This sounds almost as though I thought the war would be a blessing to

America, emerging undamaged, easily reverting to peacetime production,

stored with goods for our own consumption and for export to clamoring

millions abroad, and with no delinquent war debtors to confuse our

financial affairs. Actually I do not think the war will be a blessing,

except as it unifies us and does something to cleanse us of the scum

of materialism. This view of America’s chances of coming relatively

unscathed out of the war depends entirely upon comparison of our fate

with that of other countries, maimed by bombardment, mutilated by the

loss of millions of breadwinners, fiscally bankrupt, economically

paralyzed, politically divided, and in the case of some, the prey of

anarchy. Think what the problem of leadership will be in most of the

countries of Europe. In Germany and Italy the tyrants have long ago

executed, imprisoned, exiled or otherwise effectively removed from the

political scene every possible candidate for office not in agreement

with them. In France the demoralization caused by defeat and Vichy’s

collaboration with the enemy has left few men with the initiative and

courage to become leaders of a renascent republic. If, as so frequently

happens, we become inclined to take an over-cheerful view of ourselves

and our prospects, we ought to be sobered by the thought of our

responsibilities in the postwar world. Whether we like it or not, and

our isolationists to the contrary notwithstanding, the United States

after this war is going to be compelled to assume the leadership of

the Western World, not only economically but politically. But we shall

be able effectively to influence the peace only if we have effectively

taken part in the war.

Q. _What will the peace conference be like?_

A. It might be more instructive in the first place to discuss what

the peace will be like if Hitler wins. Of course there will not be

any peace _conference_ if Hitler wins. The Quislings and Darlans will

be called to function for the states of Europe in the same way as

Hitler’s rubber-stamp Reichstag functions for Germany. We know now

what Hitler plans to impose upon the world. Let us begin with Europe.

Europe is to belong exclusively to the Germans. They as a master race

will occupy the top of a pyramid at the bottom of which are the Poles,

Czechs, Serbs, and other “subhuman Slavs” who constitute the lowest

class of slaves. Between these “untouchables” and the Germans will

come all the other peoples of Europe, arranged in order depending

partially upon their degree of racial kinship with the noble Teutons,

but more on the degree of their subservience and “collaboration.”

The Dutch and Scandinavians, for example, are considered by the

Nazis to be semi-Teutonic cousins, but they will not be ranked as

high as the French if the Vichy appeasers succeed in their policy of

“collaboration.”

Now that Italy has proved an even feebler war partner than her worst

detractors had imagined, Hitler obviously is considering the grant to

France of the position of First Vassal instead of Italy. Spain, if she

eventually enters the war, will be given a role perhaps second to that

of Italy, chiefly because Spanish influence will be helpful in the

conquest of South America. Sweden and Switzerland will of course be

_gleichgeschaltet_, or “coordinated” into the Nazi system and given a

rank corresponding to their servility. But all are slaves, including

the Axis “allies” Italy, Hungary, Spain, and they differ one from

another only in the degree of their degradation. None of them will

be permitted to bear arms capable of threatening their Nazi masters,

and none will have a word in the formulation of the major laws which

determine their lives.

Q. _In what sense will the conquered people be slaves?_

A. Politically, they will be disfranchised, without a vote, unable to

influence their own fate except by humble petition to Berlin. For the

most part they will be ruled by Nazi governors. States like Poland

will also have Nazis ruling the smallest organs of government, as

municipalities. States like France may be permitted to operate their

own provincial and municipal governments under a Nazi _Gauleiter fuer

Frankreich_.

Q. _But Germans also have no vote under the Nazi system. How does the

position of these other nationalities under the Nazis differ from that

of the Germans themselves?_

A. It differs as the night from day. Every ruling made and every

action taken by the Nazi governors of the vassal states is intended

to procure tribute for the Great German Reich, tribute which,

scientifically extracted, will prove greater over the years than any

amount of old-fashioned looting could have produced. This tribute,

which is to be paid not merely for generations to come, but as Hitler

modestly estimates, for 1,000 years, will go to elevate the standard

of living of all Germans, and to depress the standard of living of all

non-Germans. It makes no difference that most Germans have no voice

in their government; every German will be under Hitler’s New Order, a

slaveholder, and every non-German inhabitant of occupied territory is

automatically a slave of the whole German tribe.

