienc'd Officer, still living in those Islands, when this

was writ, went as General. He had Courage, and Force to destroy any

of the Enemies that then frequented those Seas. His Majesty had some

time before bestow'd the Government of Ternate, if it were Conquer'd,

on Paul de Lima; and [Paul de Lima rich in the Moluccos.] allow'd

his Brother Francis de Lima to make two Voyages to the Moluccos, in

Consideration of their Services, and those of Henry their Father. Paul

was Marry'd to a Christian, and devout Lady, tho' a Kinswoman to

the King of Ternate, who was not so. For this Reason, and because

he had been possess'd in Ternate, of the ancient Inheritance of the

Villages of Guita, Mofaquia, Mofaguita, Pavate, Pelveri, Sansuma,

Takane, Mayloa, and Soma; and in the Island of Machian of Sabele,

Talapao, Talatoa, Mofabonana, Tabaloga, Tagono, Bobaba, and Molapa;

and in Regard the King of Ternate, had expell'd him most of them,

as also of Bitua in Tydore, and several other Places, he went over

to Manila, as a Banish'd Man, where he confer'd with the Governour,

about the means of facilitating the Conquest, just before it was put

in Execution. His Advice was of use, and he gave it, as one so nearly

concern'd; for besides the Inheritance the King of Ternate wrongfully

with-held from him, he hop'd to recover the Island of Moutil, which

belong'd to his Forefathers. The Enterprize was farther Authoriz'd

by the Presence of Don John Ronquillo, [Don John Ronquillo joyn'd

with Sarmiento.] the Governour's Nephew, who had equal Power with

Sarmiento, both by Sea and Land. If any thing was wanting, they

thought the Defect would easily be supply'd by the Valour of the

Soldiers, the Celerity of the Passage, and the Enemies Surprize;

but the divided Command was an Obstacle to their Hopes.

The Weather prov'd not very cross, yet neither was it so favourable,

as that they could come directly to anchor at Ternate, as would have

been most convenient to deceive the Watchfulness of the Enemy. They

arriv'd at Moutil, and fought a Parcel of Janguas in Sight of

Land; which [Spaniards arrive at and take Moutil.] were taken,

and the Christians in them set at Liberty. Paul de Lima being well

acquainted with the Bays, and there being no sufficient Force in the

Island to withstand a Fleet, it easily submitted, when attack'd in

several Parts. The Natives came out with Palm, Citron, and Clove-Tree

Branches, in Token of Peace, and to beg Pardon. Both were granted,

and Paul de Lima appointed their Lord, tho' his New Dominion turn'd

to little Account, for within a few Days, all the People slipp'd

away, either because they thought themselves safer at Ternate, or

to meet the Enemy, who of Necessity must carry the War over into

that Island, as it happen'd. Here Sarmiento refitted the Ships, and

being over-joy'd with this Success, [Sarmiento in Ternate.] obtain'd

without the Loss of one Man, arriv'd at Talangame, passing amidst

the Enemies Carcoas, which they had fitted out in a Hurry. The King

expected him long before in the Fort, well furnish'd with our Cannon,

particularly the Bastion they had enlarg'd, and call'd Cachil Tulo,

from the King's Uncle, who made it, and these Preparations seem'd to

threaten any Disaster. Our Men landed on that Side, and were oppos'd

by the Ternates; but Night put an End to the Fight, and both Parties

retiring to their Fastnesses, our Cannon was landed, and planted in

the Place, and after such Manner as Paul de Lima directed, and ever

since he commanded it in the Fort of Tydore. The King of this Island

was willing to joyn our Camp, as had appear'd by some of his Actions,

and his Promises to the Ensign Duennas; but he mistrusted the Fortune

of the Spaniards, as if he [King of Tydore dubious.] had not had

sufficient Experience of it. The Opportunity and Fidelity now invited

him, and yet he forbore; his Doubtfulness is thought to have been

prejudicial to the Success. Sarmiento having planted his Cannon,

intrench'd himself, and taking some Prisoners, of whom he learn'd

what Provisions and Amunition the Besieged had, began to press on,

and batter them furiously; yet they were not discourag'd, but answer'd

boldly. It was found convenient to possess the upper Grounds, which

over-looking the Place, tho' they have been since levell'd, our Men

much incommoded the Enemy, and had they continu'd it, that would have

put an End to the War. However there was so much Sickness in the Camp,

that no Remedy [Fort of Ternate batter'd.] was found against it,

but going off so to save themselves for a more favourable Season. The

Succours which came as Duties from Tydore, were very inconsiderable;

the Allies were cold, and all Things weak; what other Causes there

were Heaven knows. It is likely there were some of [The Siege raised.]

more Moment, for in short the Army broke up, and reimbark'd for Manila,

without doing any thing but adding to the Enemies Resolution.

At that Time, only the English Nation disturb'd the Spanish

Sovereignty in those Eastern Parts; for this Reason, King Philip was

desirous, not only for the present to curb them by Force of Arms,

but to make them an Example to all other Nations, that they might

not spread themselves abroad to attempt such Invasions, as we are

Eye-Witnesses to. This Work was undertaken in the Year 1588, but

first happen'd what we are now to [State of Affairs in Europe.]

relate. Queen Elizabeth of England, after a tedious Imprisonment,

beheaded Mary Stuart, Queen of Scotland, for some Politick Reasons,

or Fictions. The then King of Scotland, and since of England also,

Son to the Martyr, arm'd his People, strengthen'd his Garrisons,

and invaded the Dominions of the Enemy, who had caus'd him to be

Motherless; and more particularly the Marches about the River Tweed,

and those of Anandale, water'd by the River Solway. The Queen call'd

Home the Earl of Leicester, who was in Holland, appointed him General,

and War broke out in all those Northern Provinces, with apprehensions

of greater to ensue. [Queen Elizabeth's Practices.] After many Events,

which do not belong to this Place, Queen Elizabeth strengthned her

Alliance with the Dutch, encouraging those Provinces to persist in

their Disobedience to the Church, and to King Philip, and advising

them, since the King had forbid them trading in all the Rest of

his Dominions, to go over into India, there to raise Commotions,

and rob him of the Spice. The more safely to compass her Designs,

she supported the Flemmings Obstinacy, flattering herself with the

Hopes of a new Monarchy, for the acquiring whereof, she propos'd to

make use of the Wealth yearly brought from the North and South Seas,

for Spain, the Robbing of which had already made an Addition to her

Power; as also of the Factories erected for Trade in the Moluccos,

Banda, Sumatra, Ceylon, and the two Javas; where she kept Garrisons,

in order to convert the Friendship into Sovereignty.

King Philip, whose great Soul ever entertain'd both Forbearance, and

[King Philip's mighty Fleet.] Counsel, resolv'd to cut off the Heads

of this Hydra at the Neck they all sprung from. He gather'd, for the

Conquest of England, the mightiest Fleet that has been seen on the

Ocean in our Days. Twenty Thousand fighting Men were put aboard tall

Ships, besides 9000 Sailors, with 1730 Pieces of Cannon, Abundance

of Ammunition, and Pikes and Fire-Arms for the Catholicks, who it

was hop'd, as soon as they saw the Spanish Colours, would joyn our

Army. Don Alonso Perez de Guzman, Duke of [And Army against England.]

Medina Sidonia commanded in Chief, and was to joyn the Prince of Parma,

then Governour of Flanders, who had Commission to raise another Army

of 30000 Horse and Foot, with the Necessary Provisions and Ammunition,

which he was to transport at a fit Season to that Point of England,

where the Thames falls into the Sea, to march thence to London,

and there Arm the Catholicks. But it was first requisite to beat the

English at Sea, where they were then powerful, and well acquainted with

the proper Times to sail and keep at Home. At the least they were to

be terrify'd, that they might not dare to obstruct the Passage of the

Troops, the Prince of Parma had in readiness at Dunkirk and Newport,

or hinder their embarking, when the Spanish Fleet should come thither

to waft them over. This Fleet sail'd from Lisbon on the 19th of May,

1588, and as soon as out [They suffer by Storms.] suffer'd much by

the Weather, so that three Gallies were cast away, on the Coast of

Bayonne. Abundance of the powder blew up; and the General was oblig'd

to return to Corunna, to refit; whence he could not get out till the

2d of July.

