CHAPTER VI.

THE FIGHT.

The Challenge to Surrender and the Defiance--A Long Parley--The

Prompt Response to a Call for Aid--The Firing Begins--Flight of

Kline and his Deputies--Gorsuch is Killed and his Son Terribly

Wounded.

Padgett, guide and informer, led the Southern and Federal forces to

within about a quarter mile of the Parker house, where they stopped at

a little stream crossing the long lane, ate some crackers and cheese

and “fixed their ammunition.” It was then just about daybreak; it was

a heavy, foggy morning; and Padgett found it was his time to withdraw.

As the party drew near to the short lane which led into the house

and little garden-orchard around it they were seen by Nelson Ford

and Joshua Hammond, two of the Gorsuch slaves who had evidently been

picketed. They retreated to the house; Gorsuch and Kline followed and

the Marshal officially announced their errand. Some inmate of the house

answered that the men called for were not there; and when Kline, as he

testified, went to go up the stairs, followed by the elder Gorsuch,

a five-pronged fish “gig” was thrown at him; next came a flying axe.

Neither missile hit him; he and Mr. Gorsuch withdrew, and he says a

shot was fired at them from the house and he returned the fire. Then

Kline made a feint of sending off for a hundred men “to scare the

negroes.” His bluff had that temporary effect and a parley ensued.

During this it was made manifest that a considerable number of armed

men were in Parker’s house.

Meantime, on their way, the officers had heard a bugle blown;

conjectures differed whether it was a signal from the Parker house

or a summons for the laborers on the railroad to go to work. The

evidence on this point was not positive, but the besieged soon sounded

their horn from the upper story. Parker is quoted as saying that Kline

threatened to burn the house, and he defied him to do it; that Mrs.

Parker sounded a horn which brought their allies; and the deputies

fired at her as she sounded it, without causing her to desist; that

Pinckney counselled surrender, but Parker was for fight. Parker’s own

accounts show no lack of self-assertion nor absence of self-confidence.

That may or may not enhance their credibility.

Some early summons called a mixed mob together, for while the brief

events already described were occurring, Castner Hanway, who lived a

full mile away, rode up on a bald-faced sorrel horse; Elijah Lewis came

on foot in his shirt sleeves and a straw hat; Zeke Thompson, the Indian

negro, arrived with a scythe in one hand and a revolver in the other;

Noah Buley rode in on a handsome gray horse and carrying a gun; Harvey

Scott was there, weaponless; and a half score of others armed with

guns, scythes and clubs, were assembled--far more than the upstairs of

that little cabin could have held, even without the women. Other white

men came trooping along, who in Parker’s imagination were Gap gangsters

enrolled by Kline as “special constables”; but there is no satisfactory

proof that these were anybody but residents of the vicinage attracted

to the place by the commotion.

The excitement and confusion that subsequently ensued, the quick

succession of tragic events, the prompt retreat of the officers and

the almost immediate flight from the vicinity of their guiltiest

assailants, and the fact that none of them remained or ever returned

to tell the whole story, combine to make it difficult even now to aver

with certainty what next actually happened. It is, however, reasonably

sure that Hanway and Lewis were called upon to interfere and aid in

executing the warrants and they declined to do so; but they neither

advised nor inspired any violence; nor does it appear that they arrived

on the scene by any pre-arrangement or otherwise than from hearing that

an attempt was being made by some one to take negroes from the Parker

house.

Parker says Dickinson Gorsuch opened the next stage of the battle

by firing at him in resentment of a supposed insult to his father,

and that he knocked the pistol out of Young Gorsuch’s hand before

“fighting commenced in earnest,” and the outside negroes then shot both

Gorsuches. Deputy Kline, who made himself somewhat ridiculous on the

witness stand, remembered most vividly how he himself went “over the

fence and out” through the cornfield and did not very clearly account

for the fatal renewal of hostilities. Joshua Gorsuch testified that as

Edward Gorsuch started to the house in answer to Kline’s call to him to

come on and get his property, his uncle was murderously assaulted with

clubs and he fired a revolver to save his kinsman, but his cap burst

and the weapon did not go off; he was severely beaten and ran for his

life, the infuriated crowd pursuing him; a thick felt hat saved his

life and he rode off from the battlefield behind some one on a horse,

supposing Edward and Dickinson Gorsuch were already killed; his retreat

ended only at York; but it was months before he recovered from his

wounds.