Q. _How is this to be accomplished? Isn’t it difficult to extract

tribute? Didn’t the Allies have trouble getting reparations from

Germany?_

A. The Allies were innocent children compared with the Nazis in the

art of obtaining advantage from one’s beaten adversary. No one knows

whether Hitler’s system will work for 1,000 years, or for ten or two

years, but it certainly is a grandiose design without any parallel in

the history of human conquest. First is the movement of populations.

Hitler has moved upward of two million Poles from Western Poland,

dumped them indiscriminately in Central Poland, and replaced them

with Germans, some from the Baltic states, some from the Tyrol, some

from the Reich. The Poles as a rule were visited by the Gestapo after

midnight, given half an hour’s notice to leave their homes forever,

allowed to take but a single suitcase with food for three days and

the clothes on their backs. They were forbidden to take any of their

own articles of value, not even a silver spoon from the kitchen or a

rake from the barn. The German families moving in were fewer than the

evacuated Poles, so that the Germans became wealthier per capita than

the Poles had been. The Poles died for the most part, or else are still

in process of dying from starvation and exposure; it was part of the

German calculation that they should die. Similar methods were used to

evacuate the French from Lorraine.

Other desirable parts of Europe contiguous to the Great German Reich

will be evacuated of their native populations and settled by the

Germans. This constitutes looting on a grand scale. Sir Norman Angell,

profound thinker on war, once held in his Nobel prize-winning thesis

“The Great Illusion,” that modern conquest cannot pay in this Christian

day and age, because the acquisition of mere political control over an

enemy’s territory, the advancing of the flag over foreign lands, does

not pay even for the cost of the war. The usual incidental looting by

the soldiery amounts of course to nothing from the point of view of

the nation’s economics. Sir Norman could not be blamed for failing

to foresee the grand-scale looting practiced by the Nazis. There is

an evident economic advantage to the nation if a million of its farm

families are moved into rich, fully equipped farms robbed from the

conquered and expelled enemy. But this sort of looting is only the

beginning of Nazi total plunder. In France the major part of the

productive apparatus in industry, trade, and the professions is being

systematically taken over by the Nazis. This is only a step toward

the huge permanent system of eternal tribute, which is based upon the

exploitation of the labor power of Europe.

No conqueror since the Romans has ever been able profitably to exploit

the labor power of his conquests, but the Nazis propose to do so and

are doing so and boast they will continue to do so for centuries. The

Nazis intend to concentrate all industry in Germany, and to convert

the rest of Europe into an agricultural colony growing food and raw

materials for the master state, the Great German Reich. The entire

population of non-German Europe is to be turned and is already being

turned as fast as possible into a vast army of coolies of the soil,

toiling to supply the Third Reich. The coolies will likewise be

required to buy all their industrial products from Germany. The price

the Germans pay for the coolies’ agricultural products and the price

the coolies pay for the German goods will be fixed by the Germans. Nice

calculation will arrive at the precise prices which will bring the

Herrenvolk the maximum advantage. The Germans with their traditional

scientific acumen will certainly find it to their advantage to pay

their coolies such prices for agricultural products as will enable the

coolies to buy liberally of German manufactured goods.

Thus with a little reasonableness and spirit of accommodation on

the side of the coolies, who ought to be happy to give up the

responsibility of liberty, and glad to dispense with the obligations

connected with free speech, press, assembly, and thought, Hitler

Europe might settle down into one great unhappy family, orderly as a

penitentiary, quiet as a grave. It is important also to note that by

turning their conquered populations into farm hands the Nazis make

it much easier to keep their victims permanently disarmed, since

only industry on a large scale can turn out tanks, machine guns, and

warplanes necessary for insurrection against a totalitarian tyranny.

Q. _But Hitler has not destroyed or removed the factories from France

and not even from Poland, since we constantly read that he is obtaining

considerable war supplies from the industrial plants in the occupied

regions._

A. That is because the war is not over yet and Hitler has not had

time to move these factories into Germany. He needs their products

immediately for the war against England and Russia. After his

conquest of Poland he kept many Polish factories, notably locomotive

and freight-car plants, running in Poland with German supervisors,

but after the fall of France, during that period when he was sure

England would capitulate also, he ordered these factories transferred

to Germany. Then after the British failed to surrender and as soon

as it became plain that the war would last some time longer, Hitler

countermanded the transfer of the Polish factories, and many of them

are running today on Polish soil.

