CHAPTER XIV

PORTUGAL OF THE FUTURE

[Sidenote: Portuguese Finance.]

To find Portuguese finances in a satisfactory, above all, in a natural,

condition, it is perhaps necessary to go back to the days of King

Diniz, who, after spending much on the development of the country, left

a full treasury at his death in 1325. The succeeding kings maintained

this prosperity, but at the end of the fifteenth and beginning of the

sixteenth centuries the great change came which has made Portuguese

finance the most artificial in Europe. Precious stones and metals and

spices from the East took the place of money derived from patient

industry and the toil of men’s hands. Agriculture, which has always

been Portugal’s principal industry, was neglected, and the fields lay

desolate. The peasants willingly in a spirit of adventure, or eager

to exchange assured misery for an uncertainty, or forcibly enlisted,

were shipped off to the Indies. The great majority of them never saw

Portugal again: disease, battle, and shipwreck having done their work

well. The eyes of all in the country became fastened upon Lisbon, but the

wealth arriving at Lisbon rarely filtered into the provinces; far more

frequently it was employed in purchasing articles of luxury from abroad.

It is the situation of the present day, Lisbon importing motor-cars by

the score and innumerable luxuries, while the country remains undeveloped

and poverty-stricken. After the gold from India came the discovery of

gold in Brazil, a later possession of Portugal, and even to-day, when

Brazil is a separate State, the money coming to Portugal from rich

Portuguese _brazileiros_ props up a system which, on the failure of this

last resource, is in danger of falling with a crash, as indeed it fell in

1892.

[Sidenote: Direitos de Alfandega.]

The Customs duties constitute about a third of the entire revenue, and

the system of excessive protection enables Ministers of Finance to live

from year to year, but it may be described as a system which fills the

Exchequer and ruins the country. It is maintained for the simple reason

that it does enable the Government to avoid bankruptcy, and it is excused

as encouraging Portuguese industries. But in a country almost exclusively

agricultural as is Portugal, protection should be of a very moderate

kind. The most extreme protection cannot make Portuguese industries

flourish and it seriously injures agriculture. Because agricultural

machines and other implements imported from abroad are comparatively

lightly taxed (from 5 to 60 _réis_ per kilo), it is imagined that

agriculture does not suffer from a system which sends up the general

cost of living to an abnormal degree! It may be of interest to give some

examples of the Customs tariff. Motor-cars are taxed 120,000 _réis_ (20

_réis_ roughly = one penny), motor cycles 50,000, pianos 50,000, silk

articles up to 13,500 per kilo, woollen articles up to 3,500 per kilo,

cotton articles up to 1,600 per kilo, a kilo of tobacco 4,500, men’s hats

900 each, a kilo of biscuits 120, of sugar 120 and 145, of tea 1,000,

chocolate 200, jam 200, honey 35, cheese 300, butter 250. Horses pay from

24,500 to 32,500 each, donkeys 2,500, mules 14,500, goats 500, sheep

500, pigs 3,600, cows 7,500. Dynamite is taxed 270 per kilo, books—more

dangerous and less in demand than dynamite—if Portuguese and bound, 900

per kilo, _broché_ 400. Foreign books pay from 100 to 510 per kilo.

Books, however, coming from France, Belgium, or Brazil, are free (the

result being that the Lisbon bookshops are flooded with French books).

Wrought gold pays 120,000 per kilo, wrought silver 35,000 per kilo. Gold

and silver coins, says the _pauta_ published by the _Annuario Commercial

de Portugal_, are free; and one has to be humbly grateful for such

generosity. These Customs duties provide about one-third of the nation’s

revenue. As to the expenditure it will be found that a large proportion

of it never goes further than Lisbon. When the sums due for the

service of the external and internal debts are subtracted, the various

departments absorb the rest, that is, to a great extent, the officials of

the various departments and the officers of the army and navy retired or

on active service.

[Sidenote: Artificial Conditions.]

The rates of exchange, moreover, fluctuate more than in any other

country, the value of the pound sterling varying from 4,800 _réis_ to

7,000 or 8,000 _réis_. And since not only articles of luxury but a

large quantity of wheat is imported annually, this naturally has the

most serious effect on the life of the whole country. The imports of

Portugal stand to her exports in the proportion of at least 4 to 3. The

whole value of the imports is more than double that of the exports, but

about a third of the former are re-exported from Lisbon. The Customs

(_Alfandega_) duties yielded, in round figures, 20,000 _contos_ in 1911,

21,000 _contos_ in 1912, and 23,000 _contos_ in 1913. The Monarchy, as

now the Republic, has been powerless under a system of artificial finance

which has never borne a close relation to the resources of the country,

but lived first on spices from the colonies, then on gold from Brazil,

then on foreign loans, till the bankruptcy of 1892 rendered even these

impossible, since when it has been compelled to live on issues of paper

money and increase of the floating debt. The Portuguese Treasury during

centuries has closely resembled Gil Vicente’s poor nobleman, who with a

small and dwindling income, contracted heavy debts and maintained great

estate. It was alleged that the floating debt had sunk to 81,000 _contos_

a few months after the Revolution of October, 1910, but subsequent

figures disproved the optimism of January, 1911, and in January, 1914,

the floating debt which stood at 82,000 _contos_ in September, 1910, had

advanced to 89,851 _contos_.

[Sidenote: Dr. Costa’s Financial Methods.]

During his year of office in 1913 as Premier and Finance Minister, Dr.

Affonso Costa’s untiring efforts were directed towards abolishing the

annual deficit. This may seem to many the very first condition of an

improvement in the national finances, and the object was theoretically

excellent. But it may be attained by illegitimate means, as unfair

taxation or by postponing necessary payments, and in that case the

deficit will only be abolished at the expense of a far greater deficit

in a few years. It has always been one of the anomalies of Portuguese

finance that it is possible to have a full exchequer in a ruined country.

To take but one instance, if the crops in Portugal fail a huge additional

amount of wheat must be imported, and while the peasant is starving

the Exchequer rakes in a surplus in Customs duties. Dr. Costa’s narrow

methods—his great bid for popularity and a surplus—really increased

the artificial character of Portuguese finance, and its tendency to

live from hand to mouth and let the future take care of itself. It was

not only that he made of finance a party catchword and a source of

class-hatred, adopting Almeida Garrett’s extraordinary maxim that one

rich man means hundreds of poor men (_Viagens na minha terra_: “_Cada

homen rico, abastado, custa centos de infelizes, de miseraveis_”), but

that he bent all his ability or energy to the satisfaction of a personal

vanity—to be able to set it on record that his year was the year of no

deficit and—_après lui le déluge_. The object should have been rather to

encourage wealth in Portugal, even at a temporary loss to the Exchequer,

to give landed proprietors every incentive to dwell on and develop their

estates rather than to drive them out of the country by a new property

tax, by which they sometimes paid, in this and other contributions,

over a fourth of their income. This tax (_contribuição predial_) was

successful in immediately raising revenue, but unfortunately the annual

expenditure has also increased. Dr. Costa estimated it at 78,000 _contos_

for 1914-15, but in 1909-10 it stood at 74,000. Expenses connected with

the War in 1914 and 1915 have added at least another 40,000 _contos_, so

that Portuguese finances will now be hampered for many a year.

[Illustration: GENERAL VIEW, FARO

[_See p. 106_]

[Sidenote: The Public Debt.]

The whole ambition of Portuguese Finance Ministers is to make a huge

foreign loan, which has been impossible of late years, but which the

altered circumstances may now enable them to achieve. The total of the

Public Debt is in round figures, 900,000 _contos_, the annual interest

over 20,000 _contos_, say twelve shillings per inhabitant. Since the

conversion of the external debt in 1892 the interest has been faithfully

paid. It is guaranteed by the Customs duties. Whatever improvement future

years may bring to the Portuguese finances will not come at a bound

(reduction in the deficit in five days of 5,000 _contos_, a surplus of

hundreds, a surplus of thousands, the salvation of the country) but must

be very gradual, questions of finance never being questions of the moment

only but reacting far into the future. It will be the work of scientific

financiers, never of demagogues. He would be a very unreasonable critic,

or a very ignorant party politician, who should expect the Republic to

transform the financial situation inherited from the Monarchy from a

desert into a garden of roses at the mere wave of a magic wand. What is

expected of any Government worthy of the name is that it should be a firm

and stable Government, that it should maintain order, promote private

initiative and wealth, and inspire confidence by giving the country not

doses of mystification and paper money, but a straightforward account of

the state of its finances.

[Sidenote: The Colonies.]

The country needs to be enlightened, too, as to the advisability or the

reverse of parting with some of her colonies. With an area in Europe of

35,490 square miles, Portugal owns more than 800,000. It is an alarming

proportion, although of course that of the empires of Belgium, Holland

and Great Britain are even greater. But the Portuguese do not seem to

possess the energy and administrative ability needful to leaven the

whole lump of their possessions, in spite of the fact that they adapt

themselves readily to new conditions and to extremes of climate, and

are enterprising in ideas. “As navigators and not as conquerors, wrote

Oliveira Martins” (_Historia de Portugal_), “we unveiled all the

secrets of the seas, but our empire in the East was a disaster both for

the East and for us.” Many of the higher nobility—all that was best in

Portugal—were too proud to engage in trade in the New World. Others

went out in order to amass wealth by whatever means in the shortest

possible time. The colonies were mercilessly exploited by the mother

country. A close system of protection prevented foreign nations from

trading with the Portuguese colonies, and the Portuguese themselves did

little or nothing for the development of their resources. The unsound

administration in Portugal itself became more so in remote Madeira and

most so in the distant colonies, where more recently the Governors have

been fettered by the strict centralisation of power in Lisbon and driven

to despair by the constant changes of Government, which seem to make

any continuous policy impossible. As to the condition of the colonies

under the Republic a Republican newspaper—_O Seculo_—has described it

as a state of anarchy, “an ocean of disorder” (27th February, 1912).

“The Portuguese Parliament has given the natives not justice nor good

administration, but—the right to vote, and this in order that it may be

possible to say grandiloquently that all Portuguese, white or black, have

equal rights in the eyes of the law: To the native of Africa or Timor,

totally ignorant of what is a Parliament or politics, to the native from

whom we have torn his land, whom we have exploited for centuries, to this

native without education or hospitals or schools or roads, to whom we

give nothing, for whom we do nothing, and from whom we derive no small

profit in the plantations of São Thomé and the mines of the Rand and in

so many other ways. Parliament has granted not a better justice or more

protection or a good administration adequate to his present state, but

the right to vote” (_O Seculo_, 20th November, 1912). The same newspaper

declared in a subsequent article that the sale of any part of the

colonies would be a fatal blow to Portuguese nationality, and a public

confession of insolvency “so ardently desired by Germany.” The sale of

Timor or Macao or Guinea would only be the thin end of the wedge. This

is the view commonly held in Portugal. Yet Spain, after having looked

askance even at the co-operation of foreign capital in her colonies—as

does Portugal now—has learnt to regret bitterly that she did not sell

Cuba when she had the opportunity.

