I. I cannot mention any third name[51] of Caius Marius, any more than
of Quintus Sertorius, who held Spain, or of Lucius Mummius, who took
Corinth; for the name Achaicus was given to Mummius in commemoration
of this event, just as the name Africanus was given to Scipio, and
Macedonicus to Metellus. This seems to Poseidonius to be the strongest
refutation of the opinion of those who suppose that the third name was
the proper individual name among the Romans, such as Camillus, and
Marcellus, and Cato; for he argues, if this were so, those who had
only the two names would be really without a name. But Poseidonius
does not perceive that by this argument he on his side makes the women
to be without names: for no woman ever has the first of the three
names, which first, however, Poseidonius supposes to be the name which
marked individuals among the Romans; and of the other two names, he
supposes the one to be common and to belong to all of one kin, such as
the Pompeii and the Manlii and the Cornelii, just as the Greeks might
speak of the Herakleidæ and the Pelopidæ; but the other name he
supposes to be an appellation given as a distinctive name, either with
reference to a man's disposition or his actions, or some character and
peculiarity of his person, such as Macrinus and Torquatus and Sulla,
which may be compared with the Greek Mnemon or Grypus or Kallinikus.
However, in such matters as these the diversity in usage allows a
variety of conjectures.
II. With respect to the personal appearance of Marius, I saw a stone
statue[52] of him at Ravenna in Gaul, which was perfectly in
accordance with what is said of the roughness and harshness of his
character. He was naturally of a courageous and warlike turn, and had
more of the discipline of the camp than of the state, and accordingly
his temper was ungovernable when he was in the possession of power. It
is stated that he never studied Greek literature, and never availed
himself of the Greek language for any serious purpose, for he said it
was ridiculous to study a literature the teachers of which were the
slaves of others; and after his second triumph, when he exhibited
Greek plays[53] on the occasion of the dedication of a certain temple,
though he came to the theatre, he only sat down for a moment and then
went away. Xenokrates the philosopher was considered to be rather of a
morose temper, and Plato was in the habit of frequently saying to him,
"My good Xenokrates, sacrifice to the Graces;" in like manner, if
Marius could have been persuaded to sacrifice to the Grecian Muses and
Graces, he would never have brought a most illustrious military and
civil career to a most unseemly conclusion; through passion and
unreasonable love of power and insatiable desire of
self-aggrandizement driven to terminate his course in an old age of
cruelty and ferocity. Let this, however, be judged of by the facts as
they will presently appear.
III. Marius was the son of obscure parents, who gained their living by
the labour of their hands, and were poor. His father's name was
Marius; his mother's name was Fulcinia. It was late before he saw Rome
and became acquainted with the habits of the city, up to which time he
lived at Cirrhæato,[54] a village in the territory of Arpinum, where
his mode of life was rude, when contrasted with the polite and
artificial fashions of a city, but temperate and in accordance with
the old Roman discipline. He first served against the Celtiberians
when Scipio Africanus was besieging Numantia, and he attracted the
notice of his commander by his superiority in courage over all the
other young soldiers, and by the readiness with which he adapted
himself to the change in living which Scipio introduced among the
troops, who had been corrupted by luxurious habits and extravagance.
He is said also to have killed one of the enemy in single combat in
the presence of the general. Accordingly Marius received from Scipio
various honourable distinctions; and on one occasion, after supper,
when the conversation was about generals, and one of the company,
either because he really felt a difficulty or merely wished to flatter
Scipio, asked him where the Roman people would find such another
leader and protector when he was gone, Scipio with his hand gently
touched the shoulder of Marius, who was reclining next to him, and
said, "Perhaps here." So full of promise was the youth of Marius, and
so discerning was the judgment of Scipio.
IV. Now it is said that Marius, mainly encouraged by these words,
which he viewed as a divine intimation, entered on a political career,
and obtained the tribuneship, in which he was assisted by Cæcilius
Metellus,[55] of whose house the family of Marius had long been an
adherent. During his tribuneship Marius proposed a law on the mode of
voting, which apparently tended to deprive the nobles of their power
in the Judicia: the measure was opposed by Cotta, the consul, who
persuaded the Senate to resist the proposed law, and to summon Marius
to account for his conduct. The decree proposed by Cotta was drawn up,
and Marius appeared before the Senate; but so far from being
disconcerted, as a young man might naturally be, who without any
advantages had just stepped into public life, he already assumed the
tone which his subsequent exploits authorized, and threatened to carry
off Cotta to prison if he did not rescind the decree. Upon Cotta
turning to Metellus and asking his opinion, Metellus arose and
supported the consul; but Marius, sending for the officer who was
outside of the house, ordered him to carry off Metellus himself to
prison. Metellus appealed to the rest of the tribunes without effect,
and the Senate yielded and abandoned the decree. Marius now
triumphantly came before the popular assembly and got his law
ratified, having proved himself to be a man unassailable by fear, not
to be diverted from his purpose by any motive of personal respect, and
a formidable opponent to the Senate by his measures which were adapted
to win the public favour. But he soon gave people reason to change
their opinion; for he most resolutely opposed a measure for the
distribution of corn among the citizens, and succeeding in his
opposition, he established himself in equal credit with both parties,
as a man who would do nothing to please either, if it were contrary to
the public interest.
V. After the tribuneship he was a candidate for the greater ædileship.
Now there are two classes of ædileships: one, which derives its name
(curule[56]) from the seats with curved feet on which the ædiles sit
when they discharge their functions; the other, the inferior, is
called the plebeian ædileship. When they have chosen the higher
ædiles, they then take the vote again for the election of the others.
Now as Marius was manifestly losing in the votes for the curule
ædileship, he forthwith changed about and became a candidate for the
other ædileship. But this was viewed as an audacious and arrogant
attempt, and he failed in his election; but though he thus met with
two repulses in one day, which never happened to any man before, he
did not abate one tittle of his pretensions, for no long time after he
was a candidate for a prætorship,[57] in which he narrowly missed a
failure, being the last of all who were declared to be elected, and he
was prosecuted for bribery.[58] What gave rise to most suspicion was
the fact that a slave of Cassius Sabaco[59] was seen within the septa
mingled with the voters; for Sabaco was one of the most intimate
friends of Marius. Accordingly Sabaco was cited before the judices;
he explained the circumstance by saying that the heat had made him
very thirsty, and he called for a cup of cold water, which his slave
brought to him within the septa, and left it as soon as he had drunk
the water. Sabaco was ejected from the Senate by the next censors, and
people were of opinion that he deserved it, either because he had
given false testimony or for his intemperance. Caius Herennius also
was summoned as a witness against Marius, but he declared that it was
contrary to established usage to give testimony against a client[60]
and that patrons (for this is the name that the Romans give to
protectors) were legally excused from this duty, and that the parents
of Marius, and Marius himself, originally were clients of his house.
Though the judices accepted the excuse as valid, Marius himself
contradicted Herennius, and maintained that for the moment when he was
declared to be elected to a magistracy, he became divested of the
relation of client; which was not exactly true, for it is not every
magistracy which releases a man who has obtained it, and his family,
from the necessity of having a patron, but only those magistracies to
which the law assigns the curule seat. However, on the first days of
the trial it went hard with Marius, and the judices were strongly
against him; yet on the last day, contrary to all expectation, he was
acquitted, the votes being equal.
VI. During his prætorship Marius got only a moderate degree of credit.
But on the expiration of his office he obtained by lot the further
province of Iberia (Spain), and it is said that during his command he
cleared all the robber[61] establishments out of his government, which
was still an uncivilised country in its habits and in a savage state,
as the Iberians had not yet ceased to consider robbery as no
dishonourable occupation. Though Marius had now embarked in a public
career, he had neither wealth nor eloquence, by means of which those
who then held the chief power were used to manage the people. But the
resoluteness of his character, and his enduring perseverance in toil,
and his plain manner of living, got him the popular favour, and he
increased in estimation and influence, so as to form a matrimonial
alliance with the illustrious house of the Cæsars,[62] with Julia,
whose nephew Cæsar afterwards became the greatest of the Romans and in
some degree imitated his relation Marius, as I have told in the Life
of Cæsar. There is evidence both of the temperance of Marius and also
of his endurance, which was proved by his behaviour about a surgical
operation. Both his legs, it is said, had become varicose,[63] and as
he disliked this deformity, he resolved to put himself in the
surgeon's hands. Accordingly he presented to the surgeon one of his
legs without allowing himself to be bound; and without making a single
movement or uttering a single groan, with steady countenance and in
silence he endured excessive pain during the operation. But when the
surgeon was going to take the other leg, Marius refused to present it,
saying that he perceived the cure was not worth the pain.
VII. When Cæcilius Metellus[64] was appointed consul with the command
of the war against Jugurtha, he took Marius with him to Libya in the
capacity of legatus.[65] Here Marius signalised himself by great
exploits and brilliant success in battle, but he did not, like the
rest, seek to increase the glory of Metellus and to direct all his
efforts for the advantage of his general, but disdaining to be called
a legatus of Metellus, and considering that fortune had offered him a
most favourable opportunity and a wide theatre for action, he
displayed his courage on every occasion. Though the war was
accompanied with many hardships, he shrunk not from danger however
great, and he thought nothing too mean to be neglected, but in prudent
measures and careful foresight he surpassed all the officers of his
own rank, and he vied with the soldiers in hard living and endurance,
and thus gained their affections. For certainly there is nothing which
reconciles a man so readily to toil as to see another voluntarily
sharing it with him, for thus the compulsion seems to be taken away;
and the most agreeable sight to a Roman soldier is to see his general
in his presence eating common bread or sleeping on a coarse mat, or
taking a hand in any trench-work and fortification. Soldiers do not so
much admire a general who shares with them the honour and the spoil,
as one who participates in their toils and dangers; and they love a
general who will take a part in their labours more than one who
indulges their licence. By such conduct as this, and by gaining the
affection of the soldiers, Marius soon filled Libya and Rome with his
fame and his glory, for the soldiers wrote to their friends at home
and told them there would be no end to the war with the barbarian, no
deliverance from it, if they did not elect Marius consul.