Q. _Where is Hitler going to get the man power to run such a huge

industrial machine, comprising the manufactories formerly owned in all

the rest of Europe?_

A. That is a question which closely concerns us all in America. Hitler

will get the man power in part from his own partially demobilized

armies, but in part also from the conquered coolies, millions of

whom are not agricultural workers at all, but skilled mechanics and

technicians. German authorities admit, or boast, that today 2,000,000

prisoners of war and “others” are working in German factories, mines,

and on farms. It is against the products of this essentially slave

labor that American industrial products would have to compete if Hitler

after conquering Britain offered merely to compete with the United

States in foreign trade.

Q. _Would we not then be at a great disadvantage? How could we compete

at all?_

A. We could not compete successfully. Under the Nazi system, precisely

as under its twin brother, the Soviet system, all foreign trade is

carried on by a foreign trade monopoly. It has a hundred different

names in Germany but in reality every foreign trade transaction is a

government transaction. Competition among Germans is thus eliminated

and any foreigner attempting to compete with the Nazi Colossus has

as much chance to succeed as a one-well oil producer trying to trade

against the Standard Oil Company. No American manufacturer, no matter

how big, including our automobile manufacturers, could buck the Nazi

machine, because in addition to its slave labor prices, and its

government foreign trade monopoly, it would have the advantage of

terrific political-military pressure on all the states in the world

not yet an integral part of the Nazi Empire. What South American state

do you think would have the nerve to stand up to a Germany which had

just finished off the whole of Europe and the British Empire? Which one

of them would refuse to give Nazi goods favored tariff treatment over

American goods notwithstanding any existing treaties?

Q. _If these are Hitler’s plans for Europe, what does he intend to do

with Africa, Asia, and America if he wins?_

A. He intends to swallow piece by piece the entire world, but since he

cannot do so by immediate, world-wide conquest, he would like to be

allowed periods of negotiated peace during which he could allow his

forces to recuperate while by soothing reassurances he lulls that part

of the world not yet under his dominion, into a state of helplessness.

If he could, after the conquest of Russia, make a negotiated peace with

Britain and tacitly, with the United States, he would expect, after a

breathing spell, to be stronger relative to the combined strength of

Britain and America than he is now. When his superiority in strength

had reached a certain point, he would attack again.

Q. _How could Hitler expect to be stronger since we are now building

our two-ocean Navy and our great Air Force and Army? Even if Hitler

were now or soon to obtain negotiated peace, wouldn’t we continue

to forge ahead and grow stronger? Wouldn’t we in the face of a

Hitler-dominated world which would result from a negotiated peace be

compelled to turn the United States into an armed camp, and wouldn’t we

increase our armaments until we were invulnerable?_

A. That is not at all certain. If we continue in our present state of

complacency, we might take a negotiated peace to be a sign that we

could disarm. The House of Representatives passed the bill extending

the service of selectees beyond one year by a vote of 203 to 202.

One vote preserved the existence of our embryo army. It was not a

mere technical question of how long an army man ought to serve. The

question was whether we were to have an army at all. In the midst of

the war, when every qualified expert declared the United States faced

mortal perils, the House of Representatives could find a majority of

but one-tenth of one per cent in favor of maintaining or attempting to

construct an effective army. I know the majority would have been larger

if the administration leaders had known the vote could come so close,

but the fact remains that in this crisis of our national life, with the

enemy rampant and untamed, the House took this complacent view of our

defense necessities.