[Sidenote: Angola.]

Exception has been taken even to the decree allowing the transport of

foreign goods through Angola on payment of a moderate tariff, and as

this decree will not come into force until customs houses have been

built all along the frontier, many Governments are likely to have risen

and fallen in Lisbon before it ceases to be a dead letter. Meanwhile a

brisk smuggling trade goes on between Angola and the Belgian Congo. (The

duty on cotton goods imported to Angola is 250 _réis_ per kilo white,

500 _réis_ coloured. Foreign tobacco pays from 1,800 to 3,600 _réis_ per

kilo, and the duty on other articles amounts to 10, 12, 20, and 25 per

cent. of their value. Foreign imports to Portuguese Congo pay a smaller

duty, for the great majority of articles 6 per cent. _ad valorem_.)

Angola, with a thousand miles of coast, is divided into five districts:

Congo, Loanda, Benguella, Mossamedes, and Lunda, and is occupied by

5,000 troops, of which under 2,000 are Europeans. The total number of

Europeans in the colony is in normal times only about 9,000, or 2 per

cent. of the entire population. The chief exports are rubber, coffee,

wax, etc. It is a fertile land, capable of immense production when the

country can be opened up and exploited. Of course, the required outlay

for this is enormous, and the Portuguese have not been able to develop

their own European territory, have not the smallest prospect of being

able to develop Angola—a country many times the size of Portugal—not

in the twentieth century. It is sheer waste to allow this country to

remain undeveloped for want of capital which, chiefly owing to the large

potential production of rubber, would under capable administration, amply

repay itself. At present the annual deficit in Angola’s budget varies

from 800 to 1,500 _contos_, and the colony is moreover burdened by a

heavy debt. It is one of the most distressful colonies of Portugal.

[Sidenote: Mozambique.]

The immediate prospects of Mozambique are less distressing, and recently

a slight surplus has been attained, but here, too, the Hinterland is

totally undeveloped. Apart from the strip of territory along the coast

(1,400 miles in length), says M. Marvaud,[71] “l’autorité portugaise ne

se fait sentir aux indigènes qu’à coups d’expéditions militaires.” It

yields, among other products, rubber, cotton and sugar, but it depends

largely for prosperity on the traffic of the port of Lourenço Marques.

This traffic has been secured by the treaty of April, 1909, between

Mozambique and the Transvaal, but is envied by other African ports, which

may succeed in depriving Lourenço Marques of the traffic in a few years

hence, when the treaty expires. Meanwhile the natives of Mozambique leave

the colony to work in the mines of the Rand, and Mozambique thus prospers

artificially and temporarily, while its own resources are undeveloped and

the means of developing them decrease.

[Sidenote: Portuguese Guinea.]

Portuguese Guinea, with about 170,000 inhabitants, yields much the same

products as Mozambique, but its climate is unhealthy. Much of the trade

has been in the hands of Germany, and, although the soil is rich the

yearly deficit which the Lisbon Government has to meet for this colony

is, with that of Angola, the principal reason why it has been found

impossible to allow those colonies which have a surplus to keep it for

their own use.

[Sidenote: S. Thomé and Principe.]

Thus, the Budgets of the islands of São Thomé and Principe show a

yearly surplus, but they have not been permitted to utilise it for

the construction of the roads so greatly needed for their further

development. These islands produce coffee, rubber, tobacco, ginger, tea,

but over 90 per cent. of their exports consists in cocoa.

[Illustration: A SQUARE, LISBON

[_See p. 168_]

[Sidenote: The “Serviçaes.”]

As there is insufficient native labour, they are obliged to import

natives from Angola and elsewhere to work on the plantations. The

contracts with the natives stipulate that they shall be repatriated after

a certain period, but in practice they have often remained indefinitely

in a condition differing from slavery only in name. (Slavery, in name,

was abolished in 1875.) The Lisbon Government has shown a sincere desire

that the _serviçaes_ should be duly repatriated, but the interests of the

planters have been to obtain native workers where and how they could, and

to retain them permanently.

[Sidenote: Cape Verde Islands.]

Nearer home Portugal possesses the colony of the Cape Verde Islands,

population 150,000.[72] They produce maize, coffee, etc., but suffer from

drought. Their Budget hovers between a small surplus and a small deficit.

[Sidenote: Timor.]

Of their once mighty empire in the Far East the Portuguese retain Goa,

Diu, Macao, and the western half of the island of Timor (the Eastern

portion being owned by the Dutch). The administration of the Dutch

compares favourably with that of the Portuguese, and Timor’s revenue

has to be supplemented from the surplus of Macao—one of the most

disheartening features of Portugal’s colonial system.

[Sidenote: Portugal and her Colonial Empire.]

It is true that the Portuguese colonies have made some progress during

the last quarter of a century, and that their exports to Lisbon tend to

increase, but they are still a drag on Portugal’s energies and finances.

Yet, of course, the Portuguese have the feeling that if they refuse to

part with any of their overseas dominions and succeed at the cost of

every sacrifice in staving off bankruptcy, and keeping their colonies

together, a time may come two or three centuries hence when Portugal may

once more be a flourishing empire. Perhaps with less centralisation

and, consequently, more continuity in the administration of the colonies

a greater measure of success will be attained. No one will refuse to

pay a tribute to the energy and ability of some Portuguese colonial

Governors. Certainly Great Britain would rejoice to see these vast

regions ably administered and developed at the hands of her ancient

ally. But despite their obstinate resolution to part with no inch of

territory, the Portuguese have by no means learnt to think imperially;

indeed, the interest in the colonies seems only to flicker into life when

there is thought to be some danger of losing them. And it is clear that

generations must elapse before the most painstaking and energetic action

on their part meets with financial reward. Many observers have thus come

to the conclusion that Portugal would be well advised to sell a part of

her enormous overseas possessions.

[Sidenote: Portugal’s Future.]

But against the notion of those who say that Portugal is dying, slowly

dying, it is necessary to enter a strong protest. If reference is made to

Portugal’s future, “But has Portugal a future?” ask these sceptics. And

the answer is that she has not only a future but a great future. She is

in the fortunate position of having accomplished great deeds and having

great deeds to accomplish. By no means _un peuple qui s’en va_. Rather

_un peuple qui revient_. For, in the sixteenth century, Portugal may be

said to have conquered a whole world and lost her own soul. The reverse

process is now before her: to begin with Portugal’s own development and

prosperity and so work outwards, and no one will contend that to convert

Portugal from its miserable state into a flourishing and contented

country will not merit all the praises won by Portugal’s discoveries and

conquests of yore.

[Sidenote: The Republicans.]

But this prosperity cannot be sudden. Public opinion abroad, at least,

has never asked of the Republicans one half of what they have constantly

given, in words. No one expected the Portuguese people to become

enthusiastic electors after a century of indifference to politics, or

to cease to be illiterate at the promulgation of a decree. What is asked

of them is that they should not indulge in continual disturbances. The

majority of Portuguese Republicans are perhaps rather weak and vague, but

kindly, well-intentioned persons, anxious for peace and the prosperity

of Portugal, and it may be imagined how mortifying to them have been the

criticisms brought upon the Republic by action of the extremists. These

extremists have to be eliminated before it is possible to work for the

welfare of Portugal, that is, the gradual development of the Portuguese

nation on lines essentially Portuguese.

[Sidenote: The Clerical Question.]

With a people so ready to assimilate foreign customs, it is urgent not

to dose it with a French atmosphere, but to encourage all that is truly

national and all too ready to disappear. Along these lines it should not

be very difficult to find a solution for the clerical question which has

assumed serious proportions since the Revolution. On the occasion of

the third anniversary of the Law of Separation between Church and State

in Portugal, the Premier, Snr. Bernardino Machado, wrote that it was

“in its essence a law of defence and of social pacification.” Only if

pacification means unrest can these words correspond with reality. The

best way to restore a spirit of quietness will be to revise carefully

the Law of Separation, or, if the Democrats continue to oppose any such

revision, to repeal the law and enter into a new Concordat between

Portugal and the Vatican.

[Sidenote: Decentralisation.]

The character of the people will have to be consulted, too, in the

question of decentralisation. A sudden change is not likely to be more

beneficial than an imported anti-clericalism. The divorce between Lisbon

and the provinces will no doubt go lessening as communications improve.

So long as Portugal is in the grip of a stringently centralised political

machine, it is idle to expect any benefit from passing decrees which

entrust certain affairs, for instance, construction and repair of roads,

to the municipal authorities, more especially as these decrees do not

always provide any clue as to how the necessary funds are to be raised.

[Sidenote: Local Autonomy.]

But perhaps it would be possible to give the town councils a

provisional autonomy in the matter of primary schools, sanitation,

roads, etc., interesting their vanity in the result, taking advantage

of local patriotism; or, in cases of signal neglect, imposing fine

or disfranchisement. A decree of the Republic (dated 4th May, 1911)

has attempted something of the sort for agriculture by imposing an

additional tax of five _centavos_ per _hectare_ on uncultivated land,

and the condition that, if it is still uncultivated in twenty years, it

shall become State property. But that savours perhaps too much of State

interference in private property. At any rate, the advantage of some such

scheme of decentralisation would be that the State would say to the town

councils: “I will give you complete freedom in these matters, and, far

from interfering to a greater degree, will not interfere at all if you

will help yourselves.”

[Sidenote: On the Black List.]

A list of towns and villages might be printed at the end of ten years

and posted up throughout the country, or rather two lists, the second

being the black list of towns or villages which had failed to give any

serious attention to the schools, roads, etc. These would still be kept

under strict supervision, whereas the others might be allowed complete

independence in these matters, gradually, according to their degree of

merit. It would be a duty of the Civil Governors to visit the towns and

villages in their districts, with the help, when necessary, of Government

inspectors, and it might be possible to include the quality of bread, the

water supply, the cleanliness of hôtels and inns, tidiness of streets,

and a few such subjects in the inquiry without causing it to degenerate

into an inquisition. One is the more inclined to attribute vast

importance for Portugal’s future to little questions of this kind after

reading through lengthy decrees, many of the clauses of which are copied

more or less closely from earlier French decrees and are, in relation to

actual conditions in Portugal, of a theoretical, abstract nature.

[Illustration: CEDAR AVENUE, BUSSACO

[_See p. 85_]

[Sidenote: “Accursed Politics.”]

Politics are, unhappily, becoming more than ever the burning question

at the expense of administration, penetrating the whole life of the

nation, _a maldita politica_, as the Portuguese themselves say bitterly.