VIII. These proceedings evidently caused great annoyance to Metellus;
but the affair of Turpillius[66] vexed him most of all. The family of
Turpillius for several generations had been connected with that of
Metellus by friendly relations, and Turpillius was then serving in the
army at the head of a body of engineers. It happened that he was
commissioned to take charge of Vaga, which was a large city. Trusting
for his security to the forbearance with which he treated the
inhabitants, and his kind and friendly intercourse with them, he was
thrown off his guard and fell into the hands of his enemies, who
admitted Jugurtha into the city. Turpillius, however, was not injured,
and the citizens obtained his release and sent him away. He was
accordingly charged with treason, and Marius, who was present at the
trial as an assessor, was violent against him and excited most of the
rest, so that Metellus was unwillingly compelled to pronounce sentence
of death against the man. Shortly after it appeared that the charge
was false, and everybody except Marius sympathised with Metellus, who
was grieved at what had taken place; but Marius exultingly claimed the
merit of the condemnation, and was shameless enough to go about saying
that he had fixed on Metellus a dæmon which would avenge the death of
the man whom it was his duty to protect. This brought Metellus and
Marius to open enmity; and it is reported that on one occasion when
Marius was present, Metellus said in an insulting way, "You, forsooth,
my good fellow, intend to leave us and make the voyage to Rome, to
offer yourself for the consulship; and you won't be content to be the
colleague of this son of mine." Now the son of Metellus[67] was at
that time a very young man. Marius however was still importunate to
obtain leave of absence; and Metellus, after devising various pretexts
for delay, at last allowed him to go, when there were only twelve days
left before the consuls would be declared. Marius accomplished the
long journey from the camp to Utica, on the coast, in two days and one
night, and offered sacrifice before he set sail. It is said that the
priest told him that the deity gave prognostications of success beyond
all measure and all expectation, and accordingly Marius set sail with
high hopes. In four days he crossed the sea with a favourable wind,
and was most joyfully received by the people, and being introduced to
the popular assembly by one of the tribunes, he began by violent abuse
of Metellus, and ended with asking for the consulship and promising
that he would either kill Jugurtha or take him alive.
IX. Being declared consul by a great majority, he immediately set
about levying soldiers in a way contrary to law and usage, by
enrolling a great number of the poorer sort and of slaves, though
former generals had never admitted men of this kind into the army, but
had given arms, as they would anything else that was a badge of
honour, only to those who had the due qualification, inasmuch as every
soldier was thus considered to pledge his property to the State. It
was not this however which made Marius most odious, but his insolent
and arrogant expressions, which gave offence to the nobles, for he
publicly said that he considered his acquisition of the consulship a
trophy gained over the effeminacy of the noble and the rich, and that
what he could proudly show to the people was his own wounds, not the
monuments of the dead or the likenesses[68] of others. And he would
often speak of the generals who had been defeated in Libya, mentioning
by name Bestia[69] and Albinus, men of illustrious descent indeed, but
unskilled in military matters, and for want of experience
unsuccessful; and he would ask his hearers whether they did not think
that the ancestors of Bestia and Albinus would rather have left
descendants like himself, for they also had gained an honourable fame;
not by noble birth, but by their virtues and their illustrious deeds.
This was not said as a mere empty boast, nor simply because he wished
to make himself odious to the nobles; but the people, who were
delighted to hear the Senate abused, and always measured the greatness
of a man's designs by the bigness of his words, encouraged him and
urged him on not to spare the nobles if he wished to please the many.
X. When Marius had crossed over to Libya, Metellus, giving way to his
jealousy, and vexed to see the crown and the triumph, when he had
already completed the war and it only remained to seize the person of
Jugurtha, taken from him by another, a man too who had raised himself
to power by ingratitude to his benefactor, would not stay to meet
Marius, but privately left the country, and Rutilius, one of his
legati, gave up the army to the new consul. But at last retribution
for his conduct overtook Marius; for he was deprived of the glory of
his victories by Sulla, just in the same way as he had deprived
Metellus of his credit: and how this happened I will state briefly,
since the particular circumstances are told more at length in the Life
of Sulla. Bocchus, who was king of the barbarians in the interior, and
the father-in-law of Jugurtha, showed no great disposition to help him
in his wars, because of the faithlessness of Jugurtha, and also
because he feared the increase of his power. But when Jugurtha, who
was now a fugitive from place to place, made Bocchus his last resource
and took refuge with him, Bocchus received his son-in-law more from a
regard to decency, as he was a suppliant, than from any goodwill, and
kept him in his hands; and while he openly interceded with Marius on
behalf of Jugurtha, and wrote to say that he would not surrender him
and assumed a high tone, he secretly entertained treacherous designs
against Jugurtha, and sent for Lucius Sulla, who was the Quæstor of
Marius, and had done some service to Bocchus during the campaign.
Sulla confidently went to Bocchus, but the barbarian, who had changed
his intentions and repented of his design, for several days wavered in
his plan, hesitating whether he should deliver up Jugurtha or keep
Sulla a prisoner: at last, however, he determined to carry into effect
his original design, and surrendered Jugurtha into the hands of Sulla.
Thus was sown the seed of that irreconcilable and violent animosity
between Marius and Sulla which nearly destroyed Rome: many claimed the
credit of this transaction for Sulla on account of their dislike of
Marius, and Sulla himself had a seal-ring made, which he used to on
which there was a representation of the surrender of Jugurtha by
Bocchus. By constantly wearing this ring Sulla irritated Marius, who
was an ambitious and quarrelsome man, and could endure no partner in
his glory. But the enemies of Marius gave Sulla most encouragement by
attributing to Metellus the credit of the first and best part of the
war, and that of the latter part and the conclusion to Sulla, their
object being to lower Marius in public estimation and to withdraw the
people from their exclusive attachment to him.
XI. But this envy and hatred and these calumnies against Marius were
dissipated and removed by the danger which threatened Italy from the
west, as soon as the State saw that she needed a great commander and
had to look about for a pilot whose skill should save her from such a
torrent of foes; for no one would allow any of the men of noble birth
or wealthy families to offer themselves at the Comitia, and Marius, in
his absence from Rome, was declared consul. It happened that the
Romans had just received intelligence of the capture of Jugurtha when
the reports about the Cimbri[70] and Teutones surprised them, and
though the rumours as to the numbers and strength of the invaders were
at first disbelieved, it afterwards appeared that they fell short of
the truth. Three hundred thousand armed fighting men were advancing,
bringing with them a much larger number of women and children, in
quest of land to support so mighty a multitude and of cities to dwell
in, after the example of the Celtæ[71] before them, who took the best
part of Italy from the Tyrrheni and kept it. As these invaders had no
intercourse with other nations, and had traversed an extensive tract
of country, it could not be ascertained who they were or where they
issued from to descend upon Gaul and Italy like a cloud. The most
probable conjecture was that they were Germanic nations belonging to
those who extended as far as the northern ocean; and this opinion was
founded on their great stature, their blue eyes, and on the fact that
the Germans designate robbers by the name of Cimbri. Others thought
that Celtica extended in a wide and extensive tract from the external
sea and the subarctic regions to the rising sun and the Lake
Mæotis,[72] where it bordered on Pontic Scythia; and it was from this
region, as they supposed, where the tribes are mingled, that these
invaders came, and that they did not advance in one expedition nor yet
uninterruptedly, but that every spring they moved forwards, fighting
their way, till in the course of time they traversed the whole
continent. Accordingly while the barbarians had several names
according to their respective tribes, they designated the whole body
by the name of Celtoscythians. But others say that the Cimmerians,
with whom the ancient Greeks were first acquainted, were no large
portion of the whole nation, but merely a tribe[73] or faction that
was driven out by the Scythians and passed into Asia from the Lake
Mæotis, under the command of Lygdamis: they further say that the chief
part of the Scythian nation and the most warlike part lived at the
very verge of the continent, on the coast of the external sea, in a
tract shaded, woody, and totally sunless, owing to the extent and
closeness of the forests, which reach into the interior as far as the
Hercynii[74]; and with respect to the heavens, their position was in
that region where the pole[75], having a great elevation owing to the
inclination of the parallels, appears to be only a short distance from
the spectator's zenith, and the days and nights are of equal length
and share the year between them, which furnished Homer[76] with the
occasion for his story of Ulysses visiting the ghosts. From these
parts then some supposed that these barbarians came against Italy, who
were originally Cimmerii, but then not inappropriately called Cimbri.
But all this is rather founded on conjecture than on sure historical
evidence. As to the numbers of the invaders, they are stated by many
authorities as above rather than below the amount that has been
mentioned. But their courage and daring made them irresistible, and in
battle they rushed forward with the rapidity and violence of fire, so
that no nations could stand their attack, but all the people that came
in their way became their prey and booty, and many powerful Roman
armies[77] with their commanders, which were stationed to protect Gaul
north of the Alps, perished ingloriously; and indeed these armies by
their unsuccessful resistance mainly contributed to direct the course
of the enemy against Rome. For when they had defeated those who
opposed them and got abundance of booty, they determined not to settle
themselves permanently anywhere till they had destroyed Rome and
ravaged Italy.
XII. Hearing this news from many quarters, the Romans called Marius
to the command; and he was elected consul the second time, though it
was contrary to a positive law for a man in his absence, and without a
certain interval of time, to be elected again, but the people would
not listen to those who made any opposition to the election. For they
considered that this would not be the first time that the law had
given way to convenience, and that the present was as good an occasion
for such an irregularity as the election of Scipio[78] as consul at a
time when they were under no apprehension about the ruin of Rome, but
merely wished to destroy Carthage. Accordingly these reasons
prevailed, and Marius, after crossing the sea with his army to Rome,
received the consulship, and celebrated his triumph on the calends of
January, which with the Romans is the beginning of the year, and
exhibited to them a sight they never expected to see, Jugurtha in
chains; for no one had ever ventured to hope that the Romans could
conquer their enemies while he was alive; so dexterous was Jugurtha in
turning all events to the best advantage, and so much courage did he
combine with great cunning. But it is said that being led in the
triumph made him lose his senses. After the triumph he was thrown into
prison, and while some were tearing his clothes from his body, others
who were anxious to secure his golden ear-rings pulled them off and
the lobe of the ear with them; in this plight being thrust down naked
into a deep hole, in his frenzy, with a grinning laugh, he cried out,
O Hercules, how cold your bath is! After struggling with famine for
six days and to the last moment clinging to the wish to preserve his
life, he paid the penalty due to his monstrous crimes. It is said that
there were carried in the triumphal procession three thousand and
seven pounds of gold, of silver uncoined five thousand seven hundred
and seventy-five, and in coined money two hundred and eighty-seven
thousand drachmæ. After the procession Marius assembled the Senate in
the Capitol, and either through inadvertence or vulgar exultation at
his good fortune he entered the place of meeting in his triumphal
dress. But observing that the Senate took offence at this, he went
out, and putting on the ordinary robe with the purple border, he
returned to the assembly.
XIII. On his expedition to meet the Cimbri, Marius continually
exercised his forces in various ways in running and in forced marches;
he also compelled every man to carry all his baggage and to prepare
his own food, in consequence of which men who were fond of toil, and
promptly and silently did what they were ordered, were called Marian
mules. Some, however, think that this name had a different origin; as
follows:--When Scipio was blockading Numantia, he wished to inspect
not only the arms and the horses, but also the mules and waggons, in
order to see in what kind of order and condition the soldiers kept
them. Marius accordingly produced his horse, which he had kept in
excellent condition with his own hand, and also a mule, which for good
appearance, docility, and strength far surpassed all the rest. The
general was much pleased with the beasts of Marius and often spoke
about them, which gave rise to the scoffing epithet of Marian mule,
when the subject of commendation was a persevering, enduring, and
labour-loving man.
