LIFE OF MARCELLUS.

I. Poseidonius tells us that Marcus Claudius, who was five times

consul of the Roman people, was the son of Marcus, and was the first

of his family to receive the name of Marcellus, which means warlike.

Indeed, by his experience he became a thorough soldier; his body was

strong, and his arm powerful. He was fond of war, and bore himself

with a lordly arrogance in battle, though otherwise he was of a quiet

and amiable disposition, fond of Greek culture and literature, to the

extent of respecting and admiring those who knew it, though he from

his want of leisure could not make such progress as he wished. For the

Roman chiefs of that period were, if any men ever were, condemned, in

the words of Homer,

"From youth to age, disastrous wars to wage."[12]

In their youth they fought the Carthaginians on the Sicilian coast; in

middle age they fought the Gauls in defence of Italy itself; when

advanced in years they again contended with Hannibal and the

Carthaginians, not, as common men do, obtaining any relief from

constant service because of their old age, but ever urged by their

courage and nobility of soul to accept the command in new campaigns.

II. Marcellus was practised in all forms of battle, but was especially

skilful in single combat, so that he never declined any man's

challenge, and slew all who challenged him. In Sicily he saved the

life of his brother Otacilius when in great peril, by holding his

shield over him and killing his assailants. For this conduct, young as

he was, he received crowns[13] and rewards from the generals, and as

he grew in reputation was elected _curule ædile_ by the people, and

augur by the priests. This is a kind of priestly office, to which the

law especially assigns the observance of auguries drawn from the

flight of birds. During his tenure of the office of ædile, he was

obliged, much against his will, to commence a law-suit. He had a son

of his own name, in the bloom of youth, of great beauty, and equally

with it admired by his countrymen for his modesty and education.

Capitolinus, Marcellus's colleague, a licentious and reckless man,

made disgraceful proposals to this lad. He first repelled his attacks

alone, but on a second attempt told his father, and Marcellus, being

much enraged, summoned the man before the Senate. He attempted many

quibbles and subterfuges, and appealed to the tribunes of the people

to support him, but as they refused his application he betook himself

to pleading denial of the charge. There being no witnesses of what he

had said, the Senate decided to send for the boy, and when they saw

how he blushed and wept with a modesty mingled with unquenchable rage,

they, without requiring any other proof, found Capitolinus guilty, and

condemned him to pay a fine, with which Marcellus had silver libation

vessels made, and consecrated them to the gods.

III. After twenty-two years the first Punic War came to an end, and

the Romans turned their attention to Gaulish troubles. The Insubrians,

a Celtic tribe dwelling in Italy at the foot of the Alps, powerful by

themselves, were collecting other forces, and enrolling all those

Gauls who fought for hire, called Gæsatæ.

It was a wonderful and fortunate circumstance that this Celtic war did

not break out at the same time as that with Carthage, but that the

Gauls, like the gladiator who waits to fight with the survivor of a

pair of combatants, had remained quiet during the whole of that war,

and now stepped forward and challenged the victors when they were at

leisure. Yet the war caused much terror, because it would take place

on their own frontier against their neighbour states, and because of

the ancient reputation of the Gauls, whom the Romans seem to fear more

than any other nation. They once lost their city at their hands, and

afterwards passed a law that the priests should be exempt from all

military service, except in case of another war with Gaul. Their alarm

was shown both by their preparations (for it is said that never before

or since were there so many thousand Romans under arms), and by their

extraordinary sacrifices. For though they never observe the barbarous

ceremonies of foreigners, but as far as possible are humane and like

the Greeks in their religion, on the outbreak of this war they were

compelled to follow certain prophecies in the Sibylline books, and

bury alive two Greeks, a man and a woman, and likewise two Gauls, in

the place called the Cattle Market: and in accordance with these

prophecies they still up to this day in the month of November perform

religious mysteries, which may not be seen or spoken of by either

Greeks or Gauls.

IV. At the beginning of the war the Romans were some times victorious

and sometimes defeated, without coming to any decisive action, until

the consulate of Flaminius and Furius, who led a great army against

the Insubrians. Then the river that passes through Picenum ran blood,

and it was said that three moons were seen at the city of Ariminum,

and the augurs, who watch the omens at the consular elections,

declared that the appointment of these consuls was wrong and of evil

omen for the people. Hereupon the Senate immediately sent despatches

to the camp recalling the consuls, that they might as soon as possible

return and lay down their office and so undertake nothing as consuls

against the enemy. Flaminius, when he received these despatches, did

not open them before he had routed the barbarians in battle and

overrun their country. So when he returned to Rome loaded with spoil,

the people did not go out to meet him, but, because he had not at once

obeyed his orders, and had treated them with insolent contempt, very

nearly refused him his triumph, and after the triumph reduced him to a

private station, forcing both him and his colleague to give up their

office. So much regard had the Romans for religion, that they would

not on occasions of the greatest good fortune overlook any neglect of

the prophecies and customs of their ancestors, holding it more

important for the safety of the state that their generals should

reverence the gods than that they should conquer the enemy.