Perhaps future historians will regard as the gravest fault of the

Republic that it has thus exalted politics and even saturated education

with politics. Perhaps this is the natural result of a revolution by a

minority. The author of _Ethiopia Oriental_ tells a touching story of how

a lion chased its prey to a river’s bank, where it succeeded in seizing

its hindquarters. A hippopotamus, however, then put in an appearance,

and seized the rest, and in the tug-of-war that ensued, as Portugal

now between her political factions, the unfortunate animal had a very

disagreeable time. But the country becomes every day more disgusted with

politics, and craves for honest non-political administration. It is to be

hoped that the rotative politics of Lisbon will soon have had their day,

and that with the spread of education the Portuguese people will awake

from its long sleep of torpor and come into its own.

[Sidenote: The Restoration.]

Critics of the Republic have to ask themselves what they have to set in

its place. Is the Monarchy, which in October, 1910, melted away like

snow in the sun, even willing to return? The Royalists in Portugal have

amply shown their weakness, and the active supporters of King Manoel seem

to be as few as those of Dom Miguel. “Active,” since, just as in Spain

Carlism as an active cause is dead but survives in spirit, in Portugal

a spirit that would find greater satisfaction in a Restoration than

in the Republic is widespread. It is especially difficult to forecast

the future of Lisbon politics because in their general atmosphere of

indifference and _laissez-aller_ it is always open to a person or group

of persons to impose themselves—for a short period—in a sudden outbreak

of energy. It might not be difficult to restore the Monarchy temporarily

by a sudden _coup d’état_: the difficulty would be to maintain it. A

restoration brought about by force now would create a very dangerous and

unsatisfactory situation. Not to speak of the constant danger to which

the King would be exposed (and _O Mundo_, which has declared that there

is as little right to be a Royalist in Portugal as to be a protector

of assassins, has shown how closely it is in league with assassins by

warning King Manoel that he will be shot like his father if he returns

to Portugal), there would be a perpetual renewal of conspiracies.

The Republicans, far from being crushed, would gain new adherents by

constantly asserting that if they had but been given a free hand they

would have performed wonders for the people and for Portugal. It is

thus essential that the Republicans should be given a free hand to show

what they can do. This will be seen if they are left in peace by their

opponents till, say, the year 1920. Royalists who have their cause really

at heart will have the wisdom to wait and not injure it, perhaps fatally,

by foolish and precipitate action. The Royalists sometimes say that the

Republic has manifestly failed because it has increased the tendency

to disorder and indiscipline, and rendered the financial situation

more critical; but it would perhaps be fairer to say that it will have

manifestly failed should the next period of five or six years resemble

the first, since three or four years is not a very long period by which

to form a definite opinion of a new _régime_ after a revolution.

[Sidenote: The “Republica Radical.”]

But, judging from the past, no one can be very optimistic. A considerable

number of Republicans at Lisbon desire a more radical Republic. The

stages are to be from The Monarchy to Republic, and from _bourgeois_

Republic to Socialist Republic, or the _Republica Radical_. It was in the

same sense that Don Pablo Iglesias, leader of the Spanish Socialists,

prophesied in 1910 that the Portuguese Republic would not long be content

to remain of the _bourgeois_ type.

[Sidenote: Manual Labour.]

A Republic of workmen, in which all who did not spend at least five hours

a day in manual labour would be disfranchised, would be a delightful

experiment. A Republic of principles so excellent would not, however,

suit the character of the Portuguese very well—a people that still

looks askance at manual labour as illiberal, even to the carrying

of a parcel in the street, and loves the liberal professions and

idleness-with-a-sense-of-importance. Yet if Portugal wishes to be really

revolutionary she would adopt this programme of manual labour (with

alternative of military service) for all under sixty years of age from

Minister to miner, from President to ploughman, the only sure remedy for

a great many modern social problems. And there are other revolutionary

methods by which Portugal in the twentieth century might prove herself

original and win the admiration of Europe, for instance by ordaining that

women who do a man’s work should receive a man’s wages, or by teaching

the people to depend on themselves and not on the State, or by abolishing

the whole system of party politics.

[Sidenote: Abolition of Party Politics.]

Hitherto her revolutions have only increased the domain of politics, and

each party in turn beseeches the country to look to it exclusively with

mouth agape for the fruit to drop in. Yet it becomes increasingly evident

that the only problem for all Portuguese who love their country is the

rooting out of that kind of party politics which has infested and ruined

the country for three-quarters of a century. The remedy is for all such

true patriots to club together and found a party and a Press which will

have nothing to say to clericalism and anti-clericalism and other such

questions, never for a moment discuss them—what have they to do with the

government of a State?—will not concern itself with personal ambitions,

merely looking upon the State as a public department of police and civil

servants, implying hard work, and pay far less than would be earned by

men of similar intelligence devoted to industry.

[Sidenote: Work for Patriots.]

Above all, such a party would encourage the people to expect nothing from

the State and everything from themselves. It would thus begin with the

individual and teach him to cultivate his own garden, a lesson enormously

needed in a country so inclined to vague ideals and actual _desleixo_. In

its Press and in public speeches throughout the countries it would show

by concrete facts and figures the immeasurable good achieved in certain

districts by a single landowner living on his land and looking after

his tenants and estate, or a single priest looking after his parish and

leaving politics to look after themselves, or even on a smaller scale by

a single peasant family with a knowledge of cleanliness and good cooking.

[Sidenote: A Portuguese Party.]

These real patriots would be so undignified politicians that they

would not in their speeches mention a single “ism,” but they would

tell the people what one village had gained in health by a good

sanitation, what another had gained in wealth by having roads well

built and well repaired. They would not inveigh against the Capitalist

or the Conservative or the Anarchist, but they would attack and, if

possible, bring to book those who palm off on the people sandals made

of blotting-paper and bread made of sawdust. In a word, they would be

concerned with the concrete, leaving abstract problems for philosophers

of the study. And since most other parties are engaged in importing

high-sounding programmes from abroad, this new party might well call

itself the Portuguese Party, and its newspaper the Portuguese People.

The peasants of Portugal, witty, intelligent, eager to learn, will

respond to words that mean something to their daily lives, and are not

merely pompous polysyllables and the beating of the big political drum.

The future of Portugal lies with them, and the party which succeeds

in improving the people’s health in body and soul will have paved the

way for better times. In this, indeed, all parties are agreed, but

their favourite method is to make a great sound and fury of words, and

to promise the people that if it will but follow that party only some

decree will be passed which, before the new moon, will have changed them

from black to white, from lean kine into fat kine. Yet a party which

really had the people’s interests at heart would go to work much more

gradually, not through the abstract People but through the individual

and the family, and would make it clear that the people had nothing to

expect of the party, and the party asked nothing of the people. By such

obvious sincerity the people would be brought to listen to this party,

and to learn to live their own lives—each family its life in health and

independence. How far removed this creed from Liberty, Humanity, and

other such stereotyped catchwords, yet how infinitely more conducive to a

prosperous future for Portugal!

[Sidenote: Conciliatory Methods.]

It cannot be too often repeated that such strident questions as

anti-clericalism are to a great extent factitious in Portugal, and not of

natural growth. The more conciliatory and apparently weaker policy of Dr.

Arriaga, the President, and Snr. Antonio José de Almeida, has really been

less far removed from the realities of Portuguese life than the policy

of Dr. Affonso Costa, who is considered the clever practical politician

among his more idealist colleagues. The more tolerant attitude towards

priests and Royalists has proved to be not only the kindlier but the

wiser policy. This attitude became a fact in the hands of General Pimenta

de Castro. His wise and moderate government made it more doubtful than

ever if Portugal, which gained nothing by one revolution, would be the

gainer by a second.

[Sidenote: The Royalists.]

The Restoration must be peaceful and gradual if it is to be permanently

successful. The extreme usefulness to the Republic of Royalist

conspiracies has been fully recognised by the “White Ants” and

_Carbonarios_, and the Royalists themselves are now convinced that it is

not by incursion or conspiracy that they will advance their interests.

They realise that without any such methods Royalism is likely to gain

strength, has indeed already done so. No doubt many distrust the idea of

the accession of Dom Miguel because of the reactionary traditions of the

Miguelist party, a distrust antiquated but not unnatural. On the other

hand, the Manuelist cause is weak because King Manoel, being then in his

teens and brought suddenly to the throne by the murder of his father and

brother, had not time to show that he possessed the qualities of a strong

ruler. Strangely enough, some Portuguese who profess and call themselves

Portuguese, have no hesitation in saying that the best solution would be

a foreign prince, English or Italian, imposed by foreign intervention.

[Sidenote: Longing for Peace and Stability.]

The real inference is that they desire above all things a strong and

stable Government, and are heartily tired of a state of affairs which

seems to make a continuity of policy or any long period of order and

quiet alike impossible. A Restoration in a few years’ time may best

secure such continuity, and if there is a single fair and practical

reform opposed by the Royalists the Republicans will do well to name it.

[Sidenote: Monarchy and Empire.]

Not that a Restoration need be considered of any very great importance:

if the moderate Republicans can provide a stable Government sensible

Royalists would no doubt cease from all opposition to the Republic.

But, of course, a Monarchy is in accordance with the old traditions of

Portugal, and has value with regard to the colonial empire, in which

unrest has increased, and very naturally, since the Revolution: the

natives more readily yield obeisance to a king than to an abstraction.

And there would be no danger of the Royalists setting themselves to

persecute in their turn after a Restoration, since they are well aware

how great would be the outcry throughout Europe. A few political

careers, certainly, would be cut short, but perhaps the country would

not be greatly the loser. The Monarchy has value, too, in international

relations, and the Republicans do not attach sufficient importance,

for instance, to King Carlos’ foreign visits and to the visits of

foreign princes to Lisbon during his reign. They class them among the

extravagances of the Monarchy. These advantages will probably be thrown

into even greater relief by another five years of Republic.

[Sidenote: Labels.]

If the adversaries of the Republic will but refrain from all movement of

rebellion or incursion, the next five years will show with sufficient

clearness whether the permanent tranquillity ardently desired by the

Portuguese people is to be labelled Monarchy or Republic. It is after all

little more than a label (the label “Monarchy” being more useful in an

Empire); the _thing_ required is a Government willing and able to employ

the services of all Portuguese in the work of making Portugal once more

great and prosperous, to give free scope to individual energies under a

_régime_ of true liberty and toleration.

[Sidenote: Trifles.]

It has been the folly of the Republicans not to yield on small,

unessential questions. They have laid stress on such secondary matters as

the new flag (the loud and ugly colours of which will never be readily

accepted by the Portuguese nation, or so affirm those who know the

Portuguese intimately), on the alteration of names of streets and squares

throughout the country. They have made a parade of much legislation. A

new heaven and a new earth. Yet it would have been a wiser policy on

their part not to make so much of these little harassing novelties, but

more quietly to work at necessary essential changes.

[Sidenote: Internal Floating Debt.]