Now what would be the attitude of Congress if a peace should be

negotiated? Would not our isolationists say this was a God-given

opportunity to reduce our tremendous expenditures, whittle the

Army down to police size, confine our Air Force to a few thousand

planes, and stop building our two-ocean Navy? Certainly they would,

and all the immense propaganda resources of the Nazis would be

employed to encourage throughout the United States such a move toward

“common-sense pacifism.” Now, the argument would run, the war is over,

Hitler is satisfied, let us go back to normalcy. Whether we actually

succumbed entirely to this temptation or not, there would be a strong

isolationist campaign in favor of our disarmament, and this would

surely slow up our defense effort. Meanwhile Hitler would be bringing

his New Order slave states with their industries and agriculture into

the service of the Reich, increasing his Navy, rebuilding his Air

Force, re-equipping his Army and in general growing stronger relative

to us. He would never want a negotiated peace unless he believed this

would be its result.

Q. _Have you any idea what kind of negotiated peace Hitler would

consider acceptable? Would such a peace be as desirable for us as

Wheeler and Lindbergh say? I notice Lindbergh recently urged that the

only alternative to a negotiated peace was “either a Hitler victory

or a prostrate Europe or a prostrate Europe and possibly a prostrate

America as well.”_

A. Fortunately Axis sources have given us a rather complete blueprint

of what they would consider acceptable terms of a negotiated peace.

Reduced to a few words, their terms are: Surrender by Britain and

America of control of the seas by reduction of the British and American

navies to parity with the Axis and demilitarization of British and

American naval bases outside home waters; German dominion over all

Europe, most of Africa, and parts of Asia; Japanese control of the rest

of Asia; and the United States to open the doors of Latin America to

Axis enterprise.

Q. _Do you mean that those are serious terms suggested for a so-called

negotiated peace? What is the source of these terms?_

A. It is the version put out by the Japanese Foreign Office through its

organ the _Japan Times Advertiser_, April 29, 1941, as a trial balloon.

It remains the most comprehensive statement of Axis terms yet issued.

Since the British government ignored it, and the British and American

press derided it, Germany dropped the idea for the moment, but you

may be sure it has not been dropped for good. Seven weeks after its

publication Hitler sent his armies into Russia. When he has attained

his goal there, it seems highly probable he will again offer peace and

when he does, the general outline of his terms will probably follow

this statement. One has only to remember that since the issuance of

this provisional peace text Russia has been stricken from the list of

“the nations called upon to settle world peace” and has been added as a

victim.

Q. _But didn’t the meeting of Churchill and Roosevelt exclude the

possibility of a negotiated peace, since they declared in their

eight-point program that “final destruction of the Nazi tyranny” was

the precondition to peace?_

A. They did, but Hitler, though he may have little hope of actually

achieving a negotiated peace, may offer it in order to appeal over the

heads of Churchill and Roosevelt to those elements of the British and

American populations he considers vulnerable to his propaganda. There

are few such elements left in England, but many here. Hitler knows

by now that he has only to furnish the ammunition and Lindbergh and

Wheeler will do the firing for him.

Q. _Have you the text of these Hitler terms?_

A. Yes, and it would be most instructive to compare it with the

eight-point Atlantic Charter.

JOINT DECLARATION

The President of the United States of America and the Prime Minister,

Mr. Churchill, representing His Majesty’s Government in the United

Kingdom, being met together, deem it right to make known certain

common principles in the national policies of their respective

countries on which they base their hopes for a better future of the

world.

First: Their countries seek no aggrandizement, territorial or other;

Second: They desire to see no territorial changes that do not accord

with the freely expressed wishes of the people concerned;

Third: They desire to respect the right of all peoples to choose the

form of government under which they will live; and they wish to see

sovereign rights and self-government restored to those who have been

forcibly deprived of them;

Fourth: They will endeavor, with due respect for their existing

obligations, to further the enjoyment by all states, great or small,

victor or vanquished, of access, on equal terms, to the trade and to

the raw materials of the world which are needed for their economic

prosperity;

Fifth: They desire to bring about the fullest collaboration between

all nations in the economic field, with the object of securing

for all, improved labor standards, economic advancement and social

security;

Sixth: After the final destruction of the Nazi tyranny, they hope to

see established a peace which will afford to all nations the means of

dwelling in safety within their own boundaries, and which will afford

assurance that all the men in the lands may live out their lives in

freedom from fear and want;

Seventh: Such a peace should enable all men to traverse the high seas

and oceans without hindrance;

Eighth: They believe that all of the nations of the world, for

realistic as well as spiritual reasons, must come to the abandonment

of the use of force. Since no future peace can be maintained if

land, sea or air armaments continue to be employed by nations which

threaten, or may threaten, aggression outside of their frontiers, they

believe, pending the establishment of a wider and permanent system of

general security, that the disarmament of such nations is essential.