V. As an example of this, Tiberius Sempronius, a man second to no one

in Rome for courage and virtue, named as his successors when consul

Scipio Nasica and Caius Marcius, and when they were actually in

possession of their provinces and armies he happened to consult a book

of sacred ritual, and found in it an old custom which he did not know

before. It was to this effect. When a consul has hired a house or tent

outside the city to watch the flight of birds, if he be obliged before

any certain omen appears, to return to the city for what cause soever,

he must give up the place which he hired and take another, and make

his observation over again from the beginning. This, it seems,

Tiberius did not know, and it was after using the same place twice

that he named these men consuls. Afterwards, having discovered his

error, he laid the matter before the Senate; and that body did not

despise this apparently slight irregularity, but sent despatches to

the men, who at once left their provinces, returned to Rome, and

resigned their office. Now this happened in later times; but in the

very times of which we write two men of the best family were deprived

of the priesthood: Cornelius Cethegus, because he handled the entrails

improperly at a sacrifice, and Quintus Sulpicius, because when he was

sacrificing, the crested hat which he wore as flamen, fell off his

head. And because, when Minucius the dictator was appointing Caius

Flaminius his master of the knights, the mouse which is called the

coffin-mouse was heard to squeak, they turned them out of their

office, and elected others. But, though so elaborately careful in

trifles, they never admitted any superstitious observance, and neither

altered nor added anything to their ancestral ritual.

VI. When Flaminius and his colleague had resigned their offices,

Marcellus was designated consul by the interreges.[14] On entering

upon his office he nominated Cnæus Cornelius as his colleague. It was

said that the Gauls were offering terms of reconciliation, and that

the Senate wished for peace with them, but that Marcellus raised the

spirit of the people and excited them to continue the war. But still a

peace was concluded; and it seems to have been the Gæsatæ who renewed

the war, by crossing the Alps and stirring up the Insubrians. Thirty

thousand in number, they joined that tribe, which was many times

larger, and in high spirits at once attacked Acerræ, a city beyond the

river Po. From that place Britomartus with ten thousand Gæsatæ

proceeded to plunder the country near the Po.

Marcellus hearing this left his colleague before Acerræ with the

infantry, heavy baggage, and one-third of the cavalry, and himself,

with the rest of the cavalry and about six hundred of the most active

foot soldiers, marched night and day till he fell in with the ten

thousand Gæsatæ at Clastidium, a Gaulish village which not long before

had been subject to the Romans. There was no time for rest or

refreshment; for his arrival was at once perceived by the enemy, and

his force despised, as he had so little infantry with him, for the

Celts thought nothing of his cavalry. Admirable horsemen and proud of

their superior skill, they also had greatly the advantage of Marcellus

in numbers, and at once, their king riding foremost, charged the

Romans with great impetuosity and terrible threats, expecting to sweep

them away. Marcellus, fearing that they might surround and outflank

his small body, spread out his cavalry, thinning and widening his

line, until he presented a front nearly equal to that of the enemy. He

was now advancing to the charge, when his horse, scared at the

terrible display of the enemy, turned short round, and forcibly

carried him back. Marcellus, fearing that this might cause

superstitious terror to the Romans, hastily wheeled his horse round on

the bridle hand, and having again directed him against the enemy, paid

his adorations to the sun, as though he had made this circle not by

chance, but of set purpose; for the Romans have this custom, of

turning round to worship the gods, and so he, as he was on the point

of joining battle, vowed that he would consecrate the finest of the

enemies' arms to Jupiter Feretrius.

VII. At this moment the king of the Gauls, seeing him, and

conjecturing from his dress that he was the Roman leader, rode out far

beyond the rest, and made directly for him, defiantly shouting a

challenge, and brandishing his spear. He was a man distinguished from

the rest of the Gauls by his tall stature and his complete armour,

which glittered like the lightning with gold and silver and all kinds

of gay devices with which it was incrusted. Marcellus, as he looked

along the enemy's line, thought that these were the finest arms, and

were those about which he had made his vow to Jupiter Feretrius. He

rushed upon the Gaul, pierced his breastplate with his spear, and by

the impetus of his horse bore him to the ground alive, and with a

second and third thrust killed him at once. Leaping from his horse and

seizing the armour of the dead man, he said, looking up to heaven,

"Jupiter Feretrius, thou that seest the great deeds of generals and

captains in war, I call thee to witness that I am the third Roman

general that has slain the enemy's general and king, by killing this

man here with my own hand: and having killed him I consecrate to thee

the first and fairest of the spoils. But do thou grant us like good

fortune in the rest of this war."