A writer in 1908 remarked that “If only the Government could cease to

have recourse to the floating debt agriculture in Portugal would be able

to obtain the cheap capital which it needs.” But the Republic has added

thousands of _contos_ yearly to the internal floating debt, and capital

has greater inducement than ever to flee from agriculture in order to

provide State loans. Here a radical change was required. Nor will Dr.

Costa’s property-tax benefit agriculture. It is more likely to increase

emigration. The docile peasants of Portugal, if they find the conditions

of their life becoming harder and more precarious, do not think of

protesting. A few conflicts have occurred between peasants and the

Republican Guard, and the villagers have armed themselves with scythes

and pitchforks to protect their churches in the North. But mostly they

emigrate, leaving the political parties at Lisbon to devise and squabble

over intricate and theoretical measures of legislation.

[Sidenote: Facts of Twofold Import.]

But there is a reverse and more promising side to all this. That Lisbon

politics are Lisbon politics, and are not genuinely Portuguese politics,

but a foreign froth on the surface of the sleeping nation, that the

majority of Portuguese cannot read or write, that many of those who can

read and write are perfectly indifferent to politics, are all facts of

twofold import, since, however deplorable in themselves, they imply

that the Portuguese people has not yet had fair trial, and that it may

well have a future before it. The character of the peasants outside the

immediate influence of Lisbon has many sterling qualities. The problem

consists in educating them without depriving them of their qualities,

in civilisation without the demoralising effect of great cities; and

indeed in the coming age of rapid communications city life will no doubt

be largely a thing of the past. The educated Portuguese of Lisbon, far

gone in introspective analysis and pessimism, is inclined readily to

believe that the Portuguese are a dying and decadent race; but the truer

view is that the Portuguese nation is still unborn. It may make its

mark on history in future centuries as a few individual Portuguese did

in the fifteenth and sixteenth. The future of the nation is, perhaps

fortunately, not bound up with that of the Democrats, as the Democrats

would have us believe, for the Portuguese nation with a future is

precisely all that part of the population which has remained indifferent

to the Republican creed, and has not been affected by Republican

promises.

[Illustration: A STUDY IN COSTUMES]

[Sidenote: Natural Reaction.]

It appears even that the educated youth (as at Coimbra), in a natural

reaction, is now more inclined to turn to religious and other serious

questions than it was a generation ago, and it is thus doubtful whether

the Republic will be able to renovate itself and whether new politicians

will come forward to take the place of the three or four now in evidence.

[Sidenote: “Un Petit Moyen.”]

Talleyrand would say in a serious political crisis that there was still

“un petit moyen,” meaning Talleyrand. Under the Portuguese Republic the

“petit moyen” in exactly the same way has been Dr. Affonso Costa, who

has Talleyrand’s presumption although he lacks his ability. Dr. Almeida

and Dr. Camacho have never had the strength to take office, nor the good

sense permanently to unite their parties. But since Dr. Costa has not

the will or has not the courage or has not the power to do without, and

indeed to crush Snr. França Borges and his _Mundo_, and the _Carbonario_

satellites organised by the Democrat party since the Revolution, the

outlook for the Republic is not very promising.

[Sidenote: The Lisbon Republic.]

The Republicans have become a shrinking circle. At Oporto, where the

Republicans were always few, they have not increased since 1910. This

is admitted sincere Republicans. For instance, _A Republica_ of 7th

March, 1914: “Oporto is not sensibly more Republican to-day than it was

on the 5th of October, 1910. The Republican party then at Oporto was

so plainly in a minority that it was unable even to win the municipal

elections.” Able men such as Dr. Duarte Leite and Snr. Bazilio Telles

tend more and more to hold aloof from politics. Only at Lisbon a great

part, probably the larger half of the inhabitants, in quantity if not

in quality, is enthusiastically Republican. It is likely to remain so

for several years. The Lisbon shopkeepers have accepted with all the

simple want of faith of the half-educated the assertion that all the

evils of Portugal came from religion and the Jesuits. For the present

they are kept in expectation of the golden age that was to follow the

expulsion of the religious orders by a multitude of projects. Every day

_O Seculo_, the most widely-read Republican newspaper, appears with some

new proposition, the reorganisation of the Army, the construction of a

fleet, the acquisition of aeroplanes, the extension of railways, roads, a

bridge across the Tagus, and so forth. Of course nothing is done, but the

illusion of a new age is maintained. If in a few more years it is seen

that nothing of all this has been accomplished, that deficits continue,

and taxes increase, probably the Lisbon world of industry and commerce

will reconsider its political opinions. There have been too many projects

and too much self-analysis at Lisbon. It may be seen from the quotations

given in this book that the Portuguese Republic has had a few bitter and

outspoken critics in its midst.

[Sidenote: Impunity for Outrages.]

The difficulty has been to translate their words into action. They have

called for the punishment of the authors of various outrages, but have

succeeded at the most in bringing about—an additional outrage. Thus,

when Snr. Pimenta, a member of the Evolutionist party, placed on his

programme at a recent election the punishment of the delators and of the

promoters of public disorder, he was set upon at Barreiro for his pains,

and had some difficulty in escaping from the mob. And the same class of

scoundrels who wrecked the offices of all the Royalist newspapers at

Lisbon and in the provinces, are waiting to return to their nefarious

practices should occasion offer. But indeed if the moderate Republicans

realise that by every feigned indifference, every timid acquiescence in

the excesses of the minority, they are driving a nail into the coffin of

Portugal, or at least into the coffin of the Republic, they will have the

courage to unite in restraining the actions of this minority, not only

for a few months, but for ever, and they will find that the country is on

their side. So far the Portuguese might paraphrase the words of Thiers,

and say that “the Republic is the form of government which divides us

_most_.” The one idea of saving the State or improving the situation is

to split up into more parties, to initiate a new movement, to form a new

group of defence, a band of spies and delators, such as the “White Ants,”

or a party of vague idealists. But the nation will become more and more

convinced that the road to prosperity does not lie through politics.

[Sidenote: “A Tolerant Progressive Republic.”]

“A violent change of Government at present,” wrote _O Socialista_ (14th

July, 1913), (now _A Vanguarda_, organ of the Socialists), “may be

welcomed by those honest Republicans and sincere patriots who desire a

modern, tolerant, progressive Republic, and a period of tranquillity

and careful work for their country.” A modern, tolerant, progressive

Government would unite all but the merest handful of extremists in the

common cause of Portugal. Only it is necessary to emphasise the fact

that the Government must not be tolerant of crimes and indiscipline,

since this appears to have been constantly overlooked by Republican

Governments. The punishment of one crime will save many. It is extremely

improbable that the second and far worse Gymnasio Theatre outrage would

have occurred had the authors of the first been punished. But low as the

Republic has sunk by thus winking at these iniquities, it is not too late

for it to consolidate and retrieve itself because the longing for peace

and tranquillity is so prevalent in the country, and the fear of another

political upheaval so great.

[Sidenote: Docility of the People.]

If the Republic proved itself not necessarily a very able or a very

original or a very attractive _régime_, but merely fair and conciliatory,

it could win over all the quiet, docile inhabitants of Portugal, that is,

over 90 per cent. of the population. Portugal should not be a difficult

country to govern if it is once made clear that those who get out of

hand and go from words (which no wise ruler in Portugal would ever

attempt to check) to deeds, will be exemplarily punished. Docility is the

rule, and acquiescence, so long as the acquiescent are allowed the right

of perpetual sarcasm and ridicule, which are, indeed, the safety-valve of

Portuguese politics. The occasional movements of a more serious nature

might be curbed more efficaciously by shooting one or two ringleaders

than by imprisoning hundreds of men for months and then trying and

acquitting them. They leave the prisons with a sense of injustice

suffered and are henceforth confirmed enemies of the Government. But the

Democrat Republicans have shown the strangest determination to turn the

indifferent into enemies and to alienate friends.

[Sidenote: The New Inquisition.]

There is scarcely a politician or newspaper outside the Democrat party

which has not been attacked and insulted. Under the searching action

of this party the Republic been in danger of being limited to a few

thousands, of convinced Democrats and ardent Republicans no doubt, but a

few isolated thousands. And so inquisitorial have been their methods that

they have in fact a right to consider themselves lineal descendants of

the Portuguese Inquisition, which so vigilantly sought out and punished

“new Christians” and heretics. They are thus disciples of the very body

of men whom they least admire, but extremes meet. (The pity is that the

extremists meet also, as the streets of Lisbon have reason to remember.)

They have been in too great a hurry. Fresh adherents to the Republic can

only come gradually if they come at all. And gradually must come the

benefits, if any, that the Republic is to confer upon Portugal. The evils

are four hundred years old, and it is absurd to attribute them to Dom

Luiz or Dom Carlos, or Snr. João Franco; and still more absurd to pretend

to end them by drawing up a hundred or so new laws.

[Sidenote: Confused Rhetoric.]

The work of the Provisional Government was “gigantic, marvellous,

superb,” declared the Republican deputy, Snr. Alexandre Braga. “Never

again,” he said in a dithyrambic speech, typical of the muddy thinking

of the day, “never again will the family in Portugal return to the state

demoralising hypocrisy to which it was nailed by the rigid dogma that

forbade divorce. Never again will woman’s dignity be bespattered by

lies and disloyalty and treachery through having to hide as a disgrace

the pure flame of her true love [_i.e._, for some one not her husband].

Never again will the children be poisoned by the lethal infiltration of a

Jesuit education. No more cloisters, no more superstition, no more showy

and mercenary charity....”

[Sidenote: Discipline.]

Yet it was more not less discipline that Portuguese society required.

Fatal to Portugal is likely to prove the policy which seeks deliberately

to undermine all authority—of the family (by new facilities given to

divorce); of the priest (by instituting public worship societies); of the

landowner (by taxing him to a fourth or more of his income), of the Army

(by subjecting it to the _Carbonarios_), of the police (by encouraging

“White Ants” and mob to take the law into their own hands), of justice

(by dismissing and banishing those judges who refuse to be influenced by

politics), of the law (by shaping it entirely to party ends).

[Sidenote: The Constitution.]

Some clauses of the present Constitution are excellent, but they are

dead letters. In Chapter II (concerning the rights and guarantees of

individuals), for instance, clause 4 decrees that “Liberty of conscience

and belief is inviolable.” So “No one can be persecuted on the ground

of religion” (clause 6); “Expression of thought in whatever form is

completely free, without previous censure” (clause 13; but, proceeds this

clause, the abuse of this right is liable to punishment); “The right

of meeting and association is free” (clause 14); “The inviolability of

private houses is guaranteed” (clause 15); “No one can be arrested

without a warrant” (clause 18); “The secrecy of the post is inviolable”

(clause 28); “Citizens may resist any order which infringes the

guarantees of the individual, unless these guarantees have been suspended

by law” (clause 37). It is certainly time to put these excellent precepts

into practice.