Being come into 48 Degrees of Latitude, he sent away Don Lewis de

Guzman to give Advice to the Prince of Parma, and on the last of the

same [Arrive at the Lizard.] Month arriv'd himself at the Lizard,

in Cornwall, where he lay by, and was certainly inform'd, that

all the Enemy's Ships, being fifty in number, lay in Plymouth. The

English Admiral at Break of Day discover'd ours, [Spanish Shiptaker.]

and tho' he wanted neither Strength, nor Experience in Sea Affairs, he

resolved to draw off and avoid ingaging, but his Ships being lighter

incommoded us in the Rear. In the Catholick Fleet, a great Ship of

Guipuscoa blew up, and another of Andaluzia spent her Main-Mast, in

which Distress, two English Ships attacking her, and those afterwards

seconded by others, in one of which Sir Francis Drake was, they took

her. There Don Pedro de Valdes, a Spanish Commander of known Valour,

and then Lieutenant General, was made Prisoner, with whom they sent

to Plymouth, a great Quantity of Crown Pieces, and fifty Great

Guns. About 400 Spaniards were kill'd, and taken. On the 2d and

4th of August, the Lord Howard, and Drake joyn'd their Squadrons,

some write they had an hundred Sail, all well Mann'd, and light,

with which they infested ours, which were heavy, and encumber'd,

particularly the Portuguese Galleon, call'd the S. John, being the

greatest in the Fleet, and in it were John Martinez de Recalde, the

Count de Paredes, the Marques de la Favara, and other Commanders

of Note. However they got to the Isle of Wight, whence the Duke

sent away two Messengers to the Prince of Parma, who was then at

Brussels, desiring he would furnish him with Powder and Ball, for

the Defence of the Fleet, and imbark what Troops he had ready. But

he, either prevented by invincible Obstacles, or for other Reasons,

which have left that Princes Reputation [Disappointment of the Fleet.]

expos'd to Censures, mov'd so slowly, that what had been so maturely

concerted took no Effect. The Enemy boasting, that the Sea and Winds

had fought against us, in Vindication, as they said of their Cause,

made publick Rejoycings, firing their Cannon; and soon after the Queen

put forth a Proclamation to the same Effect, against which a certain

English Religious Man writ learnedly, by the Name of Andrew Philopator.

The Dutch who were in Confederacy with Queen Elizabeth, seeing this

Success, were encourag'd to aspire to greater Matters, renouncing

their Religion, and their Sovereign, attempting to usurp the Treasures

of the East, [The Dutch aspire.] Mines, Spice, Drugs, and Silks,

as appears by their bold Voyages, wherein they have endeavour'd to

follow the fresh Examples of the English, and the ancient set them

by Columbus, Albuquerque, Magellan, Gama, and Cortes, as we shall see

hereafter. But, both they and the English, if they try the Justice of

their Cause by the Success of that Fleet, must be oblig'd to prefer

the Cause of the Gentiles, when God for his Secret Judgments permitted

his own chosen People to be over-thrown. Destruction is more glorious

than Prosperity; and a religious Soul will rather chuse to be cast

down than Victorious, if an angry God is to give it the Victory.

After this Santiago de Vera govern'd the Philippine Islands, and by

special Order, arm'd against Ternate, where the English from that

Time traded [Another Expedition from the Philippines.] with all

possible Security. All Nations had settled Factories except the

Javaneses and Lascarines. Above 2500 Mahometans from Mecca preach'd

their Abominations. They fear'd nothing from Portugal, all their

Apprehension was from the Spaniards, who were newly ingag'd to seek

Revenge. The King of Ternate well knew that Sarmiento and Ronquillo

would have taken it, had not Diseases prevented them. When the News

of fresh Preparations came to Tydore, it was carry'd over by Spies to

Ternate. That King presently call'd together his Subjects, especially

the Islanders of Machian and Homer, who came in 40 Carcoas, because

their Islands were very populous. The Number had been greater, but

that the [King of Ternate prepares.] King would not suffer more

to be fitted out than he demanded, for he could not conceal his

Fear that they would rebel, those Parts being full of Christians,

and the Taxes he laid on the People intolerable. Santiago de Vera

appointed John Morones General, who wanted not for Conduct, nor his

Men for Valour, nor the Fleet for Cannon and Ammunition. But whether

Natural Ambition, or any other Accident was the Occasion of it, there

were such Divisions among them, that they had sufficient Grounds to

mistrust the Event, before they left Manila. They set sail with fair

Weather, and pass'd the greatest Dangers of the Sea, and when they

thought themselves safest, all the Elements seem'd to conspire against

the Fleet. They lost the Light, and their Reckning, the Vessels were

shatter'd, and the greatest of [Spanish Fleet loses a great Galleon.]

them sunk, and all the Men lost. This was the Galleon S. Hellen,

which carry'd the Guns to batter the Fort, and many other Necessaries

and Stores. For all this, they insisted upon proceeding, and the King

of Bachian assisted them with what Forces he had rais'd, under Colour

of clearing the Sea of some Enemies; and being a Christian baptiz'd,

lamented his departing from our holy Faith, on Account of Persecution,

and promis'd the Restitution of his Soul.

[Spanish General refuses the best Advice.] The Weather growing calm,

when they were in Sight of Ternate, the Carcoas durst not stand them,

but fled at the first Discharges, which they can do without receiving

any Damage. Therefore the two Kings, and Paul de Lima, advis'd to fall

on in several Places. Ferdinand Boto Machado, Captain of a Galleon,

was of the same Opinion; but the General suspecting the former,

on Account of his Affinity, and the latter for the Friendship he

had lately contracted with the King of Tydore, whom he was not well

satisfy'd with, would not follow their Advice; alledging, That it

was not convenient, by dividing the Forces, to weaken them more than

the Storm [Besieges the Fort of Ternate.] had done. He laid Siege

to the Fort, but the Besieged being acquainted with the Condition

of our Troops, oppos'd all their Assaults courageously, and scoff'd

and laugh'd at the insignificant Batteries. However our Men, whom

the Storms had depriv'd of Necessaries for that Work, vented their

Spleen upon the Javanese. These valu'd themselves upon sallying out to

Skirmish, being distinguishable by their Arms, and manner of drawing

up. The Spaniards handled them so roughly, that they did little more

during the War. Some Months were spent in Fruitless Attempts, and if

they had attack'd the Country, but a Culverine-Shot short of the Fort,

at the Bay of Limathao, and march'd thence to attack the Fort behind,

as the most understanding desir'd, it had been of good Consequence. But

the General Morones, putting all upon Experience without Forecast,

was satisfy'd with fronting next the Sea, doing much Harm, which was

caus'd by that first, and obstinate manner of attacking; and that gave

Way for Succours to go into the Natives, at other landing Places, tho'

thirty Men at a small Distance might have prevented it. This both the

Kings maintain'd, whose Valour, which ought to be commended even in

Enemies, if our General had pleas'd, might have given Success to this

Undertaking. Besides that experience has shown that fifty Spaniards

have done as much upon Occasion, as whole Roman Legions well arm'd

and disciplin'd.