XIV. Marius was favoured by a singular piece of good fortune; for
there was a reflux in the course of the barbarians, and the torrent
flowed towards Iberia before it turned to Italy, which gave Marius
time to discipline the bodies of his men and to confirm their courage;
and what was most of all, it gave the soldiers an opportunity of
knowing what kind of a man their general was. For the first impression
created by his sternness and by his inexorable severity in punishing,
was changed into an opinion of the justice and utility of his
discipline when they had been trained to avoid all cause of offence
and all breach of order; and the violence of his temper, the harshness
of his voice, and ferocious expression of his countenance, when the
soldiers became familiarised with them, appeared no longer formidable
to them, but only terrific to their enemies. But his strict justice in
all matters that came before him for judgment pleased the soldiers
most of all; and of this the following instance is mentioned, Caius
Lusius, who was a nephew of Marius, and was an officer in the army,
was in other respects a man of no bad character, but fond of beautiful
youths. This Caius conceived a passion for one of the young men who
served under him, by name Trebonius, and had often ineffectually
attempted to seduce him. At last Caius one night sent a servant with
orders to bring Trebonius; the young man came, for he could not refuse
to obey the summons, and was introduced into the tent; but when Caius
attempted to use violence towards him, he drew his sword and killed
him. Marius was not present when this happened, but on his arrival he
brought Trebonius to trial. There were many to join in supporting the
accusation, and not one to speak in his favour, but Trebouius boldly
came forward and told the whole story; and he produced witnesses who
proved that he had often resisted the importunities of Lusius, and
that though great offers had been made, he had never prostituted
himself; on which Marius, admiring his conduct, ordered a crown to be
brought, such as was conferred for noble deeds according to an old
Roman fashion, and he took it and put it on the head of Trebonius as a
fit reward for so noble an act at a time when good examples were much
needed. The news of this, reaching Rome, contributed in no small
degree to the consulship being conferred on Marius for the third time;
the barbarians also were expected about the spring of the year, and
the Romans did not wish to try the issue of a battle with them under
any other commander. However, the barbarians did not come so soon as
they were expected, and the period of the consulship of Marius again
expired. As the Comitia were at hand, and his colleague had died,
Marius came to Rome, leaving Manius Aquilius in the command of the
army. There were many candidates of great merit for the consulship,
but Lucius Saturninus, one of the tribunes, who had most influence
with the people, was gained over by Marius; and in his harangues he
advised them to elect Marius consul. Marius indeed affected to decline
the honour, and begged to be excused; he said he did not wish for it;
on which Saturninus called him a traitor to his country for refusing
the command at so critical a time. Now though it was apparent that
Saturninus was playing a part at the bidding of Marius, and in such a
way that nobody was deceived, still the many seeing that the
circumstances required a man of his energy and good fortune, voted for
the fourth consulship of Marius, and gave him for colleague Catulus
Lutatius, a man who was esteemed by the nobility and not disliked by
the people.
XV. Marius, hearing that the enemy was near, quickly crossed the Alps,
and established a fortified camp near the river Rhodanus[79] (Rhône),
which he supplied with abundance of stores, that he might not be
compelled against his judgment to fight a battle for want of
provisions. The conveyance of the necessary stores for the army, which
hitherto was tedious and expensive on the side of the sea, he rendered
easy and expeditious. The mouths of the Rhodanus, owing to the action
of the waves, received a great quantity of mud and sand, mixed with
large masses of clay, which were formed into banks by the force of the
water, and the entrance of the river was thus made difficult and
laborious and shallow for the vessels that brought supplies. As the
army had nothing to do, Marius brought the soldiers here and commenced
a great cut, into which he diverted a large part of the river, and, by
making the new channel terminate at a convenient point on the coast,
he gave it a deep outlet which had water enough for large vessels, and
was smooth and safe against wind and wave. This cut still bears the
name of Marius. The barbarians had now divided themselves into two
bodies, and it fell to the lot of the Cimbri to march through the
country of the Norici,[80] over the high land against Catulus, and to
force that passage: the Teutones and Ambrones were to march through
the Ligurian country along the sea to meet Marius. Now on the part of
the Cimbri there was some loss of time and delay; but the Teutones and
Ambrones set out forthwith, and speedily traversing the space which
separated them from the Romans, they made their appearance in numbers
countless, hideous in aspect, and in language and the cries they
uttered unlike any other people. They covered a large part of the
plain, where they pitched their tents and challenged Marius to battle.
XVI. Marius cared not for all this, but he kept his soldiers within
their entrenchments and severely rebuked those who made a display of
their courage, calling such as through passion were eager to break out
and fight, traitors to their country; he said it was not triumphs or
trophies which should now be the object of their ambition, but how
they should ward off so great a cloud and tempest of war, and secure
the safety of Italy. This was the way in which he addressed the
commanders in particular and the officers. The soldiers he used to
station on the rampart in turns, and bid them look at the enemy, and
thus he accustomed them to the aspect of the barbarians and their
strange and savage shouts, and to make themselves acquainted with
their armour and movements, so that in course of time what appeared
formidable to their imagination would become familiar by being often
seen. For it was the opinion of Marius that mere strangeness adds many
imaginary dangers to real danger; but that through familiarity even
real dangers lose their terrors. Now the daily sight of the enemy not
only took away somewhat of the first alarm, but the threats of the
barbarians and their intolerable arrogance roused the courage of the
Roman soldiers and inflamed their passions, for the enemy plundered
and devastated all the country around, and often attacked the
ramparts with much insolence and temerity, so that the words and
indignant expressions of the soldiers were repeated to Marius. The
soldiers asked, "If Marius had discovered any cowardice in them, that
he kept them from battle, like women under lock and key? Why should we
not, like free men, ask him whether he is waiting for others to fight
for Italy, and intends to employ us always as labourers when there may
be occasion to dig canals, to clear out mud, and to divert the course
of rivers? It was for this, as it seems, that he disciplined us in so
many toils; and these are the exploits of his consulship, which he
will exhibit to the citizens when he returns to Rome. Does he fear the
fate of Carbo and Cæpio, who were defeated by the enemy? But they were
far inferior to Marius in reputation and merit, and they were at the
head of much inferior armies. And it is better to do something, even
if we perish like them, than to sit here and see the lands of our
allies plundered."
XVII. Marius, who was pleased to hear such expressions as these,
pacified the soldiers by saying that he did not distrust them, but was
waiting for the time and the place of victory pursuant to certain
oracles. And in fact he carried about with him in a litter, with great
tokens of respect, a Syrian woman named Martha,[81] who was said to
possess the gift of divination, and he sacrificed pursuant to her
directions. This woman had formerly applied to the Senate, and offered
to foretell future events, but her proposal was rejected. Having got
access to the women, she allowed them to make trial of her skill; and
especially on one occasion, when she sat at the feet of the wife of
Marius, she was successful in foretelling what gladiators would win,
and this led to her being sent to Marius, who was much struck with her
skill. She generally accompanied the army in a litter, and assisted at
the sacrifices in a double purple robe fastened with a clasp, and
carrying a spear wreathed with ribands and chaplets. This exhibition
made many doubt whether Marius produced the woman in public because he
really believed in her, or whether he merely pretended to do so, and
played a part in the matter. But the affair of the vultures, which
Alexander[82] of Myndus has related, is certainly wonderful. Two
vultures were always seen hovering about the army before a victory,
and accompanying it; they were known by brass rings round their necks,
for the soldiers had caught the birds, and after putting on the rings
had let them go. Ever after this time as the soldiers recognised the
birds, they saluted them; and whenever the birds appeared on the
occasion of the army moving, the soldiers rejoiced, as they were
confident of success. Though there were many signs about this time,
all of them were of an ordinary kind, except what was reported from
Ameria and Tuder, two towns of Italy, where at night there was the
appearance in the heavens of fiery spears and shields, which at first
moved about in various directions, and then closed together,
exhibiting the attitudes and movements of men in battle; at last part
gave way, and the rest pressed on in pursuit, and all moved away to
the west. It happened that about the same time Batakes, the priest of
the Great Mother, came from Pessinus,[83] and reported that the
goddess from her shrine had declared to him that victory and the
advantage in war would be on the side of the Romans. The Senate
accepted the announcement and voted a temple to be built to the
goddess in commemoration of the anticipated victory; but when Batakes
presented himself to the popular assembly with the intention of making
the same report there, Aulus Pompeius, one of the tribunes, stopped
him, calling him an impostor, and contumeliously driving him from the
Rostra; which however contributed to gain most credit for the man's
assertions. For on the separation of the assembly, Aulus had no sooner
returned to his house than he was seized with so violent a fever that
he died within seven days; and the matter was notorious all through
Rome and the subject of much talk.
XVIII. Now Marius keeping quiet, the Teutones attempted to storm his
camp, but as many of them were struck by the missiles from the rampart
and some lost their lives, they resolved to march forward with the
expectation of safely crossing the Alps. Accordingly taking their
baggage, they passed by the Roman camp. Then indeed some notion could
be formed of their numbers by the length of their line and the time
which they took to march by; for it is said that they continued to
move past the encampment of Marius for six days without interruption.
As they passed along, they asked the Romans with a laugh, if they had
any message to send to their wives, for they should soon be with them.
When the barbarians had marched by and advanced some distance, Marius
also broke up his camp and followed close after them, always halting
near the enemy, but carefully fortifying his camp and making his
position strong in front, so that he could pass the night in safety.
Thus advancing, the two armies came to the Aquæ Sextiæ,[84] from which
a short march would bring them into the region of the Alps.
Accordingly Marius prepared for battle here, and he selected a
position which was strong enough, but ill-supplied with water, with a
view, as it is said, of thereby exciting his soldiers to come to an
engagement. However this may be, when some of them were complaining
and saying they should suffer from thirst, he pointed to a stream
which ran near the barbarian camp, and said they might get drink from
there, but the price was blood. Why then, they replied, don't you
forthwith lead us against the enemy, while our blood is still moist?
Marius calmly replied, "We must first secure our camp."
XIX. The soldiers obeyed unwillingly. In the meantime the camp
servants, having no water for themselves or their beasts, went down in
a body to the river, some with axes and hatchets, and others taking
swords and spears, together with their pitchers, resolving to have
water, even if they fought for it. At first a few only of the enemy
engaged with them, for the main body of the army were eating after
bathing, and some were still bathing. For a spring of warm water
bursts from the ground here, and the Romans surprised some of the
barbarians who were enjoying themselves and making merry in this
pleasant place. The shouts brought more of the barbarians to the spot,
and Marius had great difficulty in checking his men any longer, as
they were afraid they should lose their slaves, and the bravest part
of the enemy, who had formerly defeated the Romans under Manlius and
Cæpio (these were the Ambrones, who were above thirty thousand in
number), had sprung up and were running to their arms. Though full of
food and excited and inflamed with wine, they did not advance in
disorderly or frantic haste, nor utter confused shouts, but striking
their arms to a certain measure, and advancing all in regular line,
they often called out their name Ambrones, either to encourage one
another or to terrify the Romans by this announcement. The
Ligurians,[85] who were the first of the Italic people to go down to
battle with them, hearing their shouts, and understanding what they
said, responded by calling out their old national name, which was the
same, for the Ligurians also call themselves Ambrones when they refer
to their origin. Thus the shouts were continual on both sides before
they came to close quarters, and as the respective commanders joined
in the shouts, and at first vied with one another which should call
out loudest, the cries stimulated and roused the courage of the men.