[Sidenote: The Tyranny of a Minority.]

“_Paz ponen los omes entre si á las vezes_,” said King Alfonso X some

seven centuries ago: “men sometimes make peace with one another”; and

this is still occasionally the case. There is no reason why all moderate

and patriotic Portuguese should not unite to eliminate the extremists.

It ill befits Portugal’s dignity that a body of some six thousand should

tyrannize over a population of six millions. There is scope for the

activities of all Portuguese, room for the interests of all, in Portugal

and in the Portuguese colonies.

[Sidenote: Foreigners and Portugal.]

But so long as this small minority dominates and systematically stifles

the voice of the majority of the Portuguese and gags the Portuguese

Press, foreign criticism will be legitimate and necessary. The Democrats

constantly misrepresent all such criticism as hostility towards Portugal

(instead of hostility towards the _Carbonarios_ and Democrats), a

misrepresentation which excites much amusement among those who know

that nine-tenths of the inhabitants of Portugal detest and fear their

despotism. Foreign critics must be few and ignorant indeed who are

animated by dislike of Portugal or the Portuguese. Most foreigners after

a sojourn in Portugal take away the most pleasant impressions of the

land and people, and they deplore the fact that it should be possible to

say of Portugal, as was once said of Spain, that it has been given every

blessing except that of a good Government. Rich in its sea and soil, and

subsoil and climate, rich in buildings, traditions and literature from a

glorious past, fortunate in the intelligent and progressive character of

the inhabitants, Portugal possesses splendid advantages.

[Sidenote: Individual Enterprise.]

That these advantages should be turned to account depends rather on the

individual energy and enterprise of every Portuguese than on politics.

All that should be desired of the Government is that it should afford a

fair and open field for individual effort. And every Portuguese who lives

not in Paris but in Portugal, who devotes himself to hard work instead of

some so-called liberal profession, and who in his own immediate sphere of

action encourages among the peasants cleanliness and regard for health,

and among the educated toleration and discipline, will do more for

Portugal than all the wordy warfare of the party politicians.

[Sidenote: Foreign Importations.]

Gil Vicente, four centuries ago, implored his countrymen “not to be

Genoese but very Portuguese,” and, if the Portuguese wish to renew that

respect in which, on account of their past history, they are still held

abroad, they will make Portugal not less but more Portuguese. And since

all the troubles of Portugal during the last hundred years have come

from foreign importations, of language, literature, politics, habits,

imperfectly adapted to the requirements, customs, and character of

Portugal, there are a hundred ways in which this can be done, as for

instance, by purifying the language from Gallicisms and empty pomposities

(a Lisbon political party has recently declared its programme to be

_procurar effectivar uma politica de realizações_: the gorgeous sound

of it stuns an audience, but the words are really as empty as a pod

that rattles in the wind after shedding all its seeds); by encouraging

regional literature; by living the Portuguese country life which formed

a delightful feature in Portugal before the foreign conquests of the

sixteenth century drew all men to Lisbon. Even the importation of foreign

capital has been a doubtful gain, and has either been squandered with

small result or been applied by foreigners. “Our principal railway

company is foreign, our electric trams foreign, the gas company is

largely constituted by foreign capital, our chief exports, as those of

cork, preserves, wine of Oporto and Madeira, copper, etc., are in the

hands of foreigners, a great part of our external commerce and transports

is carried on by foreigners” (_O Seculo_, 13th November, 1911). And,

worst of all, the political programmes are foreign. Foreigners may be

inclined to smile when they see foreign customs and institutions (as the

English parliamentary system) distorted and misapplied in Portugal, but

for all that is genuinely Portuguese they can have nothing but admiration

and respect.

[Sidenote: Local Influence.]

With a population so docile and ready to learn, above all so inclined

to prefer some distant uncertainty to the reality before them, it is

all-important to have a strong non-political influence in each parish,

whether that influence be of priest or professor, doctor or landowner.

Without some such nucleus more and more will vagueness and bewilderment

drive the peasant in a stream of emigration to Lisbon and Brazil, and

Portugal become denationalised.

[Sidenote: Scope for all Portuguese.]

That “violent change” advocated by _A Vanguarda_ in 1913 was brought

about two years later by the movement, without violence, which brought

General Pimenta de Castro into power. Snr. Manoel de Arriaga and General

Pimenta de Castro deserve the lasting gratitude of their country for

having attempted to provide the first indispensable conditions for all

those who wish to work for the good of Portugal. A Government of this

kind, impartial, conciliatory, and firm, offered to every Portuguese

without exception—even Snr. Paiva Conceiro, the leader of the Royalist

incursions of 1911 and 1912, was allowed to return—an opportunity to

lay politics aside and unite to raise Portugal from her present misery.

Every sincere Portuguese will admit that there is much work ready to his

hand which has little to say to politics, if it be only the development

of an acre of land or the reconciliation between two rival points of

view. And another sign of good omen is the more serious outlook on life

of the younger generation and the existence of a new party—that of the

Integralists—which is inclined to set to work obscurely, gradually,

unconventionally, with a view to the actual needs of the people, of the

professional working man.

[Sidenote: New Conquests.]

Every great—or small—landowner who takes a personal interest in his

property, every non-political politician—the phrase is no contradiction

in terms—who studies not rhetoric but reality, every Portuguese, however

humble, who cultivates his own garden, whether that garden be the

Portuguese language or literature or soil or subsoil or industry, will

go a step towards constituting a real Portugal of the Portuguese, and

will deserve as many laurels of his country as crown the brows of the old

_Conquistadores_.

FOOTNOTES

[1] _Censo da População de Portugal._ No 1ᵒ de Dezembro de 1911. Lisboa,

Imprensa Nacional, 1913.

[2] The only towns with over 20,000 inhabitants are Lisbon (435,359),

Oporto (194,009), Setubal (30,346), Braga (24,647), and Coimbra (20,581).

[3] 11th February, 1913.

[4] 12th February, 1913.

[5] _Sertorio do Monte Pereira. A producção agricola_ (in _Notas sobre

Portugal_).

[6] _Ambassade en Espagne et en Portugal_ (_en_ 1552). Par Philippe de

Caverel. Arras, 1860.

[7] _Milreis_, _duro_, dollar, or roughly 4s., but varying from 3s. to

4s., according to the exchange.

[8] Manuel Teles, _A Contribuição Predial_. Porto, 1914.

[9] The _hectare_ = two and a half acres.

[10] They yield resin, are used for building throughout Portugal, and are

exported for various purposes, including that of props in mines.

[11] A cork-tree is stripped once in ten years, yielding about £2.

[12] _Notas sobre Portugal._ Lisbon, 1908.

[13] Chiefly pine and oak, but also including ash, elm, poplar, nut,

eucalyptus, acacia, etc.

[14] Joaquim Ferreira Borges, _A Silvicultura em Portugal_ (in _Notas

sobre Portugal_).

[15] Trees, as well as fish and game, suffered severely from the decree

of King Manoel I, throwing open the private _coutadas_.

[16] In 1907 the roads in existence are given as 11,754 _kilomètres_

(6,058 main, 5,180 secondary, and 516 by-roads).

[17] 15th April, 1914.

[18] The posts and telegraphs in Portugal yield the State a steady yearly

surplus of several hundred _contos_.

[19] See Joaquim de Vasconcellos, _A Ceramica portuguesa_. Porto, 1894.

In 1905 the export of _azulejos_ was 53 tons (of which 37 went to Brazil).

[20] In an old chronicle a British force having landed to help a

Portuguese army in the siege of a town, one of the besiegers, to inform

the besieged of the fact, asks sarcastically if they are in need of cloth

from England.

[21] Commerce is not more flourishing than industry. The percentage of

merchant ships entering the Tagus has recently (_i.e._, just before the

war) been given as follows: 34 German, 33 British, 9 French, 9 Dutch, 7

Portuguese, and 8 of other nations.

[22] Some English wine companies at Oporto date from the seventeenth

century.

[23] An acre of vines may cost about £35 to plant, and will not really

repay the planter till after its sixth year.

[24] The cork is exported partly in a raw state, owing to the higher

Customs duty on manufactured cork in Germany and some other countries.

In Alemtejo it is so common that it is used to make articles of the most

various kinds, taking the place of wood or tin.

[25] Joaquim José Ventura da Silva: _Descripção topografica da

nobilissima cidade de Lisboa_. Lisboa, 1835.

[26] _Memoria sobre Chafarizes, Bicas, Fontes e Poços publicos._ Lisboa,

1851.

[27] By the Rev. William Bradford (London, 1814).

[28] See Dr. J. Leite de Vasconcellos’ fascinating _Ensaios

Ethnographicos_, 4 vols. (1896-1910).

[29] For the description of a _romaria_ (pilgrimage) see Snr. Teixeira de

Queiroz’ novel, _A Cantadeira_. Lisboa, 1913.

[30] See Dr. Alves dos Santos: _O Ensino primario em Portugal_, in _Notas

sobre Portugal_.

[31] _O Ensino._ Por Bernardino Machado. Coimbra, 1898.

[32] _Ibid._, p. 242.

[33] See _A Instrucção secundaria em Portugal_. Por Dr. José Maria

Rodrigues, in _Notas sobre Portugal_.

[34] Eça de Queiroz: _Ultimas Paginas_. Porto, 1912.

[35] _Miscellanea de Miguel Leitão de Andrade_, 2nd ed. Lisbon, 1867.

[36] _Livro das Grandezas de Lisboa._ 1620.

[37] Mendes dos Remedios: _Historia da Litteratura Portuguêsa desde as

origens até á actualidade_. 4a edição. Coimbra, 1914.

[38] _Obras_, 6 vols., Lisbon, 1853, with biography by Rebello da Silva;

8 vols., Porto, 1875-6, with biography by Theophilo Braga.

[39] Philéas Lebesgue: _Le Portugal littéraire d’aujourd’hui_. Paris,

1904.

[40] Fidelino de Figueiredo: _Historia da Litteratura Realista_

(1871-1900). Lisboa, 1914.

[41] That is, nearly thrice the pension (15,000 _réis_) given by King

Sebastian to the poet Camões.

[42] _Obras_, vol. ii, p. 143-6. _Floresta de Enganos._

[43] _Obras_, I, pp. 167-71. _Auto da Feira._

[44] _Obras_, II, pp. 498-502. _Romagem de Aggravados._

[45] _Obras_, II, pp. 496-7. _Rom. de Agg._

[46] _Obras_, II, pp. 520-2. _Rom. de Aggr._

[47] _Obras_, I, pp. 115-6. _Auto de Mofina Mendes._

[48] _Obras_, III, pp. 244-5. _O Clerigo da Beira._

[49] _Obras_, III, pp. 5-7. _Quem tem farelos?_

[50] _Obras_, III, pp. 179-80. _O Juiz da Beira._

[51] _Obras_, III, pp. 203-5. _Farça dos Almocreves._

[52] _Ibid._, pp. 208-9.