Morones now perceiving that neither his Arms, nor his Proposals had

[Sends some Men to the other Fort.] any effect upon the Rebels, he

resolv'd to pass over some of his Men against the other Fort, which,

tho' seated on a Ground of difficult Access, seem'd to be pregnable,

because built in Haste, a League from the former on a steep Hill. On

the Land Side of it is the Mountain, and on the Back a Lake, and is

of no use, because it does not defend the City, which is open, and is

[Javanese Ships burnt.] only regarded for being near the old Fort. Our

Men went on chearfully, and the Defendants receiv'd them as well firing

their Cannon, which gave a Check to the Spanish Fury. Those in the

other Fort, tho' they made little use of Fire-Arms, being compell'd

by Necessity, ventur'd to sally out to the Shore. To draw them to

this Resolution, some of our Men on a sudden set Fire to the Junks,

in which a great Number of Javanese Indians had come thither. The

Vessels, which were old blaz'd up, without any Obstruction from those

who guarded them, but they referr'd the Remedy to their Weapons. They

were in all about 3000 fighting Men, 1000 of them had Muskets, whereof

200 were expert at them; the rest neither Pikes, nor Lances, nor any

other long sort of Arms, but only those they call Toranas, about a

Fathom in Length, like Darts, and some like Arrows, which they cast by

main Strength, with Canes and Strings, wherewith they unexpectedly

wound unarm'd Men in Fight; because they fly not out of a Bow,

but are thrown strait forward, or over their Heads. Others had only

their Campilanes, or Cymiters, and Shields. Many of them fought the

more obstinately, confiding in their Coats of Mail, and Head-Pieces,

bought of the Portugueses; but as soon as they clos'd with our Men,

they broke their Order, and lost Courage. This Accident prov'd a very

great Obstacle, because it diverted our Men from their double Design

of pressing both Forts at the same Time, so that the very Commanders

were forc'd to ingage. Morones knew how to behave himself upon all

Occasions, and the Spaniards made such a Slaughter, that almost all

the Javaneses lay upon [Bloody Victory gain'd by the Spaniards.]

the Spot. Those in the Forts had not the Courage to fall in upon

the Rear, tho' they pour'd a Volley upon the Forces of Tydore and

Bachian, but with little Harm. This Victory was not gain'd without

Effusion of Blood, yet they took Heart to hope for one more compleat,

at the Arrival of the Galeon from India, and believ'd that Addition

of Strength would make amends for what they lost in the Storm.

The Galeon arriv'd at Tydore, better provided to carry on the Trade,

than the War. For this Reason, and because many of our Men were Sick,

or Wounded, Morones was oblig'd to raise the Siege, and dismiss those

Kings, [The Siege rais'd.] to whom he afterwards sent Presents

of Spanish Commodities, some Horses and Silks. It was since known

that tho' the Ternates will endure much Hardship, they were then

so near press'd, that Hunger must have subdu'd them, could our Men

have stay'd a little longer. They embark'd in Sight of the Enemy,

who presently appear'd in the Field rejoycing, with Musick, and other

Tokens of Victory. The Asiatick Traders resorted to their Ports, and

others from Europe, but particularly their new Friends the English,

with whom they communicated the Joy of their Success.

They never made a good use of Peace and Quietness at Ternate, as

soon as [Notable Practices.] that was now restor'd, the King was

again at Variance with his Unkles; which Fortune so improv'd as

to furnish an Opportunity that might have been advantageous to our

Designs, had not she thwarted it. Cachil Mandraxa was the noblest of

Sultan Aerio's Sons, as born of the Queen they call Putriz, which is

the Chief. His Father would have had him succeed in the Throne, but

was disgusted at a Boldness which does not use to be mislik'd among

Politicians. Cachil Mandraxa was desperately in love with Filola,

his Niece, Daughter to the King his Brother; and that Princes did not

refuse her Unkles Courtship. The Father one Day found them talking

together, in the Apartment reserv'd only for himself; and tho' he

was satisfied their Conversation was within the Bounds of Decency,

took such an Aversion, that he depriv'd him of the Succession. The

illegitimate Nephew Reign'd, against the Will of all the Unkles, who

were near conspiring [Subtilty of the King of Ternate.] to kill him;

but the subtle King knew how to disappoint their Designs, and secure

himself without discovering the Contrivance. He call'd Cachil Mandraxa

to him, and repeating all past Distates, told him, how desirous he

was to remove all manner of Jealousies by a perfect Reconciliation,

which he thought might be done by means of the Princess Filola, and

since there was such a good Correspondence between them, all the Rest

would be easie. However before he gave her to him to Wife, he must

reflect that she was promis'd to the King of Tydore, to whom he was

not willing to administer fresh Causes of War, or to be the Occasion

of interrupting that short Tranquility they enjoy'd. That since all

they discours'd there would remain in their Breasts, he would have him

to take his Advice. Mandraxa was beside himself, with that unexpected

Satisfaction, and yet had he been truly Master of himself, he might

easily have seen thro' the Fraud of that pleasing [His crafty Words.]

Change in his Condition, wherein he found the King so much his Friend,

who but just before had been his Enemy. He thank'd him for the Favour,

and putting his whole Dependance on the Words of his Mouth, desir'd

he would give him the Advice he spoke of. The King answer'd, I have

contriv'd a Way, which will satisfie you, and the King of Tydore will

have no Cause to complain. For the attaining of both these Ends, I

will keep Council, as is requisite, and do you any Night steal away

the Princess, the Way you shall best like, so it be with Regard to

my Reputation, and in all Respects giving such outward Tokens, that

all Men may believe it was open Violence, and no Contrivance, or at

least known to me, I, on my Side, will pretend to be very Angry, and

will complain of the Injury as loudly as is requisite to satisfie the

World of my Innocence. For why should I, Unkle, wish for the Felicities

of this World, but to make them common to our Family? I will retain

the Cares of the Crown, and do you enjoy the Satisfaction the Kingdom

affords. Mandraxa could not forbear Weeping for Joy, he fell down at

his Nephew's Feet and kiss'd them, without disguizing any thing of his

Passion, yet suppressing the Joy of his new Hopes, the best he could,

he found Means to acquaint the Princess, and to appoint the Hour,

Place, and Confidents for exposing herself to be stolen away.

To this Purpose they pitch'd upon a Garden, which looks out upon

the Sea, adorn'd with its Natural Trees, whence the Ships are seen,

and among them, on the Day prefix'd they spy'd a Carcoa, with all the

Men that Row'd curiously dress'd and they and the Soldiers wearing

Garlands, plainly show'd the Design of their Voyage, tho' they row'd

without the Musick they use to have at other Times. Mandraxa and a

small but brave Number of his Friends landed as silently, and they

after the manner of Talasio, and the [Cachal Mandraxa steals the

Princess Filola.] ancient Romans, when they forc'd away the Sabine

Women, laid Hold of Filola and the Rest, and run them aboard with

all possible Speed, conveying them to a strong Place in the Island,

where having fortify'd himself, like a Soldier, Mandraxa devote

himself to Love. Fame the utter Enemy to Secrecy divulg'd the Fact,

and convey'd it over to the King of Tydore's Ears, with the King of

Ternate's Complaints. He magnify'd the Affront, and every Man spoke

of it, according to his own Notion. The King who had contriv'd it, and

by whose Breath all the Machines of that Tragedy were mov'd assembled

the prime Men of his Kingdom, most of them Enemies to the deluded

Mandraxa, and ask'd their Assistance and Advice in so notorious a

[Base falsehood of the King.] Violence, and pretending extraordinary

Concern. They all Voted to a Man, that it was absolutely necessary to

make such an Example as might deter others from the like. When the

Consultation was over, the King dispatch'd Messengers to his Unkle,

intreating him to repair to Court to stop ill Mouths by fair Means, and

appease the Neighbouring Princes. Cachil Mandraxa made no difficulty

to obey, as well knowing that none of his Actions had been contrary

to the King's Orders. Only the Princess advis'd the Contrary; for tho'

young, as little above 20 years of Age, she was better acquainted with

her Brother, and well knew he never kept his Faith, particularly with

his own Family, and that he could not have any Kindness for them as

being jealous of the Crown. Mandraxa made no Account of all that,

but went to Court, and enter'd the Palace attended by his Family,

and relying on the King's Promise, but more especially on the secret

Mystery of that Affair, known only to them two, Unkle and Nephew. When

he came to kiss the King's Hand, he looking as stern as if he had not

advis'd the stealing of the Princess, said he knew not what Course

to take upon so notorious an Affront offer'd to his Crown and Palace,

but to cut off his Head. Mandraxa thinking at first that had been all

Counterfeit, and according to what had been agreed between them, when

he perceiv'd [He murders Mandraxa.] it was barefac'd falsehood, would

have spoke loud in Defence of his Innocence; but was not permitted,

and the King making a Sign to a Sturdy Black he had prepar'd for that

Action, he drew his Cymiter, and hew'd him down barbarously. The poor

Prince fell, without being reliev'd by any Man; for at that Time his

Brothers Cachil Tulo, and Cachil Sufur were not at Ternate, the former

being Governor, the latter Admiral. Nor did they come to Ternate in a

long Time after, tho' they look Care to protect the Widow Princess,

who was left with Child, and afterwards brought forth Cachil Amida,

who dy'd Young.