Now the Ambrones were separated by the stream, for they could not all
cross and get into order of battle before the Ligurians, who advanced
at a run, fell on the first ranks and began the battle; and the Romans
coming up to support the Ligurians, and rushing on the barbarians
from higher ground, broke their ranks and put them to flight. Most of
the Ambrones were cut down in the stream, where they were crowded upon
one another, and the river[86] was filled with blood and dead bodies;
and those who made their way across, not venturing to face about, were
smitten by the Romans till they reached their camp and the waggons in
their flight. There the women meeting them with swords and axes, with
horrid furious yells, attempted to drive back both the fugitives and
their pursuers, the fugitives as traitors and the pursuers as their
enemies, mingling among the combatants, and with their bare hands
tearing from the Romans their shields, laying hold of their swords,
and enduring wounds and gashes till they fell, in spirit unvanquished.
In this manner, it is said that the battle on the river was brought
about rather from accident than any design on the part of the
commander.
XX. After destroying many of the Ambrones, the Romans retreated and
night came on; yet this great success was not followed, as is usual on
such occasions, by pæans of victory, and drinking in the tents, and
merriment over supper, and what is sweetest of all to men who have won
a victory, gentle sleep, but the Romans spent that night of all others
in fear and alarm. For their camp had neither palisade nor rampart,
and there were still left many thousands of the enemy, and all night
long they heard the lamentation of the Ambrones who had escaped and
joined the rest of the barbarians, and it was not like the weeping and
groaning of men, but a howl resembling that of wild beasts; and a
bellowing mingled with threats and cries of sorrow proceeding from
such mighty numbers, re-echoed from the surrounding mountains and the
banks of the river. A frightful noise filled the whole plain, and the
Romans were alarmed, and even Marius himself was disturbed, expecting
a disorderly and confused battle in the night. However, the enemy made
no attack either on that night or the following day, but they were
occupied in arranging their forces and making preparations. In the
meantime, as the position of the enemy was backed by sloping hills and
deep ravines shaded with trees, Marius sent there Claudius Marcellus,
with three thousand heavy-armed soldiers, with instructions to lie
concealed in ambush, and to appear on the rear of the barbarians when
the battle was begun. The rest of the army, who supped in good time
and got a night's rest, he drew up at daybreak in front of the camp,
and ordered the cavalry to advance into the plain. The Teutones,
observing this, would not wait for the Romans to come down and fight
with them on fair ground, but with all speed and in passion they took
to their arms and advanced up the hill. Marius sent his officers to
every part of the army, with orders to the soldiers to stand firm in
their ranks till the enemy came within the reach of their spears,
which they were to discharge, and then to draw their swords, and drive
against the barbarians with their shields; for as the ground was
unfavourable to the enemy, their blows would have no force, and their
line no strength, owing to the unevenness of the surface, which would
render their footing unstable and wavering. The advice which he gave
to his soldiers he showed that he was the first to put in practice;
for in all martial training Marius was inferior to none, and in
courage he left all far behind him.
XXI. The Romans accordingly awaiting the enemy's attack, and coming to
close quarters with them, checked their advance up the hill, and the
barbarians, being hard pressed, gradually retreated to the plain, and
while those in the van were rallying on the level ground, there was a
shout and confusion in the rear. For Marcellus had not let the
critical moment pass by, but when the shouts rose above the hills,
bidding his men spring from their ambush at a rapid pace and with loud
shouts he fell on the enemy's rear and began to cut them down. Those
in the rear communicating the alarm to those in front of them, put the
whole army into confusion, and after sustaining this double attack for
no long time, they broke their ranks and fled. In the pursuit the
Romans took prisoners and killed to the number of above one hundred
thousand:[87] they also took their tents, waggons, and property, all
which, with the exception of what was pilfered, was given to Marius,
by the unanimous voice of the soldiers. But though he received so
magnificent a present, it was thought that he got nothing at all
proportioned to his services, considering the magnitude of the danger.
Some authorities do not agree with the statement as to the gift of the
spoil, nor yet about the number of the slain. However, they say that
the people of Massalia[88] made fences round their vineyards with the
bones, and that the soil, after the bodies had rotted and the winter
rains had fallen, was so fertilised and saturated with the putrefied
matter which sank down into it, that it produced a most unusual crop
in the next season, and so confirmed the opinion of Archilochus[89]
that the land is fattened by human bodies. They say that extraordinary
rains generally follow great battles, whether it is that some divine
power purifies the ground, and drenches it with waters from heaven, or
that the blood and putrefaction send up a moist and heavy vapour which
condenses the atmosphere, which is lightly moved and readily changed
to the greatest degree from the smallest cause.
XXII. After the battle, Marius caused to be collected the arms and
spoils of the barbarians which were conspicuous for ornament, and
unbroken, and suited to make a show in his triumphal procession: all
the rest he piled up in a great heap, for the celebration of a
splendid religious festival. The soldiers were already standing by in
their armour, with chaplets on their heads, and Marius having put on
the robe with the purple border, and fastened it up about him in the
Roman fashion, had taken a burning torch, and holding it up to heaven
with both his hands, was going to set fire[90] to the heap, when some
friends were seen riding quickly towards him, which caused a deep
silence and general expectation. When the horsemen were near, they
leaped down and greeted Marius with the news that he was elected
consul for the fifth time, and they delivered him letters to this
effect. This cause of great rejoicing being added to the celebration
of the victory, the army transported with delight sent forth one
universal shout, accompanied with the noise and clatter of their arms,
and the officers crowned Marius afresh with a wreath of bay, on which
he set fire to the heap, and completed the ceremony.
XXIII. But that power which permits no great good fortune to give a
pleasure untempered and pure, and diversifies human life with a
mixture of evil and of good--be it Fortune[91] or Nemesis, or the
necessary nature of things--in a few days brought to Marius
intelligence about his companion in command, Catulus, involving Rome
again in alarm and tempest, like a cloud which overcasts a clear and
serene sky. For Catulus, whose commission was to oppose the Cimbri,
determined to give up the defence of the passes of the Alps, for fear
that he might weaken his force if he were obliged to divide it too
much. Accordingly he forthwith descended into the plains of Italy, and
placing the river Atiso[92] (Adige) in his front, strongly fortified a
position on each side of the river, to hinder the enemy from crossing
it; and he also threw a bridge over the river, in order that he might
be enabled to support those on the farther side, if the barbarians
should make their way through the passes and attack the forts. The
enemy had so much contempt for the Romans and such confidence, that,
with the view rather of displaying their strength and courage than
because it was necessary, they endured the snow-storms without any
covering, and made their way through the snow and ice to the summits
of the mountains, when, placing their broad shields under them, they
slid down the slippery precipices over the huge rocks. When they had
encamped near the river, and examined the ford, they began to dam up
the stream, and tearing up the neighbouring hills, like the giants of
old, they carried whole trees with their roots, fragments of rock, and
mounds of earth into the river, and stopped its course; they also let
heavy weights float down the stream, which drove against the piles
that supported the bridge and shook it by the violence of the blows;
all which so terrified the Romans, that most of them deserted the
large encampment and took to flight. Then Catulus, like a good and
perfect general, showed that he valued the reputation of his
countrymen more than his own. Not being able to induce his soldiers to
stand, and seeing that they were making off in alarm, he ordered the
eagle[93] to be moved, and running to those who were first in the
retreat, he put himself at their head, wishing the disgrace to fall on
himself and not on his country, and that the army should not appear to
be flying, but to be following their general in his retreat. The
barbarians attacked and took the fort on the farther side of the
Atiso, though the Roman soldiers defended it with the utmost bravery
and in a manner worthy of their country. Admiring their courage, the
barbarians let them go on conditions which were sworn to upon the
brazen bull, which was taken after the battle, and, it is said, was
conveyed to the house of Catulus as the first spoils of the victory.
The country being now undefended, the barbarians scoured it in every
direction and laid it waste.
XXIV. After this Marius was called to Rome. On his arrival it was
generally expected that he would celebrate his triumph, and the Senate
had without any hesitation voted him one; but he refused it, either
because he did not wish to deprive his soldiers and his companions in
arms of the honour that was due to them, or because he wished to give
the people confidence in the present emergency by intrusting to the
Fortune of the State the glory of his first victory, with the
confident hope that she would return it to him ennobled by a second.
Having said what was suitable to the occasion, he set out to join
Catulus, whom he encouraged, and at the same time he summoned his
soldiers from Gaul. On the arrival of the troops, Marius crossed the
Eridanus (Po), and endeavoured to keep the barbarians from that part
of Italy which lay south of the river. The Cimbri declined a battle,
because, as they said, they were waiting for the Teutones, and
wondered they were so long in coming; but it is doubtful whether they
were still really ignorant of their destruction or merely pretended
not to believe it. However, they handled most cruelly those who
brought the report of the defeat; and they sent to Marius to demand
land for themselves and their brethren, and a sufficient number of
cities for their abode. On Marius asking the ambassadors of the Cimbri
whom they meant by their brethren, and being told they were the
Teutones, all the Romans who were present burst out in a laugh, but
Marius, with a sneer, replied, "Don't trouble yourself about your
brethren: they have land, and they shall have it for ever, for we have
given it to them." The ambassadors, who understood his irony, fell to
abusing him, and threatened that the Cimbri would forthwith have their
revenge, and the Teutones too, as soon as they should arrive. "They
are here already," said Marius; "and it won't be right for you to go
before you have embraced your brethren." Saying this he ordered the
kings of the Teutones to be produced in their chains; for they were
taken in the Alps in their flight by the Sequani[94].
XXV. On this being reported to the Cimbri, they forthwith advanced
against Marius, who however kept quiet and remained in his camp. It
is said that it was on the occasion of this engagement that Marius
introduced the alteration in the spears.[95] Before this time that
part of the wooden shaft which was let into the iron was fastened with
two iron nails; Marius kept one of the nails as it was, but he had the
other taken out and a wooden peg, which would be easily broken, put in
its place; the design being that the spear when it had struck the
enemy's shield should not remain straight, for when the wooden nail
broke, the iron head would bend, and the spear, owing to the twist in
the metal part, would still hold to the shield, and so drag along the
ground. Now Boeorix, the king of the Cimbri, with a very few men about
him, riding up to the camp, challenged Marius to fix a day and place,
and to come out and settle the claim to the country by a battle.