[53] Born at Ponta Delgada on 24th February, 1843. He took his degree at

Coimbra in 1868, and four years later became and for over forty years

has remained Professor of Literature at Lisbon. His untiring studies in

Portuguese literature have brought him a wide celebrity.

[54] Born at Valle da Vinha in 1866. He studied medicine at Coimbra

and took his degree in 1895. He wrote an article entitled “The Last

Bragança,” in a Coimbra newspaper in 1890, and was imprisoned for three

months. After his release he took part in the unsuccessful Republican

rising of 1891. He subsequently worked as a doctor in São Thomé for

nearly ten years.

[55] Born at Rio de Janeiro in 1851, the son of the first Baron Joanne.

He studied at Oporto, and was appointed Professor of Philosophy in 1879.

In 1882 he was elected deputy for Lamego, and in 1893 became Minister of

Public Works under Snr. Hintze Ribeiro. Minister for Foreign Affairs in

1910, he was then appointed Portuguese Minister at Rio de Janeiro, and

returned to become Portuguese Premier in February, 1914. In 1915 he was

elected President of the Republic by the Democrats.

[56] Born at Aljustrel. He studied medicine at Lisbon, and became an army

doctor. He succeeded the first Minister of _Fomento_, Snr. Antonio Luiz

Gomes, on 23rd November, 1910.

[57] Born at Ceia in the Serra da Estrella in 1871. He took his degree at

Coimbra in 1895, and practised as an advocate with success. In 1900 he

was returned as Republican deputy for Oporto, and took a prominent part

in opposing successive governments till the fall of the Monarchy. From

January, 1913, to January, 1914, he was Premier.

[58] Born at Lisbon in 1875. He was a lieutenant in the Navy at the

time of the Revolution, in preparing which (and in organising the

_Carbonarios_) he had taken a principal part. After the Revolution he was

raised to the rank of captain and granted a pension of 3 _contos_ (£600).

[59] Joaquim Pereira Pimenta de Castro, born at Pias, near Vianna

do Castello, in the province of Minho, in 1846. He entered the Army

(Engineers) in October, 1867, and became captain in 1874, major in

1883, lieut.-colonel in 1887, colonel in 1892, general in 1900. He has

published various works, all of a practical character, including “A

Rational and Practical Solution of the Electoral Problem,” written in

1890, and translated into French and English in 1904.

[60] João Chagas, _Cartas politicas_ (December, 1908).

[61] The decentralisation was to be less than that granted in 1878, which

over-reached itself. Each _Junta Geral_ was to be composed of twenty-five

_procuradores_ (proctors), whose duty it would be to look after the

general interests and finance of the district, the State conceding part

of its revenues to the local treasuries.

[62] Republican Ministers of Finance have taken up this project. On the

22nd of March, 1912, Snr. Sidonio Paes introduced a Bill, proposing that

all duties, excepting those on corn, rice, sugar and colonial products,

should be paid in gold. The idea, however, meets with opposition in the

Lisbon commercial world. Snr. Anselmo de Andrade’s project referred to

payment in gold of one half of the duty only.

[63] “Legislation for the moon,” according to the Republican _O

Intransigente_.

[64] The President only receives 18 _contos_, under £4,000, a year.

[65] Dr. Manoel de Arriaga 121 votes, Dr. Bernardino Machado 86 votes

(24th August, 1911). The first President of the Portuguese Republic

comes of an ancient family and has a Basque name (“the place of stones,”

or “a heap of stones,” _arri_ being probably the same word as in

Biarritz: two rocks). He was born at Horta on the 8th of July, 1840,

and studied at Coimbra. For some years he was professor of English at

the Lisbon _Lycée_. He was elected deputy for Madeira. Besides some

well-known volumes of poems it may be noted that he published in 1889

an essay condemning the penitentiary system. Although Dr. Arriaga has

never, during the last forty years or more, swerved from his Republican

principles, he has done his utmost as President to moderate the action of

the extremists, and to secure for the Republic that respect and affection

which are universally felt towards himself.

[66] Snr. Chagas, more pamphleteer than statesman, is, like many educated

Portuguese, intimately acquainted with Paris and with modern French

literature. In English literature his interest is slight, if we may judge

from his remark that “_Hamlet_ is very boring.” Yet he admires that

modern Hamlet, M. Anatole France.

[67] Dr. Brito Camacho regarded his party as a kind of make-weight

between the Radical and Conservative tendencies.

[68] It must be remembered that these are the words of a party organ

anxious to overthrow Dr. Costa’s influence. When Dr. Costa fell in 1914

the Evolutionists found themselves quite incapable of forming a Ministry.

[69] The Minister of Public Works was Snr. Antonio Maria da Silva, a

member of the _Alta Venda_ of the _Carbonaria_.

[70] _A Alliança Inglesa. Processo da Monarchia em Portugal._ Por Affonso

Ferreira. Coimbra, 1910.

[71] _Le Portugal et ses Colonies._ Par Angel Marvaud. Paris, 1912.

[72] Madeira and the Azores are considered as districts of Portugal

proper.

[Illustration: PORTUGAL.]

GLOSSARY

A

=Abastado.= Wealthy.

=Aga.= H.

=Agoadeiro.= Water-carrier.

=Agoureiro.= Prophetic.

=Alfandega.= Customs-house (from _Arab._).

=Alcachofra.= Thistle or artichoke (from _Arab._).

=Alem.= _Adv._ beyond (from _alli ende_). _Lancaster_, in Portuguese,

became _Alem-castro_.

=Alforges.= Saddlebags (from _Arab._).

=Algarvio.= Inhabitant of Algarve; chatterer.

=Almocreve.= Carrier (from _Arab._).

=Alto.= High.

=Amanhã.= To-morrow.

=Amendoa.= Almond.

=Amigo.= Friend.

=Andar.= To walk, to go.

=Andorinha.= Swallow.

=Anichar.= Find a place for.

=Armazem=, _plur._ _-ns_. Store, stores (from. _Arab._).

=Arranjar.= Arrange.

=Avenida.= Avenue.

=Azinheira.= Evergreen oak.

=Azulejo.= Glazed tile (from _Arab._, though commonly derived from

_azul_, blue).

B

=Bacalhau.= Stock-fish.

=Barraca.= Hut.

=Beirão.= Inhabitant of Beira.

=Benzedor.= Lit. = Blesser.

=Bica.= Spout of fountain, etc.

=Bilha.= Water-jar.

=Boeirinha.= _Fem. Dimin._ of _boeiro_ = Fr. _bouvier_, ox-man.

=Boas Festas.= _Bonne fête._

=Branco.= White.

=Brando.= Soft, gentle.

=Brazileiro.= Portuguese returned rich from Brazil.

=Broa.= For _Boroa_, _Borona_ (probably corruption of _Morona_),

maize-bread.

=Broinha.= _Dimin._ of _broa_.

=Bruxa.= Witch. Also night-light; also earthenware jar with holes.

C

=Cabo.= Cape.

=Cabula.= Idler.

=Calaceiro.= Idler.

=Calçada.= Paved way, street.

=Caloiro.= First-year student at Coimbra University.

=Campo.= Field. =No c.= In the country.

=Canga.= Yoke.

=Cantadeira.= Girl improvising songs at _romarias_, etc.

=Cantiga.= Song. Short poem = =Canto=, =Cantar=.

=Cantoneiro.= Road-mender (Fr. _cantonier_).

=Capa.= Cloak.

=Carta.= Letter.

=Casado.= Married.

=Castanha.= Chestnut.

=Cauteleiro.= Street seller of lottery tickets.

=Cavaco.= Gossip.

=Centavo= = _dezreis_, a halfpenny.

=Cera.= Wax.

=Cervo.= Stag.

=Chafariz.= Fountain (from _Arab._).

=Chegar.= To arrive.

=Charneca.= Moorland (from _Span._).

=Cheia.= Flood (from Lat. _plenus_).

=Cheiro.= Scent.

=Chiste.= Quip, jest.

=Choupal.= Poplar grove (from _choupo_).

=Chuva.= Rain (Lat. _pluvia_, Fr. _pluie_, Sp. _lluvia_).

=Cidade.= City.

=Cisne.= Swan.

=Ciume.= Jealousy.

=Clerigo.= Priest.

=Collareja.= Vegetable-seller (from village of Collares).

=Comedia= = =Comedoria=. Food.

=Conquistador.= Conqueror.

=Consoada.= Light supper, or extra meal, especially on Christmas Eve.

=Conto.= Story. =Conto (de réis)=, a tale of a million _réis_ (=

about £200).

=Cordoaria.= Place where cords or ropes are made.

=Coroça.= Cloak of reeds.

=Coutada.= Enclosed park.

=Crescer.= To grow.

=Cruz.= Cross.

D

=Deixarse-estar.= Let oneself be, or drift.

=Deixarse-ir.= (Fr. _laisser aller_).

=Demissionario.= Of Minister or Government about to resign.

=Desabado, Chapeo d.= Wide-brimmed hat.

=Desde.= Since, from.

=Desejar.= Desire.

=Desleixo.= Slovenliness.

=Despesas.= Expenses.

=Deus.= God.

=Dia.= Day.

=Diario.= Daily newspaper.

=Dom=, =Dona=. Sp. _Don_, _Doña_; Lat. _Dominus_.

=Donzellinha.= _Dimin._ of _donzella_, Maiden.

=Doutor.= Doctor (_e.g._, of Divinity). Doctor (M.D.) is =Medico=.

E

=Empregomania.= Bureaucracy.

=Ensino.= Education.

=Escudo= = _Milreis_ = about 5 francs.

=Esfolhada.= Gathering of men and women to separate maize-cobs from

their sheath.

=Esperança.= Hope.

=Estalagem.= Inn.

=Exma.= = _Excellentissima_ = most excellent.

F

=Fado.= Melancholy modern ballad (connected with the word “fate”).

=Fé.= Faith.

=Festa.= Holiday.

=Festejar.= Celebrate.

=Feiticeiro.= Sorcerer. Also _adj._, Charming (from _feitiço_, charm;

_cf._ Fetish).

=Fidalgo.= Nobleman.

=Fiel, eis.= Faithful.

=Filho.= Son.

=Fogareiro.= Stove.

=Formiga.= Ant.

=Fregues.= Customer.

=Furtar.= To steal.

=Futrica.= Town as opposed to Gown (at Coimbra).

G

=Gallo.= Cock.

=Gallego.= Inhabitant of Galicia.

=Garrido.= Fine, fair, smart.

=Gente.= People. The peasants use _a gente_ as = “I” or “we.”

=Geral.= _Adj._, General.

=Gosto.= Pleasure.

H

=Herdade.= Large farm or estate.

=Horta.= Vegetable garden.

=Hospedaria.= Inn, hôtel.