The whole Truth of this Matter was soon known, with all its

Particulars, and Circumstances; and the Cachiles conferring together,

Tulo resolv'd to go over to the Service of King Philip, to which

Purpose, when [The King's Unkles conspire against him.] Duarte Pereyra

was Commander in Chief at Tydore, he went thither to treat with him,

and with Antony de Matos, who went first for the same End to Bachian;

but forasmuch as what was concerted among them, will better appear

by the Letter Cachil Tulo sent from Tydore to the Governour Santiago

de Vera, we will here insert it, translated From the Malaye Language,

by the King's Naguatatos, so they there call the Interpreters.

[Cachil Tulo's letter to the Governor of the Philipines.] Cachil Babu,

my Brother, late King of Ternate, writ to the King of Portugal,

to desire he would do him Justice, upon a Man, who murder'd his

Father and mine; upon receiving which Satisfaction, he would again

deliver the Fort of Ternate to his Majesty, it being then out of his

Possession, His present Majesty succeeding in the Throne of Portugal,

answer'd my Brother's Letter, by Cachil Naique, his Embassador; but

when he return'd my Brother was dead, which was the Reason we did not

then deliver up the Fort, because a Bastard Son had succeeded him,

being proclaim'd King by the People of Ternate, with the Assistance

of the King of Tydore, tho' he had no Right to it. He would not

perform what his Father had promis'd, and he was oblig'd to; nor

follow the Advice given him by me, and by my Brother Cachil Mandraxa,

the rightful Heir of the Crown; which was that he should deliver up

the Fort, as his Father had promis'd, to the Portuguese; and this,

not because he could not defend himself against them, and his Majesty;

but expresly because his Father, and my Brother had so order'd; for

we did not suppose it could be taken from us by Force of Arms; but we

knew it was his Will to serve his Majesty, by delivering up the Fort

to him. He finding we persisted in this Opinion, resolv'd to murder

my Brother, and his own Unkle, the true Heir of the Crown, cutting

him in Pieces, by the Hands of a Slave, when he came upon his Word,

and had his Security and mine. Wherefore considering the Injustice

of my Nephew upon this Occasion, and that he will not perform what

his Father, my Brother and I promised to his Majesty, I am resolv'd

from this Time forward, to become his Majesty's sincere Subject and

Servant. And I do by these Presents, oblige my self, and swear by my

Law, at I did swear; and do not depart from it, to the Father Vicar

Antony Ferreyra, to give all my Help and Assistance, towards the

taking of the Fort, with all my Kindred and Friends, till it shall be

in the Possession of his Majesty's Commander, or whosoever shall come

with the Portugueses, or Spaniards that attend him; upon Condition,

that the Commander, or Commanders, shall, in his Majesty's Name,

perform what Duarte Pereyra, the Commander in chief promis'd me and

sign'd for him, I having given him a Counterpart; which is, that I

shall be proclaim'd King of Ternate, as soon as Possession is taken of

the Fort for his Majesty; both in regard it belongs to me in Right of

my Father, and of the Service I now do, and hereafter hope to do his

Majesty. I therefore beg it as a Favour of your Lordship, and require

you in his Majesty's Name, that you take Care to send the greatest

Number of Men you possibly can, and with the greatest Expedition; to

the End that this my Intention, and Will to serve his Majesty herein

may be effectual, which I hope will be without the Expence of Lives;

notwithstanding the Fort is well fortify'd, as your Lordship may have

been inform'd. The Commander in chief, will write to your Lordship,

what Season and Order those Forces are to observe. Given at Tydore,

to which Place I am come to this Intent, as will be testify'd by the

Father Vicar Antony Ferreyra, and the Judge Antony de Matos, whom,

as Persons of such Note, I desir'd to sign for me. May the 23d.

[Nunno Pereyra's Perswasions to the same Governor.] At the

Bottom of the Letter, the Vicar and Matos certify'd his Hand and

Subscription. With this came another very long one, wherein Duarte

Pereyra gives the Governour a more ample Account of what is here

deliver'd briefly, representing to him the Opportunity offer'd in

forcible Terms. He tells him that Mandraxa a little before his Death,

had propos'd the same thing to him, that his Brother Tulo now did;

and that they were desirous to fulfill what they promis'd Nunno

Pereyra. That the Island of Machian, the most fruitful in Clove,

Espous'd the Party that was against the King. That they could no longer

endure their Oppression. He perswaded him to Arm 400 Spaniards, if

they were come from Mexico, and to Ship them off for the Expedition

upon Ternate, giving out, that they were going to clear those Seas

from Javaneses, whose Friendship the People of Ternate value more than

they do ours. That besides the good Success he expected by the Help

of those Forces, they would at least secure those Ports against the

English, the People of Ternate having always a Fleet in Readiness. That

the Enterprize might succeed with Fifteen Frigates, and one Galeon,

provided they went to stay a Year at the Moluccos, and brought a Number

of Philippine Pioneers. He says, the Javanese Ships are less than the

Frigats, and there are Forty Soldiers in each of them, who lye Aboard

Eight Months, and live a Year upon 300 Bushels of Rice. That in Case

the Frigates could not hold the Men, they should bring some Junks,

which are necessary Vessels to Transport Provisions from the Islands of

Burro and Bachian. He complains of the King of Tydore's ill Behaviour,

and his Avarice; of Sancho de Vasconcelos, and James de Azambuja,

who built the Fort of Tydore in an ill place. He commends the King of

Bachian, and says he in private lives like a Christian. Among these

Things he intermixes many more, all of them tending to perswade the

Expedition of Ternate, to blot out the last Disgrace, without any

Expence to the King, through Cachil Tulo's Contrivance.

The Governour receiv'd this Dispatch, and he would willingly have put

it in Execution immediately; but as it went on slowly, and the Death

[The Projects for executing the Design.] of Cachil Tulo happened in

the mean while, it was requisite to delay the Design, and attend to

the Preservation of the Philippine Islands, against the Machinations

of the Chineses and Japoneses, against whose Robberies and Burnings

they are never secure. Each of these Attempts harass'd the Province

with the Expence of Treasure, and Power, so that there was a necessity

of breathing to recover both. It was thought the most proper Advice

to joyn from the Philippines and Malaca, with equal Force, coming

from both Parts to Arm in the Moluccos, which was the Boundary of

both Provinces. This took Effect some Years after, Captain Andrew

Furtado coming from Malaca, of whose Actions it will be proper to

begin to speak to give a Reputation to his Person.

Andrew Furtado de Mendoza might have Ennobled his Family, had it

[Andrew Furtado his Actions.] not been of antient Quality. He was the

Terror of those Eastern Parts, where he serv'd the King ever since

the Year 1576, subduing Barbarous Nations. In the Year 1587 he was

the Governour of the Fort of Rachol, till he came to have that of

Malaca. Whilst he was in the first, some Villages of Gentiles rose

up against the Ministers of the Church, disturbing Christianity

with Warlike Disorders. Furtado pacify'd them with Severity, and

his Authority. In 1591 Furtado was Commander of the Portuguese

Soldiery in that Archipelago, and was very earnest to employ them

in the Recovery of Ternate; but was hinder'd by other Wars, which

he concluded Victoriously. In August that same Year, he was inform'd

that Eighteen Galeons had put out of Cunnal, Commanded by Cutumaza,

assisted by Raju, with a Design to Besiege the Fort of Ceylon. This

Cutumaza had the Year before Burnt a Ship of ours, Sailing for China,

and made dismal Havock on the Coast of Coromandel. Furtado went out

in Search of the Enemies Fleet, and by the way reliev'd the Fort of

Ceylon; and on the Coast of Malabar he met three Ships Bound from Mecca

for Cunnal. He fought them, and Sunk two, the Sea running so high,

that the Vessels which Row'd could not attack them. The other after

a long Dispute yielded to him. This Victory was a sufficient Revenge

for the Burning of our Ships. Continual War is maintain'd in these

Parts, which Neighbour upon Malaca; and that in Ceylon never ceases,

contrary to the Advice of Persons that are well acquainted with India;

because the best Product of that Island being the Cinnamon, a Commodity

of less Durance than the Mace, Clove and Pepper, they look upon almost

all the expence laid upon Ceylon, as good as thrown away. Besides that

the greatest Commanders are employ'd in suppressing the continual

Rebellions of those most inconstant People, without stretching out,

at least as far as the Moluccos, by their Absence encouraging their

Tyranny, and giving Opportunity to Nations that are our Enemies to

fix themselves in our Forts.