Marius replied, that the Romans never took advice of their enemies as
to fighting; however, he would gratify the Cimbri in this matter, and
accordingly they agreed on the third day from the present, and the
battle-field was to be the plain of Vercellæ[96], which was suited for
the Roman cavalry, and would give the Cimbri full room for their
numbers. When the appointed day came, the Romans prepared for battle
with the enemy. Catulus[97] had twenty-two thousand three hundred men,
and Marius thirty-two thousand, which were distributed on each flank
of Catulus, who occupied the centre, as Sulla[98] has recorded, who
was in the battle. Sulla also says, that Marius expected that the
line would be engaged chiefly at the extremities and on the wings, and
with the view of appropriating the victory to his own soldiers, and
that Catulus might have no part in the contest, and not come to close
quarters with the enemy, he took advantage of the hollow front of the
centre, which usually results when the line is extended, and
accordingly divided and placed his forces as already stated. Some
writers say that Catulus himself also made a statement to the like
effect, in his apology about the battle, and accused Marius of want of
good faith to him. The infantry of the Cimbri marched slowly from
their fortified posts in a square, each side of which was thirty
stadia: the cavalry, fifteen thousand in number, advanced in splendid
style, wearing helmets which resembled in form the open mouths of
frightful beasts and strange-shaped heads, surmounted by lofty crests
of feathers, which made them appear taller; they had also breastplates
of iron and white glittering shields. Their practice was to discharge
two darts,[99] and then closing with the enemy, to use their large
heavy swords.
XXVI. On this occasion the enemy's cavalry did not advance straight
against the Romans, but deviating to the right they attempted to draw
the Romans little by little in that direction, with the view of
attacking them when they had got them between themselves and their
infantry, which was on the left. The Roman generals perceived the
manoeuvre, but they could not stop their soldiers, for there was a cry
from some one that the enemy was flying, and immediately the whole
army rushed to the pursuit. In the meantime the barbarian infantry
advanced like a huge sea in motion. Then Marius, washing his hands and
raising them to heaven, vowed a hecatomb to the gods; and Catulus also
in like manner raising his hands, vowed to consecrate[100] the fortune
of that day. It is said that when Marius had sacrificed and had
inspected the victims, he cried out with a loud voice, "Mine is the
Victory." When the attack had commenced, an incident happened to
Marius which may be considered as a divine retribution, as Sulla says.
An immense cloud of dust being raised, as was natural, and having
covered the two armies, it happened that Marius, rushing to the
pursuit with his men after him, missed the enemy, and being carried
beyond their line, was for some time in the plain without knowing
where he was; but it happened that the barbarians closed with Catulus,
and the struggle was with him and his soldiers chiefly, among whom
Sulla says that he himself fought: he adds, that the heat aided the
Romans, and the sun, which shone full in the face of the Cimbri. For
the barbarians were well inured to cold, having been brought up in
forests, as already observed, and a cool country, but they were
unnerved with the heat, which made them sweat violently and breathe
hard, and put their shields before their faces, for the battle took
place after the summer solstice, and, according to the Roman
reckoning, three days before the new moon of the month now called
Augustus[101], but then Sextilis. The dust also which covered their
enemies helped to encourage the Romans; for they did not see their
number at a distance, but running forward they engaged severally man
to man with the enemy, without having been alarmed by the sight of
them. And so well were the bodies of the Romans inured to toil and
exertion, that not one of them was seen to sweat or pant, though the
heat was excessive and they came to the shock of battle running at
full speed, as Catulus is said to have reported to the honour of his
soldiers.
XXVII. Now the greater part of the enemy and their best soldiers were
cut to pieces in their ranks, for in order to prevent the line from
being broken the soldiers of the first rank were fastened together by
long chains which were passed through their belts. The fugitives were
driven back to their encampments, when a most tragic scene was
exhibited. The women standing on the waggons clothed in black
massacred the fugitives, some their husbands, and others their
brothers and fathers, and then strangling their infants they threw
them under the wheels and the feet of the beasts of burden, and killed
themselves. It is said that one woman hung herself from the end of the
pole of a waggon with her children fastened to her feet by cords; and
that the men, not finding any trees near, tied themselves to the horns
of the oxen and some to their feet, and then goading the animals to
make them plunge about, were dragged and trampled till they died. But
though so many perished in this manner, above sixty thousand were
taken prisoners, and the number of those who fell was said to be twice
as many. Now all the valuable property became the booty of the
soldiers of Marius, but the military spoils and standards and
trumpets, it is said, were carried to the tent of Catulus; and Catulus
relied chiefly on this as a proof that the victory was gained by his
men. A dispute having arisen among the soldiers, as might be expected,
some ambassadors from Parma[102] who were present were chosen to act
as arbitrators, and the soldiers of Catulus leading them among the
dead bodies of the enemy, pointed out that the barbarians were pierced
by their spears, which were recognised by the marks on them, for
Catulus had taken care to have his name cut on the shafts.
Notwithstanding this, the whole credit was given to Marius, both on
account of the previous victory and his superior rank.[103] And what
was most of all, the people gave him the title of the third
founder[104] of Rome, considering that the danger which he had averted
was not less than that of the Gallic invasion, and in their rejoicings
with their wives and children at home they coupled Marius with the
gods in the religious ceremonies that preceded the banquet and in
their libations, and they thought that he alone ought to celebrate
both triumphs. Marius, however, did not triumph alone, but Catulus
shared the honour, for Marius wished to show that he was not elated by
his victories: there was another reason also; he was afraid of the
soldiers, who were prepared not to let Marius triumph, if Catulus were
deprived of the honour.
XXVIII. Though Marius was now discharging his fifth consulship, he was
more anxious to obtain a sixth than others are about the first; and he
endeavoured to gain favour by courting the people and giving way to
the many in order to please them, wherein he went further than was
consistent with the state and dignity of the office, and further than
suited his own temper, for he wished to show himself very compliant
and a man of the people, when in fact his character was altogether
different. Now it is said that in all civil matters and amid the noise
of the popular assemblies Marius was entirely devoid of courage, which
arose from his excessive love of applause; and the undaunted spirit
and firmness which he showed in battle failed him before the people,
where he was disconcerted by the most ordinary expressions of praise
or censure. However, the following story is told of him: Marius had
presented with the citizenship a thousand of the people of Camerinum,
who had particularly distinguished themselves in the war; this was
considered to be an illegal proceeding, and being charged with it by
several persons in public, he replied that he could not hear the law
for the din of arms. Still it is well known that he was discomposed
and alarmed by the shouts in the popular assemblies. In military
matters, it is true, he received great deference and had much
influence, because his services were wanted; but in civil business he
was cut off from attaining the first distinction, and accordingly
there was nothing left for him but to gain the affection and favour of
the many; and in order to become the first man at Rome, he sacrificed
all claim to be considered the best. The consequence was, that he was
at variance with all the aristocratical party, but he feared Metellus
most, who had experienced his ingratitude, and, as a man of sterling
worth, was the natural enemy of those who attempted to insinuate
themselves into the popular favour by dishonourable means, and who had
no other object than to flatter the people. Accordingly Marius formed
a design to eject Metellus from the city; and for this purpose he
allied himself with Glaucia and Saturninus,[105] who were daring men,
and had at their command a rabble of needy and noisy fellows, and he
made them his tools in introducing his measures. He also stirred up
the soldiers, and by mixing them with the people in the assemblies he
overpowered Metellus with his faction. Rutilius,[106] who is a lover
of truth and an honest man, though he was a personal enemy of Marius,
relates in his history, that by giving large sums of money to the
tribes and buying their votes Marius kept Metellus out, and that
Valerius Flaccus was rather the servant than the colleague of Marius
in his sixth consulship. However, the people, never conferred the
office of consul so often on any man except Corvinus Valerius;[107]
though it is said that forty-five years elapsed between the first and
last consulship of Corvinus, while Marius after his first consulship
enjoyed the remaining five in uninterrupted succession.
XXIX. It was in his last consulship that Marius got most odium, from
his participating in many of the violent measures of Saturninus. One
of them was the assassination of Nonius,[108] whom Saturninus
murdered because he was a rival candidate for the tribuneship.
Saturninus, being made a tribune, introduced a measure about the land,
to which[109] was added a clause that the Senate should come forward
and swear that they would abide by whatever the people should vote,
and would make no opposition. In the Senate Marius made a show of
opposing this clause in the proposed law, and he said that he would
not take the oath, nor did he think that any man in his senses would,
for if the law was not a bad one, it was an insult for the Senate to
be compelled to make such concession, instead of giving their consent
voluntarily. What he said, however, was not his real mind, but his
object was to involve Metellus in a difficulty which he could not
evade. For Marius, who considered falsehood to be a part of virtue and
skill, had no intention to observe what he had promised to the Senate;
but as he knew that Metellus was a man of his word, and considered
truth, as Pindar calls it, the foundation of great virtue, he wished
to entrap Metellus into a refusal before the Senate, and as he would
consequently decline taking the oath, he designed in this way to make
him odious to the people for ever: and it fell out so. Upon Metellus
declaring that he would never take the oath, the Senate separated; but
a few days after, Saturninus summoned the Senators to the Rostra, and
urged them to take the oath. When Marius came forward there was
profound silence, and all eyes were turned upon him to see what he
would do. Marius, however, forgetting all his bold expressions before
the Senate, said his neck was not broad enough for him to be the first
to give his opinion on so weighty a matter all at once, and that he
would take the oath and obey the law, if it was a law; which condition
he cunningly added as a cloak to his shame. The people, delighted at
Marius taking the oath, clapped their hands and applauded, but the
nobility were much dejected and hated Marius for his tergiversation.
However, all the senators took the oath in order, through fear of the
people, till it came to the turn of Metellus, and though his friends
urged and entreated him to take the oath and so to avoid the severe
penalties which the law of Saturninus enacted against those who
refused, he would not swerve from his purpose or take the oath, but
adhering firmly to his principles and prepared to submit to any
penalty rather than do a mean thing, he left the Forum, saying to
those about him, that to do a wrong thing was mean, to act honourably
when there was no danger was in any man's power, but that it was the
characteristic of a good man to do what was right, even when it was
accompanied with risk. Upon this Saturninus put it to the vote that
the consuls should proclaim Metellus to be excluded from fire,[110]
water, and house; and the most worthless part of the populace was
ready to put him to death. Now all the men of honourable feeling,
sympathising with Metellus, crowded round him, but Metellus would not
allow any commotion to be raised on his account, and he quitted the
city like a wise and prudent man, saying, "Either matters will mend
and the people will change their minds, when I shall be invited to
return, or if things stay as they are, it is best to be out of the
way." What testimonies of affection and respect Metellus received in
his exile, and how he spent his time at Rhodes in philosophical
studies, will be better told in his Life.
XXX. Now Marius did not perceive what incurable mischief he had done,
for in return for the services of Saturninus[111] he was obliged to
wink at his audacious and violent measures, and to remain quiet while
Saturninus was evidently aiming at the supreme power and the
subversion of the constitution by force of arms and blood-shed.