I

=Ilha.= Island.

=Infeliz.= Unhappy, miserable.

=Ingreme.= Steep.

J

=Janeiras.= Songs of New Year’s Day.

=Janella.= Window.

=Jardim.= Garden.

=Junta.= Committee.

=Justiceiro.= Just; practising justice.

L

=Ladainha.= Litany.

=Lagrimas.= Tears.

=Lamuria.= Blind beggar’s complaint.

=Laranjeira.= Orange-tree.

=Lareira.= Hearth.

=Largo.= Square.

=Lavrador.= Peasant; ploughman.

=Leilão.= Auction.

=Leziria.= Alluvial land.

=Lisboeta.= Inhabitant of Lisbon.

=Livro.= Book.

=Lua.= Moon.

=Lume.= Fire.

=Luta=, =Lucta=. Strife, struggle.

M

=Maçã.= Apple.

=Magico.= Magician.

=Mais.= More. (=Mas= = But.)

=Magusto.= Fire for roasting chestnuts.

=Maldito.= Accursed.

=Mansamente.= Gently.

=Marinha.= Salt-pits.

=Matto.= Moorland.

=Mavioso=, =Meigo=. Charming, delicate.

=Meia duzia.= Half-a-dozen.

=Menagem.= Oath (_Homenagem_).

=Metter.= To put, place.

=Minhoto.= Inhabitant of Minho.

=Missa.= Mass.

=Moça.= Girl.

=Mocidade.= Youth.

=Molhadinho.= _Dimin._ of _Molhado_, Wet.

=Monte.= Estate (in Alemtejo or Algarve).

=Morango= and =Morangão=. Strawberry.

=Morgadinha.= _Fem. dimin._ of _Morgado_, Heir of entailed estate.

=Mosteiro.= Monastery.

=Mundo.= World.

=Municipio.= Town Hall, Town Council.

=Murta.= Myrtle.

N

=Noite.= Night.

=Nortada.= North wind.

=Noticias.= News.

=Novidade.= Novelty.

O

=Oiro=, =Ouro=. Gold.

=Orvalhada=, =Orvalho=. Dew.

P

=Paço=, =Palacio=. Palace.

=Padre.= Priest (Father is Pae).

=Palmellão.= Wind from Palmella.

=Para que serve?= What is the use of?

=Passarinho.= _Dimin._ of _Passaro_, Bird.

=Pauta.= Tariff.

=Pavoroso.= Terrible.

=Pega.= Magpie.

=Poblador.= Founder = _Povoador_.

=Poço.= Well.

=Podridão.= Rottenness.

=Praça.= Square.

=Praia.= Shore.

=Pregões.= Street cries.

=Primo= or =Primo Coirmão=. Cousin.

=Pronto.= Ready.

=Pronunciamento= = Sp. _Pronunciamiento_.

Q

=Quadra.= Quatrain.

=Quanto=, =quantos?= How much, How many?

=Quem dá?= Who gives?

=Quentinha.= _Fem. dimin._ of _Quente_, Hot. (Contraction of

_caliente_.)

=Quinta.= Country-house.

R

=Rabadão.= Shepherd (= _Rebanheiro_).

=Redondilhas.= Verses of four lines of eight syllables.

=Regateira.= Market-woman.

=Reis.= Kings.

=Réis.= Plural of _real_ (20 _réis_ = a penny).

=Republica.= At Coimbra University a group of students living

together.

=Rocio= = =Praça=. Square (formerly _recio_).

=Roda.= Wheel.

=Romance=, =Cantar romance=. Old ballad usually in lines of sixteen

syllables. Formerly _romance_ = common (Portuguese) language

as opposed to Latin. In modern Portuguese it = “novel.” (Fr.

_roman_.)

=Romaria.= Pilgrimage.

=Rosmaninho.= Rosemary.

=Rua.= Street. =Rua Nova=, New Street.

S

=S.= = =São=. Saint.

=Saber.= To know.

=Sala.= Hall.

=Saloio.= Peasant of neighbourhood of Lisbon.

=Saudade.= Wistfulness; bittersweet regret.

=Saudoso.= Filled with regret or longing.

=Sé.= Cathedral.

=Sebastianismo.= The attitude of mind that looks for the return of

King Sebastian.

=Senhor.= Sir; lord.

=Serra.= Mountain range.

=Serviçaes.= Servants; day-labourers.

=Simples.= Simple.

T

=Taverna=, =Taberna=. Tavern; wayside inn.

=Tejo.= Tagus (Sp. _Tajo_).

=Terra.= Earth; country.

=Terreiro.= Terrace.

=Torre.= Tower.

=Tosquia.= Shearing.

=Tourada.= Bull-fight.

=Trabalho.= Labour; sorrow; trouble.

=Trato.= Commerce.

=Tratos.= Torture.

=Travessa.= Passage; side street.

=Troça, Fazer troça de.= Satire, skit.

V

=V.E.= or =V. Exa.= = _Vossa Excellencia_. Your Excellence.

=Vámos.= Let us go.

=Varina.= Fishwoman (= =woman= of (O)var).

=Velho.= Old.

=Venda.= Inn (Sp. _venta_).

=Venho.= I come.

=Veraneantes.= Summer residents.

=Viagem.= Journey.

=Vintem.= Penny.

=Vossé.= You.

=Vossemecé.= Your Worship = you.

Z

=Zagal=, =aes=. Shepherd boy (from _Arab._).