Whoever else ran or stayed, the Gorsuches, father and son, stood their

ground and took the enemy’s fire. Dickinson warned the elder that they

would be overpowered; but when the parent declined to retreat the son

stayed by him until he was himself clubbed and shot down, as he went to

the rescue of his assaulted father. Eighty shot penetrated Dickinson’s

arms, thigh and body--and many of them stayed there; so that when he

died in 1882--thirty-one years after he was shot--his body prepared for

burial was “pitted like a sponge” with the marks of the “Christiana

Riot.” When he was supposed to be dying Dickinson Gorsuch was taken

into the shade of a big oak tree, about fifty yards from where the

small lane then entered the “long lane.”

[Illustration: THE OLD RIOT HOUSE. WILLIAM PARKER’S HOME.

THE PLACE WHERE THE BATTLE WAS FOUGHT.]

Dr. Pearce was hit with a missile from an upper window; Nathan Nelson

knew and recognized Buley, one of the runaways, and while, at the

outset, only fifteen or twenty negroes were lined in the lane with

guns, scythes, clubs and corn cutters, Nelson saw from seventy-five to

a hundred before the smoke of battle had entirely cleared. Sam Hopkins

and his historic corn cutter were among the later arrivals.

One of the dramatic features of the engagement was the appearance

on the field of old Isaiah Clarkson. He summoned fifteen or twenty

infuriated and raging negroes into the cornfield and “called them to

order” three times before he could quiet them, and withhold them from

violence. Meantime old Clarkson had seen the body of Edward Gorsuch

lying alone where he fell dead, clubbed, cut and pierced with gun

shots, his son desperately wounded; his kinsmen beaten and driven off;

the United States deputies marshal in full retreat--infuriated women,

forgetful of all humane instincts, revenging on a humane Christian

gentleman’s lifeless body the wrongs their race had suffered from

masters of altogether different mould, rushed from the house and with

corn cutters and scythe blades hacked the bleeding and lifeless body

as it lay in the garden walk. At the first hearing Scott, the witness

who afterwards swore differently on the trial, testified that he lived

with John Kerr and had stayed at Parker’s out of doors in the road all

that night, having been persuaded to go there by John Morgan and Henry

Simms, who were armed; that he saw them both shoot and Henry Simms shot

Gorsuch; that John Morgan cut him in the head with a corn cutter after

he fell. Dr. Pearce stated under oath that he saw Noah Buhly running

past Gorsuch, but he could not say that Buhly did the shooting. At the

time Edward Gorsuch was shot he was standing still calling his nephew

Joshua and had no weapon in his hand.

It will never be known whose shot or how many killed Edward Gorsuch.

More than one weapon was directed at him and doubtless several were

guilty of his blood. It was not long until a consciousness of this

fell upon the mob and they scattered as rapidly as they had assembled.

If the Federal deputies had dispersed in fear and flight and the

local authorities were slow to move, neither were the guilty laggard

in flight. By nightfall every man inmate of Parker’s house and every

runaway from Baltimore County were on their way to Canada. Hay mows

and straw stacks weltered above the throbbing presence of trembling

fugitives; and all the local agencies of rapid news and transportation

which were at command of the anti-slavery people were set in motion to

get and keep the accused in advance of the warrants. Somebody tarried

long enough on the Parker premises to despoil Gorsuch’s body of $300

or $400 in money, which was on his person when he fell and which was

missing at the coroner’s inquest. According to Tamsy Brown it was taken

from his body by a black man, who divided it among the colored women

and Abe Johnson. On a blank leaf of the Padgett letter, heretofore

printed, were found some memoranda made by Mr. Gorsuch himself of the

railroad schedules and names of persons in the neighborhood of the

scene of the affray, with whom it was supposed colored men resided,

together with the following:

Robert M. Lee

John Agen Henry H. Cline

Depatised

Marshal Kline

Lawyer Lee

and Benit

Commissioner

Ingraham

O. Riley’s Telegraph

avoid Halzel

Councelman

Cpt. Shutt

J. R. Henson.

The significance of these entries will be recognized. No weapons were

found on the body. This of course does not prove that Mr. Gorsuch was

unarmed, as he easily might have lost or have been despoiled of his

arms. Fred Douglass boasted that Gorsuch’s pistol had been presented to

him. His family believe, and from his habits of life and temperament

it may be presumed, the elder Gorsuch was unarmed. He depended mainly

on the force of the law’s warrant and, perhaps too confidently, on the

nerve of the Federal deputies marshal.

Dickinson Gorsuch was soon removed to friendly shelter and tender

ministrations under the hospitable roof of Levi Pownall’s homestead.

There he learned to know that the Quaker families of the valley, while

they were considerate of the slave, could be no less kind to the master

in distress. The daily entries of his diary attest his gratitude and

appreciation, and these he substantially manifested throughout his

lifetime. His contemporaneous portrait herein published was taken from

a daguerreotype sent to the Pownall family. Dr. Asher Pusey Patterson,

who attended him, was then practicing at Smyrna. He was of the Lower

End families whose names he bore. Dr. John L. Atlee, Sr., of Lancaster,

was called into consultation.

During Dickinson Gorsuch’s stay in the Pownall household he was

visited in his convalescence by many of his Baltimore County friends

and relatives. Among them were his brother John S.; his uncle Talbott

Gorsuch; his sister Mary (afterwards Mrs. Morrison); his cousin George

and others. It was ten days before he could eat and nearly three weeks

before he could sit up. By October 1 he could take a short drive and

was entertained next day at Ambrose Pownall’s. When he returned home in

charge of some of his family on October 4, Dr. Patterson accompanied

them as far as Columbia. During his recovery he had no more popular

visitor than his friend Alex. Morrison, who subsequently married his

sister. Morrison is described by the older inhabitants as one who

“made friends everywhere.” He kept up his acquaintance with people

about Christiana until his death and visited there as late as 1903. He

rejoiced in the establishment of good relations between those who had

been on opposite sides of the conflict of 1851. Dickinson Gorsuch was

56 years old when he died, August 2, 1882.

Exactly when and how Parker, Pinckney and the fugitive slaves got away

from the neighborhood is difficult to tell with absolute certainty;

but a surviving neighbor throws light on their movements immediately

after the affray. George Steele, now living in Chester County (who

subsequently married Elizabeth, daughter of Levi W. Pownall), was

making charcoal iron at the Sadsbury forges in 1851. He lived near by

the Parker place and recalls the events with great distinctness. He

met some negroes coming from the scene exultant over its results and

he warned them of their serious danger. He says Parker first came to

Pownall’s to arrange for Dickinson Gorsuch’s removal there, but another

neighbor was already on the way with the wounded man. Both Parker and

Pownall remained hidden all day; the news of young Gorsuch’s serious

condition brought many visitors to the Pownall house; later in the

evening Parker and Pinckney themselves called and for the first time

seemed to realize their position. Some of the women members of the

household warned them; and, while Mrs. Pownall was nursing the wounded

man to life, she was sparing of her pantry supplies to fill a “pillow

case” with food for the fugitives; and her husband, under whose roof

Gorsuch was receiving every kind attention, loaned of his clothing

to their disguise--all being carried to them by George Pownall, then

a boy, who was directed to find them at a certain apple tree on the

farther side of the orchard.

[Illustration: A SOUTHERN VISITOR.

COL. ALEXANDER MORRISON, FRIEND AND KINSMAN OF THE GORSUCHES, WHO KEPT

UP FRIENDLY RELATIONS WITH THE POWNALL FAMILY.]