[Ceylon describ'd.] Ceylon is one of the most Remarkable Islands In

the World, and the most fruitful. It lies opposite to Cape Comorin,

Nobly Inhabited, and cultivated. In it grow all Plants, known in

all other Parts of the World, Nutmegs, Pepper, Cinnamon, and the

most Excellent call'd Mosyllion grows in this Island. Here is Wild

and Garden Fruit, Spanish Figs, and Grapes, and the best Oranges in

all Asia. There are whole Woods of mighty Palm-Trees. The Variety of

Flowers, would take up much Time to describe it; as also of Grain

known to us, Wheat, Rice, and Flax, of which and their Cotton,

they make wonderful Webs. It has all sorts of Precious Stones,

Gold, Silver, Steel, Tin, Iron, and Seed Pearl. Several [Product.]

Christaline Rivers, and Fountains moisten it, with delightful and

Medicinal Waters, of Excellent Qualities. And among the rest there

are Springs of Liquid Bitumen, thicker than our Oyl, and some of pure

Balsam. There are Burning Mountains continually blazing, and casting

out Clods of Brimstone among the Crags of the Hills; where there are

Groves [Birds.] of Tall Trees, on whose Branches are to be seen all

sorts of Birds that fly in other Parts of the World, and among them

our Turkys, Wild Hens, [Beasts.] and Pidgeons. It abounds in Deer,

Wild-Boars, Tygers, Lions, and [Elephants.] Elephants of so Noble

a Kind, that all others submit to them. Those that are bred in this

Island have such an Extraordinary Natural Instinct, that it verifies

what Aristotle, Plutarch, Athenæus, Ælian, Pliny, and others, who

have Writ Natural History testifie, and is, that whether it proceeds

from Knowledge, or Habit, they partake of the Wit, Sense, and even of

the Prudence of Men. We are told they have so much Sense of Honour,

that they will not go Aboard a Ship, if they imagine they are carry'd

to serve Princes in strange Countries, and that they obey, if their

Owners swear they will bring them back to their own. That they

are concern'd at abusive Words given them. That they pay a sort of

Religious Respect to the Sun and Moon. That they remember such Things

as they conceive; and Gellius perswades us we may believe, that at

Night they bewail their Servitude with doleful Complaints; and if any

Man happens to come near in the Height of their Lamentation, they with

shame suppress their Sighs; and in short, they seem feasible of the

Iniquity of their Fate. In this Country it is their Part to load and

unload Ships, the Weight of Commerce, whether Arms, Metals, Provisions,

or other Commodities whatsoever hanging on their Teeth, or lying on

their Necks. They are more willing to carry Arm'd Men on their Backs,

in great Castles built to that purpose. They serve the Chingalas, not

as they did in Rome at publick Shows, but in Battel, as they did the

Carthaginians, and afterwards the Romans. The People of Ceylon believe

their Country is the Terrestrial [Opinion that Paradise is in Ceylon.]

Paradise. They call the Top of a certain Mountain Adam's Point,

and on it, they say, is to be seen the Print of his Foot, and that

there he did Pennance. Upon this Belief, the Jogues, who are penitent

Pilgrims, visit that Point, where they affirm there grows a thick Tree,

of an indifferent [Strange Tree.] Height, with small rough Leaves,

of a dusty Colour, the Bark Ash-colour'd, which in the Night shines,

and dispells Darkness. Under Colour of this Superstition, all the

Gangs of strowling Players or Actors, come [Players.] out of this

Island, and travel throughout all India, representing their Fables,

with odd Gestures, and Dancing to little Flat Tabors, Bag-pipes, and

Rattles of small Bells. Abundance of Pearls are found about it. The

Gold and other Metals are kept untouch'd in the Mines, by publick Law,

and yet notwithstanding this Precaution, they are not free from War

and Oppression. The Natives are call'd Chingalas, and resemble the

Malabars in Customs and Countenances. They have broad Noses, but are

not so black, and go naked, but not to immodesty. Formerly they had

but one King, who was dispossess'd by Force, and Treachery, and the

Kingdom [King's expell'd.] divided among many. Division having thus

weaken'd them, a Barbarian, call'd Raju, tyrannically expell'd the

King's the Island; one of whom was by the Magnificence of the Kings

of Portugal bred at Goa.

Raju was a subtle Soldier, and jealous even of those that supported

him. He had some Years before, besieg'd the Fort of Columbo, with a

great Body of Foot, Elephants and Horse. Andrew Furtado being in search

of the Enemies Fleet, in Prosecution of his Revenge for the Ships

lost, to relieve [Furtado relieves Columbo.] the Fort of Columbo,

doubled Cape Comorin, thro' the Streight of Ceylon, at the Time when

it is usually most difficult and dangerous for Tall Ships, much more

for such Vessels as use Oars. He came to the Fort so opportunely, that

had he stay'd never so little longer it had been lost, for most of the

Garrison had mutiny'd against their Commander in Chief Simon de Brito

who was wounded by them with two Musket Balls. Raju was marching with

all Expedition by Land to Columbo for fear of slipping the Opportunity

offer'd him of taking Possession of it. Cutumuza lay with all his

Fleet in the River Cordiva, distant from the Fort ready to attack it

by Sea, when Raju fell on by Land. Furtado was before-hand with him,

and getting in, dispos'd all Things for its Defence. He quell'd the

Mutiny, punish'd the Ring-leaders, satisfy'd such as had just Cause

of Complaint or had been wrong'd, and with all possible Speed went

out to find Cunale's Fleet. Nor was he disappointed, for the Enemy

did not offer [Beat, the Indian Fleet.] to fly, but met him, with

his Ships drawn up in good Order, and after Cannonading, they laid

one another aboard, where there was an obstinate Fight on both Sides,

till Cunnale's Navy was defeated. Furtado took 14 Galeons, with all

their Artillery, and Men, besides Abundance kill'd. The Admiral fled

with only four Ships of 18 he had, and made to Raju's Country. This

Victory was sufficient Satisfaction for the Damage receiv'd by that

rebellious Fleet, the ill Success whereof discourag'd Raju from coming

to besiege Columbo, so that he retir'd and dismiss'd his Army.

Not long after, Furtado was inform'd by his Spyes, that the King of

Jasanapatan had concluded a League with Raju, pressing him to return

to the Siege of Columbo, whilst he did the same to Mana. That his

Presumption might not want such Punishment, as became the Honour

of the Crown of Portugal, and the Reputation of its Grandeur, which

is more prevalent in those Parts than Force, Furtado gathering what

Power he could, with all possible Celerity attack'd that King. He was

not unprovided, but drawing [Routs him, and subdues his Kingdom.]

up without the Walls of that City, offer'd him Battel, his Men,

Elephants and Horses covering spacious Fields. Furtado playing both

Parts of a Commander, and a Soldier, drew up his Forces, encourag'd

them in few Words; and both Sides coming to the Charge exercis'd

their Force and Fury; but at Length the King's Troops were routed,

and he slain entering the City, in which abundance of Brass Cannon was

found, besides the Plunder, which was considerable. He took Possession

of it, and seizing the Forts and Garrisons, carry'd on the War there

in such Manner, that the whole Kingdom seeing such severe Execution,

and feeling it so heavily within its Bowels, submitted to the King of

Spain. By his Authority, when the Sword was put up, he appointed a

Kinsman of the late King, to whom of Right it belonged, to reign in

Jasanapatan, he having been taken in the last Battel. He caus'd him

to swear and plight his Faith, that he would be a perpetual Vassal

to his Majesty; imposing on him the Payment of a yearly Tribute,

which still subsists. The Writings containing this Settlement were

sent by him into Spain, where and at Goa, all that had been done was

approv'd of by the Viceroy, and the Conqueror, who had concluded it

so happily, highly applauded.