They will likewise aid and encourage all other practicable measures

which will lighten for peace-loving peoples the crushing burden of

armaments.

_Franklin D. Roosevelt._

_Winston S. Churchill._

To this the President added in his message to Congress: “It is also

unnecessary for me to point out that the declaration of principles

includes of necessity the world need for freedom of religion and

freedom of information. No society of the world organized under the

announced principles could survive without these freedoms which are

a part of the whole freedom for which we strive.” And Mr. Churchill

made this significant comment in his broadcast: “There are, however,

two distinct and marked differences in this joint declaration from

the attitude adopted by the Allies during the latter part of the last

war, and no one should overlook them. The United States and Great

Britain do not now assume that there will never be any more war again.

On the contrary, we intend to take ample precautions to prevent its

renewal in any period we can foresee by effectively disarming the

guilty nations while remaining suitably protected ourselves. The second

difference is this: That instead of trying to ruin German trade by

all kinds of additional trade barriers and hindrances as was the mood

of 1917, we have definitely adopted the view that it is not in the

interests of the world and of our two countries that any large nation

should be unprosperous, or shut off from means of making a decent

living for itself and its people by industry and enterprise. These

are far-reaching changes of principle upon which all countries should

ponder.”

* * * * *

The Axis statement begins with the declaration that the day of small or

weak nations is over, and no nation which cannot stand on its own feet

may be permitted to exist.

“1. The strongest powers must have the greatest opportunities of

developing the world and disposing of such questions as spheres of

influence, resources, and type of government. This is the law of nature

and attempts to maintain the status quo of dominant powers who cannot

continue to function through their strength but only through alliances

must break down.”

The reference here of course is to such colonial powers as France,

Holland, Belgium, etc.

“2. The nations called upon to settle world peace would be Germany,

with Italy as a junior partner, Japan, the British Empire, and the

United States. Such a peace should include: a. Parity of naval strength

of Britain and the United States on one hand, and the Axis powers on

the other hand, with a naval holiday after this is established.”

This is the key to the intention of the whole peace. Since the British

and American navies are about double the strength of the Axis powers,

so long as the British hold out we together could continue effectively

to control the seas. If we were to consent to a naval agreement

reducing our and the British strength to the strength of the Axis, and

at the same time demilitarize our naval bases as demanded in other

paragraphs, effective sea power would pass to the Axis.

“b. Demilitarization of such strongholds as Gibraltar, the Eastern

Mediterranean, Malta, Aden, Red Sea, Singapore, and Hong Kong, as well

as all United States bases in the Pacific and any projects in the

Aleutian Islands reaching out toward Japan.”

This paragraph would complete the conquest of sea power by the Axis

and would render defenseless all the British Empire’s Far Eastern

possessions and our Philippines and Alaska.

“c. Complete withdrawal of the British Navy from the Mediterranean and

joint Anglo-Axis administration of the Suez Canal.”

Withdrawal of the British Navy would give mastery of the Mediterranean

to the Axis, which would automatically control the Suez Canal. To offer

“joint Anglo-Axis administration of the Suez Canal” is a sop which only

underlines the grotesque nature of a Hitler-negotiated peace.

“d. All North Africa from the Straits of Gibraltar to Somaliland to be

placed at the disposition of the Axis, though France may be permitted

to retain colonies under certain conditions of co-administration.

Certain British and African colonies to be placed under German and

Italian control. South Africa would be required to have complete

independence and abolish trade preference tariffs.”

The last sentence means that South Africa should leave the British

Empire. The fleeting, condescending mention of the French who _may_

be permitted to share colonies is the only reference made to them. It

ought to be noted carefully by the men of Vichy who pretend at any rate

to believe that Hitler would not rob them if they abased themselves

sufficiently. For the United States, the significant thing here is that

Germany would control the naval, air, and military bases of Africa

including Dakar opposite Brazil.

Is Tomorrow Hitler's? 200 Questions on the Battle of Mankind · 第 16 / 31 段