INDEX

Affonso, Prince, 116-7

⸺ I, 93, 107-8

⸺ II, 109

⸺ III, 109, 110

⸺ IV, 111

⸺ V, 115, 116

⸺ VI, 124, 125

Afforestation, 32, 33

Agriculture, 29, 37, 40

Aguadeiros, 43

Alba, Duke of, 121

Albuquerque (Affonso d’), 6, 22, 88, 117, 118, 119

Albuquerque (Bras d’), 138

Alcacer, 115

Alcacer do Sal, 109

Alcacer-Kebir, 100, 120

Alcachofras, 54

Alcoa, The, 94

Alcobaça, 21, 79, 84, 92-5

Alcoforado (Marianna de), 142

Alemtejo, 25, 31, 32, 39, 47, 59, 60, 79, 80, 82, 103, 106

Alfama, 48

Alfarrobeira, Battle of, 115

Alfonso X, 109, 110, 134

Algarve, 25, 79, 80, 82, 103, 106, 109

Algarvios, 4

Aljubarrota, 84, 95, 113, 222

Almeida (Antonio José de), 169, 176, 177, 184, 187, 245, 249

⸺ (D. João de), 204

Almeida Garrett (J. B. da S. L.) Viscount, 41, 76, 145, 152

Almourol, 100

Alpoim (José de), 186

Alvares (João), 96

_Amadis of Gaul_, 133

Amarante, 37

Ameixial, Battle of, 125

Amélie, Queen. _See_ MARIE AMÉLIE

Andrade (Anselmo de), 193

⸺ Caminha (Pedro de), 140

Angola, 235

Anti-clericalism, 29, 61-7

Antonio, Prior of Crato, 121, 122

Areias, 91

Armada, The, 122

Army, 74

Arriaga (Manoel de), 67, 201, 210, 212, 215, 245, 256

Arte de Furtar, 57, 83

Atouguia, Count of, 128

Aveiro, 39, 79

⸺ (Pantaleão de), 138

⸺, Duke of, 128

Azevedo (Victor Hugo de), 211

Azulejos, 36, 43

Azurara (Gomez Eannes de), 115, 136

Bacalhau, 30, 36

Baça, The, 94

Barbosa Machado (Diogo), 142

Barreiro, 35, 47

Barros (João de), 46, 137

Basto, 37

Batalha, 21, 84, 95-7

Beckford (William), 1

Begging, 56, 57

Beira, 25, 53, 59

Beirões, 3, 4

Beja, 38, 39, 83, 103-4

Belem, 88-9, 96

Beresford, General, 129, 130

Bernardes (Diogo), 100, 140

Bernardes (Manoel), 142

Blake, William, 72

Bocage (M. Barbosa du), 143

Bombarda (Miguel), 195

Bom Jesus, 50

Botelho (Abel), 148

Braga, 25, 38, 39, 56, 83, 100

⸺ (Alexandre), 253, 212

⸺ (Theophilo), 8, 15, 20, 70, 133, 150, 165, 166, 176, 195, 198,

215

Bragança, 38, 39, 101

Braganza, Duke of, 116

Brazileiros, 27, 55

Brito (Bernardo de), 141

⸺ Camacho (Manuel), 169, 177, 203, 249

Broas, 45, 50

Buarcos, 45

Bucellas, 37

Buiça (Manuel dos Reis), 189

Bull-fights, 55

Bureaucracy, 57, 73

Bussaco, 45, 85

Byron, Lord, 14

Cabral (Pedro Alvares), 119

Calcoen, 6-7

Caldas da Rainha, 45, 79, 82

Cambridge, Earl of, 221, 222

Camões (Luis de), 89, 140, 154-166

Canalejas (José), 175

Candido dos Reis, Admiral, 195

Cangas, 59

Cantigas, 16-19, 51-54

Cape Espichel, 91

⸺ Verde Islands, 237

Carbonaria, 180, 181, 182, 200, 204

Carcavellos, 37

Carlos I, 131, 132, 183, 184, 188, 190, 247

Carlotta, Queen, 130

Carnegie (Hon. Lancelot), 227

Cascaes, 45, 85, 121, 122

Castello Branco, 38, 39

⸺ (Camillo), 146

⸺ Melhor, Count of, 124

Castilho (A. F. de), 144

Castro (Eugenio de), 94

⸺ (Inés de), 93-5

⸺ (João de), 6, 138

⸺ (José Luciano de), 183, 191

Catharina, Queen, 224

Caverel (Philippe de), 30

Centenarians, 26

Ceuta, 114

Chagas (João), 172, 187, 190, 201, 202, 214, 218

Charneca, 91

Chestnuts, 45, 46

Chiado, 41

Cintra, 44, 45, 76, 86, 89, 91

Clenardus (N.), 83

Clergy, 63

Climate, 80

Coelho (F. Adolpho), 15

Coimbra, 25, 38, 39, 57, 58, 73, 94, 98-100

Collares, 37, 44, 78, 86

Colonies, 13, 233-8

Commerce, 37

Consiglieri Pedroso (Z.), 15

Consoadas, 50

Contos, 148

Cork, 39

Coroças, 59

Correa (Gaspar de), 137

⸺ (Garção), 143

Cortesão (Jaime), 16

Costa (Affonso da), 13, 65, 169, 171, 176, 177, 178, 179, 184, 187,

192, 205, 209, 210, 231, 232, 245, 249

⸺ (Alfredo Luis da), 189

Couto (Diogo do), 107, 137

Covilhã, 36, 100

Crato, 100

Cruz (Agostinho da), 140

⸺ (Gaspar da), 138

Customs Dues, 230

Delgado (A. G.), 80

Denis. _See_ DINIZ

Description de Lisbonne, 20

Desleixo, 10, 11

Deus (João de), 144

Diercks (Gustav), 220

Diniz, King, 33, 92, 94, 95, 103, 110, 111, 112, 135, 221, 229

⸺ (Julio), 17, 147

Douro, The, 101

Drake, 122

Drama, 149, 152

Duarte, Infante, 124

⸺ King, 5, 95, 96, 114

⸺ Leite, 205, 249

Eça de Queiroz (J. M.), 22, 74, 75, 147

Education, 58, 67-73

Elvas, 103

Elysio (Filinto), 143

Emigrants, 26, 27, 47

Esfolhadas, 15

Estoril, Os Estoris, 45, 76, 80, 81, 85, 86

Estremadura, 25, 39, 80

Euzebio (A. M.), 20

Evora, 39

Falcão (Christovam), 140, 141

Faro, 39, 79, 106

Ferdinand of Saxe Coburg Gotha, 90, 131

Fernando I, 112

⸺ Infante, 95, 96, 114

Fernandes Galvão (Francisco), 139

⸺ Trancoso (Gonçalo). _See_ TRANCOSO

Ferreira (Antonio), 95, 140, 152

⸺ d’Almeida (João), 165

Ficalho, Conde de, 60

Figueiredo (Fidelino de), 149

Finances, 229-233

Fishing, 35, 36

Folk-lore, 15

Food, 21

Foreigners and Portugal, 11, 12, 26, 254

França Borges, 187, 249

France and Portugal, viii, 75, 125

France (Anatole), 44, 202

Franco (João), 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 190

Freire d’Andrade (Jacinto), 141

Freitas (João de), 209, 214

Fructuoso (Gaspar), 138

Funerals, 22

Gaia, 103

Galicia, 30, 56, 82, 107, 111

Gama (Vasco da), 6, 89, 115, 117, 138

Garrett. _See_ ALMEIDA GARRETT

Gaunt (John of), 221

Germany and Portugal, 219, 220, 227, 228

Goes (Damião de), 134, 136

Goethe (J. W. von), 62, 72

Gomes Coelho (J. G.). _See_ DINIZ (JULIO)

⸺ Freire de Andrade, General, 130

Gonçalves (Nuno), 150

⸺ Crespo, 145

Great Britain and Portugal, vii, 123, 124, 125, 216-28

Guarda, 100

Guerra Junqueiro (Abilio), 8, 17, 22, 145, 206

Guimarães, 36

Guinea, 236

Hardinge (Sir Arthur), 227

Henry, Cardinal, 120, 121

⸺ Infante, 95, 96, 98, 102, 114, 115, 150, 222

⸺ of Burgundy, 93, 100, 107

Herculano (Alexandre), 9, 40, 61, 146

Hintze Ribeiro, 183

Historia Tragico-Maritima, 138

Holdings, 30-31

Holland and Portugal, 123, 124, 125

Iglesias (Pablo de), 242

Illiterates, 1, 67, 68

Imports, 38, 39

Inns, 83, 84

Inquisition, The, 6

Integralists, 257

Irish and Portuguese, 1

Irrigation, 32

Janeiras, 50

Jesuits, 63, 128, 200

Jesus (Thomé de), 139

Jews, 4, 6

João I, 95, 96, 113, 114, 222

⸺ II, 116, 117

⸺ III, 77, 89, 119, 120

⸺ IV, 123, 223

⸺ V, 126, 127, 128

⸺ VI, 129, 130

José I, 127, 128

Juan I, 95, 112, 113

Juana, Princess, 116

Lagos, 103

Leça, The, 79

Leiria, 33, 38, 85

Leitão de Andrade (M.), 85

Leite de Vasconcellos (José), 15, 53, 151

Leonor, Queen, 113

Lima, The, 100

Limoeiro, 49

Lisbon, 4, 25, 38, 41-9, 63, 70, 88, 101, 112, 113, 168

Lopes (Fernão), 136

⸺ de Castanheda (F.), 137

⸺ de Haro (Mecia), 109

⸺ Vieira (Affonso), 94

Louzã, 100

Lucena (João de), 139

Luiz I, 131

Luso, 85

Macedo (Antonio Sousa de), 124, 125

⸺ (J. A. de), 143

Machado (Bernardino), 70, 176, 183, 192, 210, 211, 219, 239

⸺ Santos (M.), 169, 174, 177, 195, 209

Macieira (A.), 69

Mafra, 91-2

Magalhães (Luiz de), 148

Magusto, 50

Manoel I, 2, 89, 104

⸺ II, 104, 188, 191, 194, 196, 246

Manoeline Architecture, 21, 88, 96, 97

Manufactures, 36

Maria I, 128, 129

⸺ II, 90, 130, 131

⸺ Pia, Queen, 189

Marie Amélie, Queen, 90, 132, 189

Martyres (Bartholomeu dos), 138, 141

Marvell (Christopher), 90

Mathilde, Countess, 110, 111

Melgaço, 100

Mello (F. M. de), 141

Mendes Pinto (F.), 137-138

Meneses (João de), 118

Methuen Treaty, 37, 126, 225, 226

Michaëlis de Vasconcellos (C.), 133

Miguel, Dom, 131-132

Mines, 35

Minho, 20, 25, 30, 37, 39, 50, 59

Minhotos, 3, 4, 8, 56, 100

Missa do Gallo, 50

Monchique, 103

Mondego, The, 58, 79, 99

Monsão, 37

Montes Claros, Battle of, 125

Motor-cars, 34, 36

Mozambique, 236

Nabantia, 97

Nabão, The, 97

Negroes, 4

Niza, Family of, 134

Novels, 146-8

Nun’ Alvares Pereira, 22, 88, 93, 95, 113, 114, 222

Octogenarians, 26

Olive oil, 38

Oliveira (Fernando d’), 55

⸺ (Nicolas), 86

⸺ Martins (J. P.), 4, 146

Oman (C. W. C.), 194

Oporto, 25, 38, 39, 56, 70, 101-3

Ovar, 44

Pacheco Pereira (Duarte), 117

Paes (Gualdim), 97

⸺ (Maria), 108

Paiva de Andrade (Diogo), 138

⸺ Conceiro, Captain, 202, 256

Palmeirim of England, 100

Palmella, 47, 100

Payalvo, 97

Pedro I, 93, 111-2

⸺ II, 125, 126, 225

⸺ IV, 130, 131

⸺ II, 125

⸺ V, 131

⸺, Infante, 115

Pena Longa, 16

Philip II of Spain, 121

Philippa, Queen, 95, 96, 222

Pimenta de Castro, General, 179, 212, 213, 214, 215, 245, 256

Pina (Ruy de), 136

Pinto (Heitor), 139

Pires (A. T.), 15, 16

Poinsard (Léon), 23, 28

Pombal, Marquez de, 127, 128, 226

Population, 25, 26

Portalegre, 36, 39

Portimão, 103

Portugal (Manoel de), 140

Posts, 35

Povoa de Varzim, 100

Praia das Maçãs, 91

⸺ da Rocha, 103

Principe, I, 236

Prisons, 49, 50

Progressistas, 131

Protestantism, 9

Pucaros, 21

Quadras, 16

Quental (Anthero de), 144

Quintas, 21

Quita (D. dos R.), 143

Railways, 35

Regeneradores, 131

Religious Orders, 61, 62

Republicas, 58

Resende (André de), 104

⸺ (Garcia de), 94, 134, 135

Rhodes, (Cecil), 65

Ribatejo, 37

Ribeira de Pena Longa, 77

Ribeiro (Antonio), 41

⸺ (Bernardim), 90, 140

⸺ (João Pinto), 123

⸺ (Thomaz), 145

Roads, 33

Roman Catholics, 9, 61, 62

Romantics, 144

Romarias, 50

Rupert, Prince, 223

Sá de Meneses (F. de), 140

Sá de Miranda (F. de), 139

Sado, The, 79

Sagres, 103

Saint John’s Fires, 51-4

Salado, Battle of, 111

Salaries, 27, 28

Saloios, 47

Sancho I, 108

⸺ II, 109

Sanitation, 29

Santarem, 38, 39, 79

Santos (João dos), 7, 241

⸺ (Miguel dos), 138

S. Thomé, 236

Schaefer (Heinrich), 112, 227

Schomberg, Count of, 125

Schools, 68-70

Sebastian, King, 118, 120, 122

Sebastianismo, 5, 169

Serra de Arrabida, 79

⸺ Cintra, 77, 78, 79, 91

⸺ da Estrella, 32, 59, 60, 82

⸺ do Gerez, 32, 82

⸺ de Monchique, 82

Sertorius, 107

Setubal, 25, 37, 79, 86, 103

Shepherds, 59, 60

Silva (A. J. da), 143

Silveira (Alberto), 181

Silver, 103

Sines, 103

Soares (Manoel), 7, 204

Sobieski (J.), 4

Sociedade Propaganda de Portugal, 34, 84

Sousa (Luis de), 141

⸺ Viterbo (F. M. de), 140

Spain and Portugal, 2, 10, 13, 121-3, 125, 126, 216, 217, 218, 224

Sport, 55

Stevenson (R. L.), 7

Strangford, Lord, 226

Street Cries, 44, 45

Superstitions, 15, 54

Tagus, 47, 79

Tangiers, 114, 115

Tavora, Family of, 128

Teixeira de Queiroz, 64, 185, 193

⸺ Sousa, 64, 148

Telles (Bazilio), 249

⸺ (Leonor), 112

⸺ (Maria), 112

⸺ da Gama (Constança), 134

Tenreiro (Antonio), 138

Theresa, Countess, 107, 108

Thomar, 96, 97

Timor, 237

Torre do Tombo, 134

Touradas Nocturnas, 55

Trancoso (Gonçalo Fernandes), 104, 139

Traz os Montes, 25, 32, 39, 59, 100, 101

Usque (Samuel), 139

Vasconcellos (Augusto de), 203, 205

⸺ (Joaquim de), 150

Vaz de Carvalho (M. A.), 148

Vez, The, 79

Vianna do Alemtejo, 103

⸺ do Castello, 39, 100, 121

Vicente (Gil), 60, 135, 139, 152-63, 255

Vieira (Antonio), 142

Vilhena (Filippa de), 123

Villa do Conde, 100

⸺ Real, 39, 101

⸺ ⸺ de S. Antonio, 79

Villages, 49, 85

Viriathus, 107

Vives (Luis), 14

Vizeu, 138

⸺ Duke of, 116, 117

Voltaire, 24

Water, 43

Wellington, Duke of, 129

White Ants, 58

Wines, 37

Women, 7, 8, 26

Woollens, 36

Wyche (Sir Peter), 2

THE END

_Printed by Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, Ltd., Bath, England_

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