[Ternate the Cause of Rebellions.] He next Strengthned the Fort

of Columbo, with Four Ships of his Fleet, and 100 Soldiers; and

Supply'd Cosme de la Feta with Eighty Men, under Two Captains,

to prosecute the Affair of Candia, which was committed to him, and

sorted good effect. No Rebellion broke out in those Parts, but what

was either supported by Ternate, or proceeded from its Example, and

great Celerity was requisite in the Commanders for suppressing of it.

[Coast of Pearl Fishery Rebells, and is reduc'd.] At this same Time

all the Coast of the Pearl Fishery rebell'd, and among other sudden

Destruction usually made by Seditious Men in Arms, the Subjects

of Vinapanaique burnt Twenty five Christian Churches. Furtado

made all possible speed to chastize them before the Rebellion

grew to a Head. The Mutineers not being well Strengthned, sent

Embassadors to him, begging Peace, and colouring their Guilt with

Excuses, which Furtado admitted of because it was convenient for

his Majesties Service; upon Condition they should make good all the

Damages occasion'd by their Revolt. He commanded them to rebuild the

Churches they had destroy'd, and to grant the Society of the Jesuits,

who had then the Charge of the Christians in that Country, all the

Liberties and Immunities demanded by those then residing there;

taking sufficient Hostages for the Performance.

[Furtado ill us'd would depart India.] These and other no less

notable Actions, he perform'd in the space of four Months; but

as Envy seldom fails to oppose Valour, when he came to Cochin,

and was there ready to set out for the Conquest of the Moluccos,

and particularly of Ternate, he received Letters from the Viceroy,

Matthias de Albuquerque commanding him to deliver up the Fleet to Nunno

Vello Pereyra. He obey'd, and when he came to Goa, was Imprisoned,

and put to Trouble. As soon as it was in his Power, he resolv'd

to depart India, and remove himself from the ill-will of those he

thought were not his Friends; but the City of Goa conjur'd him not

to forsake it, and in vain endeavour'd to procure a Reconciliation

betwixt those Commanders. This happened in the Year 1592, when, and

some Years after, Ternate might have been reliev'd, as Furtado desir'd,

had not the Animosities reigning obstructed it. However they were

so far from employing him, that, tho' Furtado several times Offer'd

himself, with his own Ships, and at his proper Cost, where there was

such Necessity of suppressing Cunnale, yet he was as often Rejected,

and that Victory envy'd him, which afterwards he had granted by Heaven,

as we shall see in its Place.

At this Time Santiago de Vera was discharged of his Command of the

Philippine Islands. He had signified his Intentions to Andrew Furtado,

and received his Answer, That he would comply with his Desires;

but Fortune disappointed these good Beginnings, embroiling Furtado

with those who did not love him, and removing Santiago from his

Government. His Successor was Gomez Perez de las Marinnas, Knight of

the Order of Santiago, [Gomez Perez Governor of the Philippines.]

or St. James the Apostle, a Person of high Reputation, born at

Betanzos, in the Kingdom of Galicia. He arriv'd at the Philippines

in the Year 1590, and brought with him his Son Don Lewis, Knight of

the Order of Alcantara. The new Governor found Manila open, without

any Form of a City, and without Wealth to Improve it. Above 200000

Pieces of Eight were wanting for this Purpose; yet he compass'd the

Work by Projects, and Contrivance without any Dammage to the Publick,

or to private Persons. He Monopoliz'd the Cards; he laid Penalties

on excessive Gaming, and punish'd such as Forestal'd the Markets,

and on Victuallers, and other Retailers of that Sort that were guilty

of Frauds; with these Fines he built the Walls of Manila, which are

12849 Geometrical Foot in Compass, [He Walls Manila; Builds Forts,

&c.] each Foot being the third part of a Yard. He apply'd himself

diligently to this Work, and the Inhabitants attended it, being

willing to forward it on Account of the Intreaties and Example of

their Chief. The City had but one Fort, and that ill built, wherefore

he Erected another at the Mouth of the River, calling it Santiago,

and enclosed the old one. He finish'd the Cathedral, and built from

the Ground the Church of St. Potenciana, Patroness of the Island,

for Women that have retir'd from the World. Then he apply'd himself to

casting, and brought able Artists, who furnish'd the Place with heavy

and small Cannon; built Galleys to Cruize and Trade, whereon depends

the Welfare of those Countries; and pursuant to what he had promis'd

in Spain, bent his Thoughts towards Ternate, and all the Moluccos;

reflected on the Disreputation of the unfortunate Expeditions of his

Predecessors, who attempted the Conquest of that flourishing Kingdom,

and how he might punish those who Tyranniz'd in it.

He imparted his Thoughts by Word of Mouth, and by Letters to Zealous

[His first Steps for recovery of the Moluccos.] Persons, and more

particularly to F. Marta, a Priest of the Society of Jesus, and a

grave and active Man, whose Experience and Doctrine had been very

Advantageous in those Parts. This Religious Man furnish'd him with

Intelligence, Advice, and proper Ministers to prepare and carry

on the Work; one of whom was Brother Gaspar Gomez, a Spaniard, and

Lay-Brother of the said Society. Among the many Conferences there

were to this Effect, I find an Exhortation of F. Antony Marta, in a

Letter he writ to the Governor from Tydore, which, because it is an

Original, and conducing for the better Understanding of this Affair,

I will here insert, translated out of the Portuguese. Grant me this

Liberty, since the Speeches which are generally Fabulous, pretended

to be made by Generals and Consuls, in the Greek and Latin Histories,

are allow'd of. F. Antony Marta says thus;

[F. Merta's Letter, of the State of the Moluccos.] In fine, your

Lordship is resolv'd to undertake this Expedition. You will have a

spacious Field for dilating the Glory of God very much, and rendering

your Name famous to Perpetuity. By it your Lordship will acquire

to his Majesty a most Large and Wealthy Kingdom, since all this

Archipelago of the Moluccos and Amboina, as far as Banda, which is

above 130 Leagues in Length and 70 in Breadth, is an inexhaustible

Source of Clove, Nutmeg, and Mace, which will afford his Majesty a

Yearly Income of 200000 Crusados, which is about 27000 Pounds Sterling,

then a considerable sum, in India alone; besides that of other Islands,

which produce no Clove. Nor will it require any Expence, because the

Country it self will freely afford it on its very Mountains; and what

is yet much more, your Lordship will gain above 200000 Souls to God,

all which, in a short time, after subduing the Kingdom, will become

Christians, without any, or with very little Opposition; whereby your

Lordship will have a burning Flambeau in this World, to light and

conduct you to Heaven. Besides, you will magnify and perpetuate your

Name, with a Title nothing inferior to those of the ancient Roman

Generals, such as those of Germanicus, Africanus, and the like. It

is not now requisite to touch upon the Method your Lordship is to

observe for compassing this Enterprize, to your eternal Praise; for,

as we understand, there is no want of Experience with you for Warlike

Affairs; Yet if your Lordship should be any way Dubious, Jerome de

Azevedo is able to inform you of such things as you shall desire to

know. He is well acquainted with the Strength of the Moluccos, and

of their Enemies. However I would have your Lordship look [League of

the Mahometans.] upon this War as considerable and difficult, because

it is very convenient to come well Provided, and Resolv'd. You are

not to Fight with the Ternates alone, but with all the Moors of this

Archipelago. Hitherto the Fort of Amboina had to do with the Ternates,

that are at Veranula, and this of Tydore with those in the Island

Ternate; but now of late we are to fight with those of the Islands

of Banda and of Seram. All the Moors in those Parts Assembled last

year, and Resolv'd, That for the future the War should be carry'd

on under the Name of their Religion. And for the more Security,

and better Establishing of this Point, they chose those of Banda

for Chiefs of their Law; and took an Oath to lay down their Lives,

or expell the Portugueses. Accordingly the last Year, those of Banda

came with the Ternates [Fort of Amboyna Beseig'd.] of Veranula,

with a great number of Carcoas, to Beseige the Fort of Amboyna; and

in the Engagement they had with us, took one of the two Galiots we

brought from Goa, tho' it was not their Valour, but our Negligence

that occasion'd the making of that Prize. It plainly appear'd, that

our Lord did it to punish our Pride. This so far Encouraged them,

that they durst afterwards daily Cruize in sight of the Fort, took

the Fishermen that went out in the Morning to follow their Trade,

and laid a Ground some Carcoas on the Shore. They erected a Mosque

opposite to the Fort, as in a safe Place, and thus they kept the

Fort Besieged with Contempt, for the space of a Month. At the end

thereof, the Galley going out, with one Galiot we had left, made

them fly, every one to his own Country, giving out, and threatning,

That they would Return next Year with a greater Fleet, which will be

about September. We are certainly assured that the People of Banda,

left 50 of their prime Men at Amboyna, as Hostages for the performance

of their Engagement. This is also known by a Man of our own, who fled

from Banda, having been carry'd thither Prisoner from Amboyna. We are

informed, that 25 Carcoas would set out, so many being Launch'd, and

they were to Sail after their Lent, which is at the End of this Month

of July, and to joyn the Seyrves, and the rest of the Confederates,

in order to return again before the Fort of Amboyna. If they come

with such a Force, I am very suspitious that the Fort will be lost;