Between his fear of the disapprobation of the nobles and his wish to
retain the favour of the people, Marius was reduced to an act of
extreme meanness and duplicity. The first men in the State came to him
by night and urged him to act against Saturninus, whom Marius,
however, received by another door without their knowledge; and
pretending to both parties that he was troubled with a looseness, he
went backwards and forwards in the house between the nobles and
Saturninus, running first to one and then to the other, and
endeavouring to rouse and irritate them mutually. However, when the
Senate and the Equites began to combine and express their indignation,
he drew out the soldiers into the Forum, and driving the party of
Saturninus to the Capitol, he compelled them to submit for fear of
dying of thirst, by cutting off the pipes that supplied them with
water. The partisans of Saturninus in despair called out to Marius and
surrendered on the Public Faith, as the Romans term it. Marius did all
he could to save their lives, but without effect, for as soon as they
came down to the Forum they were massacred. These events made him
odious both to the nobles and the people, and when the time for
electing censors came, contrary to all expectation he did not offer
himself as a candidate, but allowed men of inferior rank to be
elected, fearing he might be rejected. He, however, alleged as an
excuse, though it was not true, that he did not wish to make himself
many enemies by a rigid scrutiny into their lives and morals.
XXXI. A measure being proposed for recalling Metellus[112] from
exile, Marius did all he could to stop it both by word and deed, but
finding his opposition useless, he at last desisted. The people
received the proposed measure well, and Marius, who could not endure
to see the return of Metellus, set sail for Cappadocia and Galatia,
pretending that he wished to make the sacrifices he had vowed to the
Great Mother, but in reality having quite a different object in view,
which the people never suspected. Marius was naturally ill suited for
times of peace and for taking a part in civil affairs, as he had
attained his position merely by arms, and now thinking that he was
gradually losing his influence and reputation by doing nothing and
remaining quiet, he looked out for an opportunity of again being
actively employed. He hoped to be able to stir up the kings of Asia
and to rouse and stimulate Mithridates,[113] who was supposed to be
ready to go to war, in which case he expected to be appointed to take
the command against him, and so to fill the city with new triumphs,
and his house with Pontic spoils and the wealth of the king.
Accordingly, though Mithridates paid him all attention and honour,
Marius could not be bent from his purpose or induced to give way: his
only answer was, "King, either try to conquer the Romans or obey their
orders in silence;" an expression which startled the king, who had
often heard the language of the Romans, but then for the first time
heard their bold speech.
XXXII. On his return to Rome he built a house near the Forum, either,
as he gave out, because he did not wish those who paid their respects
to him to have the trouble of coming a great distance, or because he
thought the distance was the reason why a greater number of persons
did not visit his door than that of other persons. The reason,
however, was not this; but as Marius was inferior to others in
affability of manners and political usefulness, he was neglected, just
like an instrument of war in time of peace. As for others, he cared
less for their superior popularity, but he was grievously annoyed at
Sulla, who had risen to power through the dislike which the nobles
bore to Marius, and who made his quarrels with Marius the foundation
of his political conduct. But when Bocchus, the Numidian, on receiving
the title of 'Ally of the Romans,' erected in the Capitol Victories
bearing trophies, and by the side of them placed gilded figures
representing Jugurtha surrendered by him to Sulla, Marius was
transported with passion and jealousy at Sulla thus appropriating to
himself all the credit of this affair, and he was making ready
forcibly to throw down the figures. Sulla prepared to oppose him, and
a civil commotion was just on the point of breaking out, when it was
stopped by the Social[114] war, which suddenly burst upon the State.
In this war the most warlike and populous of the Italian nations
combined against Rome, and came very near to overthrowing her
supremacy, for they were not only well provided with munitions of war
and hardy soldiers, but they had commanders who displayed admirable
courage and skill, which made them a match for the Romans.
XXXIII. This war, which was diversified by many reverses and a great
variety of fortune, took from Marius as much reputation and influence
as it gave to Sulla. For Marius appeared slow in his plans, and on all
occasions rather over-cautious and tardy; whether it was that age had
quenched his wonted vigour and fire, for he was now in his sixty-sixth
year, or, as he alleged himself, his nerves were diseased and his body
was incapable of supporting fatigue, and yet from a feeling of honour
he endured the hardships of the campaign beyond his powers.
Notwithstanding this he won a great battle, in which he slaughtered
six thousand of the enemy, and he never allowed them the opportunity
of getting any advantage, but when he was intrenched in his camp he
submitted to be insulted by them and was never irritated by any
challenge to give them battle. It is recorded that Publius Silo,[115]
who had the highest reputation and influence of any man on the side of
the enemy, addressed him to this effect: "If you are a great general,
Marius, come down and fight;" to which Marius replied, "Nay, do you,
if you are a great general, compel me to fight against my will." And
again, on another occasion when the enemy presented a favourable
opportunity for attacking them, but the Romans lacked courage, and
both sides retired, he summoned his soldiers together, and said, "I
don't know whether to call the enemy or you greater cowards; for they
could not see your back, nor you their nape." At last, however, he
gave up the command, on the ground that his weakness rendered him
unable to endure the fatigue of the campaign.
XXXIV. The Italians had now given in, and many persons at Rome were
intriguing for the command in the Mithridatic war with the assistance
of the demagogues; but, contrary to all expectation, the tribune
Sulpicius,[116] a most audacious fellow, brought forward Marius and
proposed him as proconsul with power to prosecute the war against
Mithridates. The people indeed were divided, some being for Marius and
others in favour of Sulla; and they bade Marius go to the warm baths
of Baiæ[117] and look after his health, inasmuch as he was worn out
with old age and defluxions, as he admitted himself. Marius had in the
neighbourhood of Misenum a sumptuous house, furnished with luxuries
and accommodation too delicately for a man who had served in so many
wars and campaigns. It is said that Cornelia bought this house for
seventy-five thousand;[118] and that no long time after it was
purchased by Lucius Lucullus for two millions five hundred thousand;
so quickly did extravagant expenditure spring up and so great was the
increase of luxury. But Marius, moved thereto by boyish emulation,
throwing off his old age and his infirmities, went daily to the Campus
Martius, where he took his exercises with the young men, and showed
that he was still active in arms and sat firm in all the movements of
horsemanship, though he was not of a compact form in his old age, but
very fat and heavy. Some were pleased at his being thus occupied, and
they came down to the Campus to see and admire his emulation and his
exercises; but the wiser part lamented to witness his greediness after
gain and distinction, and they pitied a man who, having risen from
poverty to enormous wealth, and to the highest station from a low
degree, knew not when to put bounds to his good fortune, and was not
satisfied with being an object of admiration and quietly enjoying what
he had, but as if he was in want of everything, after his triumphs and
his honours was setting out to Cappadocia and the Euxine to oppose
himself in his old age to Archelaus and Neoptolemus, the satraps of
Mithridates. The reasons which Marius alleged against all this in
justification of himself appeared ridiculous; he said that he wished
to serve in the campaign in order to teach his son military
discipline.
XXXV. The disease that had long been rankling in the State at last
broke out, when Marius had found in the audacity of Sulpicius[119] a
most suitable instrument to effect the public ruin; for Sulpicius
admired and emulated Saturninus in everything, except that he charged
him with timidity and want of promptitude in his measures. But there
was no lack of promptitude on the part of Sulpicius, who kept six
hundred of the Equestrian class about him as a kind of body-guard and
called them an Opposition Senate. He also attacked with a body of
armed men the consuls while they were holding a public meeting; one of
the consuls made his escape from the Forum, but Sulpicius seized his
son and butchered him. Sulla, the other consul, being pursued, made
his escape into the house of Marius, where nobody would have expected
him to go, and thus avoided his pursuers who ran past; and it is said
that he was let out in safety by Marius by another door and so got to
the camp. But Sulla in his Memoirs says that he did not fly for refuge
to Marius, but withdrew there to consult with him about the matters
which Sulpicius was attempting to make him assent to against his will
by surrounding him with bare swords and driving him on towards the
house of Marius, and that finally he went from the house of Marius to
the Rostra, and removed, as they required him to do, the Justitium.
This being accomplished, Sulpicius, who had now gained a victory, got
the command conferred on Marius by the votes of the, assembly, and
Marius, who was prepared to set out, sent two tribunes to receive the
army of Sulla. But Sulla encouraging his soldiers, who were
thirty-five thousand men well armed, led them to Rome. The soldiers
fell on the tribunes whom Marius had sent, and murdered them. Marius
also put to death many of the friends of Sulla in Rome, and proclaimed
freedom to the slaves[120] if they would join him; but it is said that
only three slaves accepted the offer. He made but a feeble resistance
to Sulla on his entering the city, and was soon compelled to fly. On
quitting Rome he was separated from his partisans, owing to its being
dark, and he fled to Solonium,[121] one of his farms. He sent his son
Marius[122] to get provisions from the estates of his father-in-law
Mucius, which were not far off, and himself went to Ostia,[123] where
Numerius, one of his friends, had provided a vessel for him, and
without waiting for his son he set sail with his stepson Granius. The
young man arrived at the estates of Mucius, but he was surprised by
the approach of day while he was getting something together and
packing it up, and thus did not altogether escape the vigilance of his
enemies, for some cavalry came to the spot, suspecting that Marius
might be there. The overseer of the farm, seeing them approach, hid
Marius in a waggon loaded with beans, and yoking the oxen to it, he
met the horsemen on his road to the city with the waggon. Marius was
thus conveyed to the house of his wife, where he got what he wanted,
and by night made his way to the sea, and embarking in a vessel bound
for Libya, arrived there in safety.
XXXVI. The elder Marius was carried along the coast of Italy by a
favourable wind, but as he was afraid of one Geminius, a powerful man
in Terracina, and an enemy of his, he ordered the sailors to keep
clear of that place. The sailors were willing to do as he wished, but
the wind veering round and blowing from the sea with a great swell,
they were afraid that the vessel could not stand the beating of the
waves, and as Marius also was much troubled with sickness, they made
for land, and with great difficulty got to the coast near
Circeii.[124] As the storm increased and they wanted provisions, they
landed from the vessel and wandered about without any definite object,
but as happens in cases of great difficulty, seeking merely to escape
from the present evil as worst of all, and putting their hopes on the
chances of fortune; for the land was their enemy, and the sea also,
and they feared to fall in with men, and feared also not to fall in
with men, because they were in want of provisions. After some time
they met with a few herdsmen, who had nothing to give them in their
need, but they recognised Marius and advised him to get out of the way
as quickly as he could, for a number of horsemen had just been seen
there riding about in quest of him. Thus surrounded by every
difficulty and his attendants fainting for want of food, he turned
from the road, and plunging into a deep forest, passed the night in
great suffering. The next day, compelled by hunger and wishing to make
use of his remaining strength before he was completely exhausted, he
went along the shore, encouraging his followers, and entreating them
not to abandon the last hope, for which he reserved himself on the
faith of an old prediction. For when he was quite a youth and living
in the country, he caught in his garment an eagle's nest as it was
falling down, with seven young ones in it; which his parents wondering
at, consulted the soothsayers, who told them that their son would
become the most illustrious of men, and that it was the will of fate
that he should receive the supreme command and magistracy seven times.