At the “Riot House” the Pownalls found both Pinckney’s and Parker’s

loaded guns; and they prudently burned a lot of letters found there,

which would have incriminated some of their neighbors in violation

of the Fugitive Slave Law. The Pownalls later received anonymous

information that Parker had reached Canada. Gorsuch himself is said to

have expressed kindly feeling for Parker, which bears out the theory

that Parker tried to stem the riot after it attained a deadly stage.

Even they who were guiltless of their neighbor’s blood were not

unmindful of the responsibility imposed upon their community by the

violent killing of Gorsuch and the escape of his slayers. His dead body

was taken to Christiana and lay at Fred Zercher’s hotel, where Harrar’s

store now is and nearly opposite the Commemoration Monument. There a

coroner’s inquest was held before noon. The main facts of the riot were

related by Kline, “Harvey” Scott (who later recanted), and others. John

Bodley and Jake Woods testified that Elijah Lewis passed them in the

early morning, when they were working at James Cooper’s, and that Lewis

said “William Parker’s house was surrounded by kidnappers and it was no

time to take out potatoes.”

The coroner’s jury, summoned by Joseph D. Pownall, Esq., consisted of

George Whitson, John Rowland, E. Osborne Dare, Hiram Kinnard, Samuel

Miller, Lewis Cooper, George Firth, William Knott, John Hillis, William

H. Millhouse, Joseph Richwine and Miller Knott. Their finding was:

“That on the morning of the 11th inst., the neighborhood was thrown

into an excitement by the above deceased, and some five or six persons

in company with him, making an attack upon a family of colored persons,

living in said Township, near the Brick Mill, about 4 o’clock in the

morning, for the purpose of arresting some fugitive slaves as they

alleged, many of the colored people of the neighborhood collected,

and there was considerable firing of guns and other fire-arms by both

parties, upon the arrival of some of the neighbors at the place, after

the riot had subsided, found the above deceased, lying upon his back or

right side dead. Upon a post mortem examination upon the body of the

said deceased, made by Drs. Patterson and Martin, in our presence, we

believe he came to his death by gun shot wounds that he received in the

above mentioned riot, caused by some person or persons to us unknown.”

Dr. John Martin and Dr. A. P. Patterson reported officially that

Gorsuch came to his death by a gun shot wound made by slug or heavy

shot, occupying the upper part of the right breast, and that there was

an incision found near the frontal bone, produced by a light sharp

instrument, and a fracture of the left humerus by some blunt weapon.

It must be conceded, even at this distance in time, the jury’s

thermometer of popular indignation at the crime scarcely registered

above the mark of “cold neutrality.”

Scharf’s history of Baltimore County states that on September 13th and

15th meetings of citizens of Baltimore County were held to take action

in the premises. Wm. H. Freeman, John Wethered, Samuel Worthington,

Wm. Matthews, Wm. Taggart, John B. Pearce, Samuel H. Taggart, Wm. Fell

Johnson, Wm. H. Hoffman, Edward S. Myers, John Merryman, and Henry

Carroll were appointed a committee to collect all the facts in the

case and transmit them to Governor Lowe, in order that he might lay

them before the President of the United States. Another committee,

consisting of John B. Holmes, Levi K. Bowen, Dr. Nicholas Hutchins, J.

M. McComas, and E. Parsons, was appointed to confer with the gentlemen

who had accompanied Mr. Gorsuch into Pennsylvania. A meeting at

Slader’s tavern, on September 15th, passed resolutions calling upon

the people of each district of the county to elect delegates to meet

at Cockeysville on October 4th for the purpose of forming a county

association, and recommending the formation of district associations

“for the protection of the people in their slave and other property.”

An indignation meeting of six thousand persons was held at Monument

Square, Baltimore City, on September 15th, at which Hon. John H. T.

Jerome presided, and addresses were made by Z. Collins Lee, Coleman

Yellott, Francis Gallagher, Samuel H. Taggart, and Col. George W.

Hughes.

The Christiana Riot and the Treason Trials of 1851: An Historical Sketch · 第 6 / 13 章