because the Enemies method is to take in all the Towns that are

Subject to it; and when this is left alone, wanting the Support

of its Neighbours, it must of necessity Surrender. Antony Perez,

the Governor of that Fort, is a Man of Courage, and well Fortified;

and yet there are Circumstances to be consider'd, some of them very

Difficult; as that the Enemies are Numerous, and there will come

some Confederates with them, who are fit for any piece of Treachery;

besides, that they cannot be Reliev'd from any Part whatsoever, for

the full space of five Months, that is till the beginning of January

next. We cannot but apprehend some great Mischief will happen; for

supposing they do not take the Fort, still this War is Dangerous,

as being Universal, with all the Moors; stirr'd up by means of the

Caciques; Concerted under solemn Oaths; and Declar'd to be Religious,

with full Remission of Sins to all that Die in it. There is no want

of Fomenters, and those Caciques of Note, and [General Conspiracy

against Christians.] great Authority among the Moors, in Banda,

Amboyna, Ternate, and Tydore. These Men urge their Religion, and the

Honour of Mahomet, and by that means manage the People as they please;

as I have found by Experience this Year, and in this War we had at

Amboyna, in which I was. For formerly the Moors were soon weary of

being at Sea, and when any Man of Note happened to be kill'd in Fight,

they presently retir'd, looking upon it as an ill Omen. Now they

continue all the seasonable Months at sea, without flinching; tho'

the Portugueses slew 150 of their Men, and among them their Admiral,

and others of the prime Commanders they had in their Fleet. To this

must be added, That this is a general Conspiracy of all the Moors

against us; insomuch, that two who were our Friends, and had Assisted

us several times, with their Fleets, against the Ternates, being those

of the Island Burro, these being summoned by the Commander to Sail with

him in the Navy, as they had done at other times, did not only refuse

it now, but would not so much as receive the Message, or suffer him

that carry'd it to Land. The Tydores did the same, for the Commander

of Amboyna demanding Assistance of them, they would not go, alledging

that their Fort was in as much Danger. And the King of Tydore being

inform'd of your Lordships coming, his Subjects declare before hand,

and perhaps at the Instigation of their King, That they will have no

Spaniards in these Parts; which makes us look about, where they will

raise Moors to Destroy us. Therefore all Delays, in this Affair,

will be very dangerous; because we are Inferior to the Moors, and

must of Necessity Fight them, since it is for Religion, and Honour,

on both which Accounts they are become our mortal Enemies. By this your

[F. Marta presses for Relief.] Lordship will understand what need we

are in of your Succour and Relief; and may compute how many are to draw

their Swords against you, since they are all our Enemies in general,

and have Conspir'd against us. However, it will be Discretion first

to Dissemble with the Tydores, that they may not joyn the Ternates,

and by that means render the War more tedious and difficult. I do

not speak to all the rest in particular, according to my Notion,

because I refer it to Jerome de Azevedo, who will give a very good

Account. But let this be Established as a Maxim, That your Lordship

has a mighty Enterprize in Hand; and I trust in God he will give you

Wisdom, and Strength to go through it with Ease; since you come to

Revenge the Injuries formerly, and now offered by these Barbarians,

to God and his [Irreverences to Religion.] Saints. For we know that

the Ternates still drink out of the consecrated Chalices, and make use

of the Patens to Offer, or Receive any thing, as on profane Salvers;

and of the Vestments, and Ornaments of Altars, they make Cloaths, and

Hangings for their Houses. The People of Banda, most of them, wear

Ornaments of the Blood of above 3000 Christians, they Treacherously

Murder'd, at several times, in their Ports, as they went thither to

Trade with them; and in that Island, and part of the Sea, there are

Streams of Spanish and Portuguese Blood running. Your Lordship came

to spread the Catholick Faith, and that you may the better conceive

what Jerome de Azevedo will say to you touching this Affair, I send

you by him a Draught of all this Archipelago, as well of the Moluccos,

as of Amboyna, and Banda. In it your Lordship will see what a large

Kingdom we loose, when it might be recover'd with little Cost. It

only remains, That your Lordship come, with all possible Expedition,

because the greatest Danger is in Delay; and when you are here you

will find brave Commanders, who will assist you with their [Good

Officers and Soldiers.] Swords and their Advice. Among them is Sancho

de Vasoncelos, who was Commander at Amboyna, has often fought with

these Infidels, and obtain'd signal Victories over them. Here is also

Thomas de Sousa, Commander of Molucco, and of most Southern Parts,

a Man expert in Martial Affairs. In Tydore and Amboyna, you will

also find brave Soldiers, and there will not want to Pay them, for

the Riches of the Country will be sufficent for that, and to satisfy

them with Gold, precious Stones, and other Booty; besides you will

find many sorts of Arms. We Religious Men daily offer up our Prayers,

[Gomez Perez prepares.] and will so continue to do with Fervour;

and tho' the Unworthiness of the Ministers might be a Hinderance,

yet we hope they will prove Advantageous.

The Governour receiv'd this Letter; which, with the Discourse he

had more at large with Jerome de Azevedo, made him put the last

Hand to a Work of so much Importance to the Service of the Christian

Commonwealth, which had been neglected in those Parts. Gaspar Gomez

had conferr'd with him long before, and by his Means, and the Accounts

of other knowing Persons, the Governor was so well acquainted with

the Kingdoms, and Seas, the Seasons and Dangers of the Undertaking,

that he had no great need of F. Marta's Map. He dispatch'd Gaspar

Gomez, a Man of Secrecy and Activity, trusting him with the Design,

because he was recommended by several grave Fathers of that Order. He

gave him particular Instructions, with which, [Gaspar Gomez sent as

a Spy.] and his own Experience, he wander'd about the Archipelago,

and learnt as much as was convenient. He visited Ternate, Tydore,

Mindanao, both the Javas, and scarce omitted any Place, as far as

the Point of Malaca, but what he took a View of.

In the Year 1593, King Philip the 2d bestow'd the Government of

Cartagena, in America, upon Don Pedro Bravo de Acunna. To take this

Employ, [D. Pedro de Acuna Governor of Cartagena.] he quitted that he

had in the Spanish Galleys; he was Captain of the Admiral Galley, and

Vice-Admiral of them all, under the Adelantado, or Lord Lieutenant of

Castile, his Kinsman. He had serv'd his Majesty many Years by Sea and

Land, in the Mediterranean. No Action of Note was perform'd without

him, since the Expedition of Navarino against the Turks, and the

[His brave Actions.] others that ensu'd in those Parts, in Naples,

in Portugal, and all those that occur'd before, till his Majesty was

put in Possession of that Crown. Lastly, When he commanded the Spanish

Galleys he fought those of the Moors and Turks, with the Galiots,

and Brigantines of the Levant, and English Ships, and took and sunk

several of both Sorts. He took a great Number of Slaves in Barbary;

particularly at Zangazon, Benegicar, and Alcazar. He defended Cadiz

from the Invasion, and Rapine of Drake, the English Admiral, who

attempted it with a mighty Fleet. This was done by only four Galleys,

but two of which were clean, yet the Bravery of the Commander made

amends for all. How great an Action this was, and what Reputation

Don Pedro gain'd by it, appear'd afterwards, when the English again

possess'd themselves of Cadiz, at the Time that all the Galleys in

Spain were in the Bay, and the Fleet then preparing to sail to the

Indies. In each of these Actions, most whereof were victorious, there

are many remarkable Particulars, and they all deserve large Encomiums;

but since they do not belong to the Subject of this History, it would

be blameable to insert them here.