Some affirm that this really happened to Marius; but others say that
those who were with Marius at this time and in the rest of his flight
heard the story from him, and believing it, recorded an event which is
altogether fabulous. For an eagle has not more than two young ones at
a time, and they say that Musæus[125] was mistaken when he wrote of
the eagle thus:--
Lays three, two hatches, and one tends with care.
But that Marius frequently during his flight, and when he was in the
extremest difficulties, said that he should survive to enjoy a seventh
consulship, is universally admitted.
XXXVII. They were now about twenty stadia from Minturnæ,[126] an
Italian city, when they saw at a distance a troop of horse riding
towards them, and as it chanced two merchant vessels sailing along the
coast. Running down to the sea as fast as they could and as their
strength would allow, and throwing themselves into the water, they
swam to the vessels. Granius having got into one of the vessels,
passed over to the island of Ænaria,[127] which is off that coast. But
Marius, who was heavy and unwieldy, was with difficulty held above the
water by two slaves and placed in the other vessel, the horsemen being
now close to them and calling from the shore to the sailors either to
bring the vessel to land or to throw Marius overboard, and to set sail
wherever they pleased. But as Marius entreated them with tears in his
eyes, those who had the command of the vessel, after changing their
minds as to what they should do as often as was possible in so short a
time, at last told the horsemen that they would not surrender Marius.
The horsemen rode off in anger, and the sailors again changing their
minds, came to land, and casting anchor at the mouth of the Liris,
which spreads out like a lake, they advised Marius to disembark and
take some food on land and to rest himself from his fatigues till a
wind should rise: they added, that it was the usual time for the
sea-breeze to decline, and for a fresh breeze to spring up from the
marshes. Marius did as they advised, and the sailors carried him out
of the vessel and laid him on the grass, little expecting what was to
follow. The sailors immediately embarking again and raising the
anchor, sailed off as fast as they could, not thinking it honourable
to surrender Marius or safe to protect him. In this situation,
deserted by everybody, he lay for some time silent on the shore, and
at last recovering himself with difficulty, he walked on with much
pain on account of there being no path. After passing through deep
swamps and ditches full of water and mud, he came to the hut of an old
man who worked in the marshes, and falling down at his feet, he
entreated him to save and help a man, who, if he escaped from the
present dangers, would reward him beyond all his hopes. The man, who
either knew Marius of old or saw something in the expression of his
countenance which indicated superior rank, said that his hut was
sufficient to shelter him if that was all he wanted, but if he was
wandering about to avoid his enemies, he could conceal him in a place
which was more retired. Upon Marius entreating him to do so, the old
man took him to the marsh, and bidding him lie down in a hole near the
river he covered Marius with reeds and other light things of the kind,
which were well adapted to hide him without pressing too heavily.
XXXVIII. After a short time a sound and noise from the hut reached the
ears of Marius. Geminius of Terracina had sent a number of men in
pursuit of him, some of whom, had chanced to come there, and were
terrifying the old man and rating him for having harboured and
concealed an enemy of the Romans. Marius, rising from his hiding-place
and stripping off his clothes, threw himself into the thick and muddy
water of the marsh; and this was the cause of his not escaping the
search of his pursuers, who dragged him out covered with mud, and
leading him naked to Minturnæ, gave him up to the magistrates. Now
instructions[128] had been already sent to every city, requiring the
authorities to search for Marius, and to put him to death when he was
taken. However, the magistrates thought it best to deliberate on the
matter first, and in the meantime they lodged Marius in the house of a
woman named Fannia,[129] who was supposed not to be kindly disposed
towards him on account of an old grudge. Fannia had a husband whose
name was Tinnius, and on separating from him she claimed her portion,
which was considerable. The husband charged her with adultery, and
Marius, who was then in his sixth consulship, presided as judge. But
on the trial it appeared that Fannia had been a loose woman, and that
her husband, though he knew it, took her to wife, and lived with her a
long time; accordingly, Marius being disgusted with both of them,
decreed that the man should return the woman's portion, but he imposed
on the woman, as a mark of infamy, a penalty of four copper
coins.[130] Fannia, however, did not on this occasion exhibit the
feeling of a woman who had been wronged, but when she saw Marius, far
from showing any resentment for the past, she did all that she could
for him under the circumstances, and encouraged him. Marius thanked
her, and said that he had good hopes, for a favourable omen had
occurred to him, which was something of this sort:--When they were
leading him along, and he was near the house of Fannia, the doors
being opened, an ass ran out to drink from a spring which was flowing
hard by: the ass, looking at Marius in the face with a bold and
cheerful air, at first stood opposite him, and then making a loud
braying, sprang past him frisking with joy. From this, Marius drew a
conclusion, as he said that the deity indicated that his safety would
come through the sea rather than through the land, for the ass did not
betake himself to dry food, but turned from him to the water. Having
said this to Fannia, he went to rest alone, bidding her close the door
of the apartment.
XXXIX. The magistrates[131] and council of Minturnæ, after
deliberating, resolved that there ought to be no delay, and that they
should put Marius to death. As none of the citizens would undertake to
do it, a Gallic or Cimbrian horse-soldier, for the story is told both
ways, took a sword and entered the apartment. Now that part of the
room in which Marius happened to be lying was not very well lighted,
but was in shade, and it is said that the eyes of Marius appeared to
the soldier to dart a strong flame, and a loud voice issued from the
gloom, "Man, do you dare to kill Caius Marius?" The barbarian
immediately took to flight, and throwing the sword down, rushed
through the door, calling out, "I cannot kill Caius Marius." This
caused a general consternation, which was succeeded by compassion and
change of opinion, and self-reproach for having come to so illegal and
ungrateful a resolution concerning a man who had saved Italy, and whom
it would be a disgrace not to assist. "Let him go, then," it was said,
"where he pleases, as an exile, and suffer in some other place
whatever fate has reserved for him. And let us pray that the gods
visit us not with their anger for ejecting Marius from our city in
poverty and rags." Moved by such considerations, all in a body entered
the room where Marius was, and getting round him, began to conduct him
to the sea. Though every man was eager to furnish something or other,
and all were busying themselves, there was a loss of time. The grove
of Marica, as it is called, obstructed the passage to the sea, for it
was an object of great veneration, and it was a strict rule to carry
nothing out of it that had ever been carried in; and now, if they
went all round it, there would of necessity be delay: but this
difficulty was settled by one of the older men at last calling out,
that no road was inaccessible or impassable by which Marius was saved;
and he was the first to take some of the things that they were
conveying to the ship and to pass through the place.
XL. Everything was soon got ready through these zealous exertions, and
a ship was supplied for Marius by one Belæus, who afterwards caused a
painting to be made representing these events, and dedicated it in the
temple. Marius embarking, was carried along by the wind, and by chance
was taken to the island Ænaria, where he found Granius and the rest of
his friends, and set sail with them for Libya. As their water failed,
they were compelled to touch at Erycina in Sicily. Now the Roman
quæstor, who happened to be about these parts on the look-out, was
very nearly taking Marius when he landed; and he killed about sixteen
of the men who were sent to get water. Marius, hastily embarking and
crossing the sea to the island of Meninx,[132] there learnt for the
first time that his son had escaped with Cethegus, and that they were
going to Iampsas (Hiempsal), king of the Numidians, to ask aid of him.
This news encouraged him a little, and he was emboldened to move from
the island to the neighbourhood of Carthage. At this time the governor
of Libya was Sextilius, a Roman, who had neither received injury nor
favour from Marius, and it was expected that he would help him, at
least as far as feelings of compassion move a man. But no sooner had
Marius landed with a few of his party, than an officer met him, and
standing right in front of him said, "The Governor Sextilius forbids
you, Marius, to set foot on Libya, and he says that if you do, he will
support the decree of the Senate by treating you as an enemy." On
hearing this, grief and indignation deprived Marius of utterance, and
he was a long time silent, looking fixedly at the officer. Upon the
officer asking Marius what he had to say, what reply he had for the
governor, he answered with a deep groan, "Tell him you have seen Caius
Marius a fugitive sitting on the ruins of Carthage": a reply in which
he not unaptly compared the fate of that city and his own changed
fortunes. In the meantime, Iampsas, the king of the Numidians, being
unresolved which way to act, treated young Marius and his companions
with respect, but still detained them on some new pretext whenever
they wished to leave; and it was evident that he had no fair object in
view in thus deferring their departure. However, an incident happened
of no uncommon kind, which brought about their deliverance. The
younger Marius was handsome, and one of the king's concubines was
grieved to see him in a condition unbefitting his station; and this
feeling of compassion was a beginning and motive towards love. At
first, however, Marius rejected the woman's proposals, but seeing that
there were no other means of escape, and that her conduct proceeded
from more serious motives than mere passion, he accepted her proffered
favours, and with her aid stole away with his friends and made his
escape to his father. After embracing one another, they went along the
shore, where they saw some scorpions fighting, which Marius considered
to be a bad omen. Accordingly they forthwith embarked in a fishing
boat, and passed over to the island Cercina, which was no great
distance from the mainland; and it happened that they had only just
set sail, when some horsemen despatched by the king were seen riding
to the spot where they embarked. Marius thus escaped a danger equal to
any that ever threatened him.
XLI. News reached Rome that Sulla was encountering the generals of
Mithridates in Bœotia, while the consuls were quarrelling and taking
up arms. A battle was fought, in which Octavius[133] got the victory
and ejected Cinna, who was attempting to govern by violent means, and
he put in Cinna's place as consul Cornelius Merula; but Cinna
collected troops in Italy and made war against Octavius. On hearing
this, Marius determined to set sail immediately, which he did with
some Moorish cavalry that he took from Africa, and some few Italians
who had fled there, but the number of both together did not exceed a
thousand. Coming to shore at Telamo[134] in Tyrrhenia, and landing
there, Marius proclaimed freedom to the slaves; and as the freemen who
were employed in agriculture there, and in pasturing cattle, flocked
to the sea, attracted by his fame, Marius persuaded the most vigorous
of them to join him, and in a few days he had collected a considerable
force and manned forty ships. Knowing that Octavius was an honourable
man and wished to direct the administration in the justest way, but
that Cinna was disliked by Sulla and opposed to the existing
constitution, he determined to join him with his force. Accordingly he
sent to Cinna and proffered to obey him as consul in everything. Cinna
accepted the proposal, and naming Marius proconsul, sent him fasces
and the other insigna of the office. Marius, however, observing that
such things were not suited to his fortunes, clad in a mean dress,
with his hair uncut from the day that he had been an exile, and now
above seventy years of age, advanced with slow steps, wishing to make
himself an object of compassion; but there was mingled with his abject
mien more than his usual terrific expression of countenance, and
through his downcast looks he showed that his passion, so far from
being humbled, was infuriated by his reverses of fortune.
XLII. As soon as he had embraced Cinna and greeted the soldiers,
Marius commenced active operations and gave a great turn to affairs.