The King for these Reasons constituted Don Pedro de Acunna, his Captain

General, in the Province of Cartagena and Tierra Firme, and Commander

of the Galleys on that Coast; which Commissions had never before been

united in that Government. He gave him a Galley, and Orders to receive

the Royal Fifths of the Pearl-Fishery, at the Island Margarita. He set

out from the Port of Sanlucar, on the 27th of September, in a Pink,

with 12 Soldiers, [His Voyage.] some Religious Men, and his Servants,

the Galley, and another Ship following. The Winds soon rose, and the

Sea swell'd, and the Vessels were dispers'd. In one of them there

were 20 Soldiers, and 40 Slaves at the Oar, this was so far drove

away, that they saw it no more, till five Days after they came to

Cartagena. The Storm ceas'd, and Don Pedro arriv'd at Gran Canaria, but

would not go into the City. He took in two hundred Cask of Water. The

Governour Don Lewis de la Cueva was not in the Island; but it being

known in his Family that Don Pedro was come, they sent to welcome

him. The Visit was follow'd by some Horses loaded with Abundance of

Fowl, Game, Sheep, Wine, Pears, and most stately Quinces, besides

Abundance of other Provisions. He sail'd thence with a favourable

Wind, which soon turn'd against him, and tho' he was far enough off,

drove back the Ships in Sight of Teneriffe. After being toss'd about

for some Days, there happened such a tedious Calm between two Islands,

as made Amends for the Violence of the Storms, and yet he had others

afterwards as violent as those before. Many Days after, when they had

lost their reckning, they arriv'd at the Island Metalinon, inhabited

by unconquered Indians, where they took in Water without Opposition,

for the Rest of the Voyage. Thence he had fair Weather to the Island

Margarita. As soon as he landed in the Harbour, Don John Sarmiento

de Villandrando, the Governour of the Island came to meet him, having

hourly expected him, since he knew he was to come. The rejoycing, and

Entertainment was such as became Friends, and Friends of that Quality.

[An English Ship near the Island Margarita.] An English Ship of

above four hundred Tun Burthen, with thirty Pieces of Cannon of

five thousand Weight each, and Abundance of Men, had been 30 days

in a Harbour but two Leagues from the Island Margarita. Don John

Sarmiento telling Don Pedro, what Insolences that Ship committed,

and how much to his Disreputation she oppress'd the Islanders under

his Government, desir'd he might attack her with his Galley. Don

Pedro perswaded him to desist from that Enterprize, since it did

not belong to him, and it was an unpardonable Fault to attack her,

without an equal Force. Don John persisted so long, that he carry'd it

against Don Pedro's Opinion. They made to the Place where the Ship lay,

passing by dangerous Rocks, and being come in Sight of it, perceiv'd

it was stronger, and better provided than they had been told. Our Men,

in Order to fight, turn'd out all the Women, most of them Wives to

those that came in the Galleys. Twenty Soldiers came from the Island

Margarita, by their Governours Order, who being ship'd they appear'd

by Break of Day in Sight of the Enemy. The Wind then [The Islanders

oblige Don Pedro to Fight her.] blowing fresh Don Pedro advising with

the Natives of the Island Margarita and their Governour told them,

it was requisite to expect a Calm, in Order to take the Ship, since

the Galley could wait for it under Shelter, without any Danger. The

Islanders being provok'd by the Dammage they had receiv'd, and to

flatter Don John Sarmiento, answer'd, That they had two of the Prime

Men of that Ship Prisoners in the City, by whose Account they were

inform'd of the Distress she was in, and that she must surrender, as

soon as attack'd. This Opinion being bandy'd about with Obstinacy,

came to be Positiveness in Don John. Don Pedro looking upon it

as such, and concerned to see his Friend engag'd in such a Piece

of Madness, with those Hot, but unexperienc'd Men, said to them,

By my long Experience in several Seas, I know it is the worst of

Conduct to attack a Ship, when she has the Wind; but let us fall on;

that the People of the Island Margarita may not have it to say that I

deferr'd engaging out of Fear, and not out of Discretion. This said,

he order'd his Galley to weigh Anchor. He arm'd himself, and Don John,

and just as the Sun appear'd they attack'd the Ship [The Engagement.]

with Fury and Violence. The English were not backward; they speedily

cut the Cables of three Anchors they had out, and leaving them in

the Sea, set their Sails. The Wind was fair and soon fill'd them. The

Men were brisk and ply'd their Cannon without ceasing. Our Galley did

the same, and fir'd five Shot, before it receiv'd any Harm. Then she

ran her Beak against the Poop of the Ship, but could not grapple,

nor board. Some Men went down to the Boats which were tow'd by the

Ship, and cut the Ropes. The Ship, and Galley fell a firing again,

without Intermission. Don Pedro receiv'd a Musquet Shot on his Target,

which glancing off broke in Pieces a Board of the Stern Lockers,

and wounded those that were next it. A Cannon Ball took of the Head

of one of our Slaves, and scatter'd his Brains in Don Pedro's Face;

but another Ball touch'd him nearer, when it threw Don John Sarmiento

into the Sea, who being sunk by the Weight of his Armour, was never

seen again. Fourteen Soldiers of the Island Margarita, and nine

Spaniards were kill'd, and many wounded, of all whom Don Pedro took

Care, without neglecting the other Duties of a Commander. Some Persons

of Note were also kill'd, as Alonso de Anduxar, a Youth about twenty

Years of Age, of the Order of Christ, and Antonio Santiso, who had been

a Captain in Flanders. The Ship holding on her Course, made the best

of the fair Wind, and was seen to fly, as if she had been victorious;

tho' she threw many dead Bodies over Board, in Sight of our Men. Don

Pedro return'd to the Island Margarita, lamenting the Death of his

Friend, and his Wifes Widow-Hood, amidst the Tears of other Widows,

and Fathers left Childless. He comforted the afflicted the best he

could, received the King's Boxes of Peals, and went on much griev'd

at the Event, and to see how little his Precaution had avail'd.

Don Pedro had a prosperous Passage thence, to the Island Curazao, to

Rio de la Hacha, and so in Sight of Cartagena. Being descry'd from

the City [Don Pedro at Cartagena.] the Galleys went out to meet

him, whose Musick and Guns, with those of the Fort made a Mixture

of Harmony and Noise. He enter'd upon the Government and immediately

took a View of the Galleys, Warlike Prepations being of the greatest

Consequence in those Parts. He found them shatter'd, and almost gone to

Ruin, refitted one, and furnish'd another with Slaves, and all other

Necessaries. All things were before in such Disorder, and Confusion,

that it was hard to distinguish betwixt the Galley Slaves and the

Soldiers, the former going about as free, and gay as the latter. He

blam'd this Liberty, and order'd the Heads and Beards of the Slaves

to be shav'd, and that they should be chain'd. Next he took in hand

the Divisions, Manners, and civil Government of the City, and there

was soon a Reformation of Abuses, and publick Crimes, all this he

perform'd by his Valour, and Example. He also review'd the Horse and

Foot; repair'd the Fortifications; attended all Martial Affairs; had

his Gates always open to decide Controversies, without Distinction of

Persons; and tho' he had here considerable Opportunities offer'd him,

and much Matter to discover his Capacity, and the Greatness of his

Soul, yet he found in himself greater Hopes and Desires, above what was

present, and exciting him to advance farther, and to make known to the

World that generous Restlessness, which was afterwards serviceable to

the Church, by restoring its former Honour, in the remotest Provinces.

The End of the Fifth Book.

THE

HISTORY

OF THE

Discovery and Conquest

OF THE

Molucco and Philippine Islands, &c.