First of all, by attacking the corn-vessels[135] with his ships and
plundering the merchants, he made himself master of the supplies. He
next sailed to the maritime cities, which he took; and, finally, Ostia
being treacherously surrendered to him, he made plunder of the
property that he found there and put to death many of the people, and
by blocking up the river he completely cut off his enemies from all
supplies by sea. He now moved on with his army towards Rome and
occupied the Janiculus. Octavius damaged his own cause, not so much
from want of skill as through his scrupulous observance of the law, to
which he unwisely sacrificed the public interests; for though many
persons advised him to invite the slaves to join him by promising
their freedom, he refused to make them members of the State from which
he was endeavouring to exclude Marius in obedience to the law. On the
arrival at Rome of Metellus,[136] the son of Metellus who had
commanded in Libya, and had been banished from the city through the
intrigues of Marius, the soldiers deserted Octavius and came to
Metellus, entreating him to take the command and save the city; they
said, if they had an experienced and active commander, they would
fight well and get the victory. But Metellus expressed great
dissatisfaction at their conduct, and bade them go to the consul, upon
which they passed over to the enemy. Metellus also in despair left the
city. But Octavius was persuaded by Chaldæans[137] and certain
diviners and interpreters of the Sibylline books to stay in Rome by
the assurance that all would turn out well. Octavius, who in all other
matters had as solid a judgment as any Roman, and most carefully
maintained the consular dignity free from all undue influence
according to the usage of his country and the laws, as if they were
unchangeable rules, nevertheless showed great weakness in keeping
company with impostors and diviners, rather than with men versed in
political and military matters. Now Octavius was dragged down from the
Rostra before Marius entered the city, by some persons who where sent
forward, and murdered; and it is said that a Chaldæan writing was
found in his bosom after he was killed. It seemed to be a very
inexplicable circumstance, that of two illustrious commanders, Marius
owed his success to not disregarding divination, and Octavius thereby
lost his life.
XLIII. Matters being in this state, the Senate met and sent a
deputation to Cinna and Marius to invite them into the city and to
entreat them to spare the citizens. Cinna, as consul, sitting on his
chair of office, gave audience to the commissioners and returned a
kind answer: Marius stood by the consul's chair without speaking a
word, but indicating by the unchanging heaviness of his brow and his
gloomy look that he intended to fill Rome with slaughter. After the
audience was over, they marched to the city. Cinna entered accompanied
by his guards, but Marius halting at the gates angrily affected to
have some scruples about entering. He said he was an exile and was
excluded from his country by a law, and if anybody wanted to have him
in the city, they must go to the vote again and undo the vote by which
he was banished, just as if he were a man who respected the laws and
were returning from exile to a free state. Accordingly he summoned the
people to the Forum, but before three or four of the tribes had voted,
throwing off the mask and setting aside all the talk about being
legally recalled, he entered with some guards selected from the slaves
who had flocked to him, and who were called Bardiæi. These fellows
killed many persons by his express orders and many on the mere signal
of his nod; and at last meeting with Ancharius, a senator who had
filled the office of prætor, they struck him down with their daggers
in the presence of Marius, when they saw that Marius did not salute
him. After this whenever he did not salute a man or return his salute,
this was a signal for them to massacre him forthwith in the streets,
in consequence of which even the friends of Marius were filled with
consternation and horror when they approached him. The slaughter was
now great, and Cinna's appetite was dulled and he was satisfied with
blood; but Marius daily went on with his passion at the highest pitch
and thirsting for vengeance, through the whole list of those whom
suspected in any degree. And every road and every city was filled with
the pursuers, hunting out those who attempted to escape and conceal
themselves, and the ties of hospitality and friendship were proved to
be no security in misfortune, for they were very few who did not
betray those who sought refuge with them. This rendered the conduct of
the slaves of Cornutus the more worthy of praise and admiration, for
they concealed their master at home, and hanging up by the neck the
dead body of some obscure person, and putting a gold ring on his
finger, they showed him to the guards of Marius, and then wrapping up
the body as if it were their master's, they interred it. The device
went unsuspected, and Cornutus being thus secreted by his slaves, made
his escape to Gaul.
XLIV. The orator Marcus Antonius[138] found a faithful friend, but
still he did not escape. This man, though poor, and of the lower
class, received in his house one of the most illustrious of the
Romans, and wishing to entertain him as well as he could, he sent a
slave to one of the neighbouring wine-shops to get some wine. As the
slave was more curious than usual in tasting it, and told the man to
give him some better wine, the merchant asked what could he the reason
that he did not buy the new wine, as usual, and the ordinary wine, but
wanted some of good quality and high price. The slave replied in his
simplicity, as he was speaking to an old acquaintance, that his master
was entertaining Marcus Antonius, who was concealed at his house. The
wine-dealer, a faithless and unprincipled wretch, as soon as the slave
left him, hurried off to Marius, who was at supper, and having gained
admission, told him that he would betray Marcus Antonius to him. On
hearing this, Marius is said to have uttered a loud shout and to have
clapped his hands with delight; and he was near getting up and going
to the place himself, but his friends stopped him, and he despatched
Annius with some soldiers, with orders to bring him the head of
Antonius immediately. On reaching the house, Annius waited at the
door, and the soldiers mounting the stairs entered the room, but on
seeing Antonius, every man began to urge some of his companions and
push him forward to do the deed instead of himself. And so powerful
were the charm and persuasion of his eloquence, when Antonius began to
speak and pray for his life, that not a man of them could venture to
lay hands on him or look him in the face, but they all bent their
heads down and shed tears. As this caused some delay, Annius went
upstairs, where he saw Antonius speaking and the soldiers awed and
completely softened by his eloquence; on which he abused them, and
running up to Antonius, cut off his head with his own hand. The
friends of Catulus Lutatius, who had been joint consul with Marius and
with him had triumphed over the Cimbri, interceded for him with
Marius, and begged for his life; but the only answer they got was, "He
must die!" and accordingly Catulus shut himself up in a room, and
lighting a quantity of charcoal, suffocated himself. Headless trunks
thrown into the streets and trampled underfoot excited no feeling of
compassion, but only a universal shudder and alarm. But the people
were most provoked by the licence of the Bardiæi, who murdered fathers
of families in their houses, defiled their children, and violated
their wives; and they went on plundering and committing violence, till
Cinna and Sertorius combining, attacked them when they were asleep in
the camp, and transfixed them with spears.
XLV. In the meantime, as if the wind was beginning to turn, reports
reached Rome from all quarters that Sulla had finished the war with
Mithridates, and recovered the provinces, and was sailing against the
city with a large force. This intelligence caused a brief cessation
and pause to unspeakable calamities, for Marius and his faction were
in expectation of the immediate arrival of their enemies. Now being
elected consul[139] for the seventh time, on the very Calends of
January, which is the beginning of the year, Marius caused one Sextus
Lucinus[140] to be thrown down the Tarpeian rock, which appeared to be
a presage of the great misfortunes that were again to befal the
partisans of Marius and the State. But Marius was now worn out with
labour, and, as it were, drowned with cares, and cowed in his spirit;
and the experience of past dangers and toil made him tremble at the
thoughts of a new war, and fresh struggles and alarms, and he could
not sustain himself when he reflected that now he would have to
hazard a contest, not with Octavius or Merula at the head of a
tumultuous crowd and seditious rabble, but that Sulla was
advancing--Sulla, who had once driven him from Rome, and had now
confined Mithridates within the limits of his kingdom of Pontus. With
his mind crushed by such reflections, and placing before his eyes his
long wanderings and escapes and dangers in his flight by sea and by
land, he fell into a state of deep despair, and was troubled with
nightly alarms and terrific dreams in which he thought he heard a
voice continually calling out,
"Dreadful is the lion's lair
Though he is no longer there."
As he greatly dreaded wakeful nights, he gave himself up to drinking
and intoxication at unseasonable hours and to a degree unsuited to his
age, in order to procure sleep, as if he could thus elude his cares.
At last when a man arrived with news from the sea, fresh terrors
seized him, partly from fear of the future and partly from feeling the
burden and the weariness of the present state of affairs; and while he
was in this condition, a slight disturbance sufficed to bring on a
kind of pleurisy, as the philosopher Poseidonius[141] relates, who
also says that he had an interview and talked with him on the subject
of his embassy, while Marius was sick. But one Caius Piso,[142] an
historian, says that Marius, while walking about with some friends
after supper, fell to talking of the incidents of his life, beginning
with his boyhood, and after enumerating his many vicissitudes of
fortune, he said that no man of sense ought to trust fortune after
such reverses; upon which he took leave of his friends, and keeping
his bed for seven successive days, thus died. Some say that his
ambitious character was most completely disclosed during his illness
by his falling into the extravagant delusion that he was conducting
the war against Mithridates, and he would then put his body into all
kinds of attitudes and movements, as he used to do in battle, and
accompany them with loud shouts and frequent cheers. So strong and
unconquerable a desire to be engaged in that war had his ambitious and
jealous character instilled into him; and therefore, though he had
lived to be seventy years of age, and was the first Roman who had been
seven times consul and had made himself a family, and wealth enough
for several kings, he still bewailed his fortune, and complained of
dying before he had attained the fulness and completion of his
desires.
XLVI. Now Plato, being at the point of death, felicitated himself on
his dæmon[143] and his fortune, first that he was born a human being,
then that he was a Greek, and neither a barbarian nor an irrational
animal; and besides all this, that his birth had fallen on the time
when Socrates lived. And indeed it is said that Antipater[144] of
Tarsus, in like manner, just before his death, when recapitulating the
happiness that he had enjoyed, did not forget his prosperous voyage
from Rome to Athens, inasmuch as he considered every gift of
favourable fortune as a thing to be thankful for, and preserved it to
the last in his memory, which is to man the best storehouse of good
things. But those who have no memory and no sense, let the things that
happen ooze away imperceptibly in the course of time; and
consequently, as they hold nothing and keep nothing, being always
empty of all goodness, but full of expectation, they look to the
future and throw away the present. And yet fortune may hinder the
future, but the present cannot be taken from a man; nevertheless, such
men reject that which fortune now gives, as something foreign, and
dream of that which is uncertain: and it is natural that they should;
for before reason and education have enabled them to put a foundation
and basement under external goods, they get and they heap them
together, and are never able to fill the insatiate appetite of their
soul. Now Marius[145] died, having held for seventeen days his seventh
consulship. And immediately there were great rejoicings in Rome, and
good hope that there was a release from a cruel tyranny; but in a few
days men found that they had exchanged an old master for a young one
who was in the fulness of his vigour; such cruelty and severity did
the son of Marius exhibit in putting to death the noblest and best
citizens. He gained the reputation of a man of courage, and one who
loved danger in his wars against his enemies, and was named a son of
Mars: but his acts speedily showed his real character, and he received
instead the name of a son of Venus. Finally, being shut up in Præneste
by Sulla, and having in vain tried all ways of saving his life, he
killed himself when he saw that the city was captured and all escape
was hopeless.