Hereupon the Roman cavalry charged, not against cavalry by itself, but

they fought against infantry and cavalry mixed together, and won a

victory of an unparalleled and wonderful kind; for never before or

since that day did such a body of horsemen rout such numbers of horse

and foot.

Having slain the greater part of them, and collected their arms and

stores, he returned to his colleague, who was with difficulty holding

his own against the Celts before the walls of the largest and most

populous of Gaulish cities. It is called Mediolanum, and is regarded

by the Cisalpine Gauls as their metropolis: consequently they fought

vigorously in its defence, and more besieged Cornelius than were

besieged by him. But when Marcellus arrived, the Gæsatæ, as soon as

they heard of the defeat and death of their king, went home.

Mediolanum fell, and the Celts of their own accord surrendered the

other cities, and threw themselves upon the mercy of the Romans. They

received moderate terms of peace.

VIII. By a decree of the Senate Marcellus alone triumphed. His

procession was glorious, as few others have been, with the splendour

and value of the booty exhibited, and the great stature of the

captives; but the strangest and most interesting sight of all was the

general himself, as he appeared carrying the suit of armour of the

Gaul to offer it to the god. He had cut and trimmed the trunk of a

tall young oak tree, and had tied and hung the spoils upon it, each

put in its proper place. When the procession began, he himself mounted

his chariot and four, and carried in state through the city, this the

most glorious of all his trophies of victory. The army marched after

him with their finest armour, singing as they went songs and pæans of

victory in honour of the gods and their leader. Thus he proceeded till

he reached the temple of Jupiter Feretrius. Here he dismounted, and

dedicated his spoils, being the third, and, up to our day, the last

who ever did so: first comes Romulus, with the spoils of Acron of

Cæninum; second, Cornelius Cossus offered the spoils of Tolumnius the

Etruscan; third, Marcellus offered these spoils of Britomartus, the

king of the Gauls; after Marcellus, no man.

The god to whom they are offered is called Jupiter Feretrius,

according to some, from the trophy being carried upon a _feretrum_, or

bier, as it is called in the Greek tongue, which then was much mixed

with the Latin; but according to others, it is an attribute of Jupiter

the Thunderer, for the Romans call striking _ferire_. Others say that

the name comes from striking the enemy; for even now in battle when

they are pursuing the enemy they keep shouting, "_Feri_," that is,

"Strike," to one another. The word for ordinary spoils is _spolia_,

but for these _spolia opima_. Yet it is said that Numa Pompilius

speaks of first, second, and third degrees of _spolia opima_, ordering

the first to be offered to Jupiter Feretrius, the second to Mars, and

the third to Quirinus; and that for the first the prize is three

hundred ases, two hundred for the second, and one hundred for the

third. But the most common story runs that those spoils alone are

_spolia opima_ which are taken at a pitched battle, and first of all,

and by the general of the one side from the general of the other. But

of these things enough.

The Roman people were so overjoyed at that victory and the end of the

war that they made from the money paid to ransom captives, a golden

statue, and sent it to Apollo at Delphi as a thank-offering, and gave

a magnificent share of the booty to their allies, and even sent many

presents to Hiero the king of Syracuse, their friend and ally.

IX. When Hannibal invaded Italy, Marcellus was sent with an army to

Sicily: but when the disaster at Cannæ took place, where many thousand

Romans perished, and only a few fugitives collected at Canusium, it

was expected that Hannibal would at once march to attack Rome, as he

had cut off the greater part of the army. Marcellus at once sent a

garrison of fifteen hundred men to guard the city, and afterwards, in

obedience to a senatus-consultum, went to Canusium, and taking command

of the fugitives collected there, led them out of their fortified

camp, to show that he would not deliver up the country to the enemy.

The Romans had lost many of their most capable leaders in the wars,

and Fabius Maximus, who had the greatest reputation, was blamed by

them for sloth and want of enterprise because of his excessive caution

in avoiding a defeat. Thinking, therefore, that he was an excellent

general for defence, not for attack, they cast their eyes upon

Marcellus, and in order to combine his vigour and daring with the

cautious and far-seeing tactics of the other, they at one time elected

them both consuls, at another made the one consul with the other

serving as proconsul. Poseidonius tells us that Fabius was called the

shield of the state, and Marcellus the sword. And Hannibal himself

said that he feared Fabius as a schoolmaster, but regarded Marcellus

as an antagonist, for the former prevented his doing any mischief,

while the latter might make him suffer some.

X. At first Hannibal's soldiers, elated with their victory, roamed

with careless confidence out of their camp and plundered the country;

where Marcellus fell upon them, and by a series of defeats

considerably weakened them. Next, he went to Naples and Nola. At

Naples he encouraged the citizens, who of their own accord wished

well to the Roman cause; but at Nola he found the city in a state of

faction, as the senate were unable to restrain the populace, who

favoured Hannibal. There was one Bandius, a man of the first nobility

of the city, and renowned for bravery. This man had fought at Cannæ

with conspicuous valour, and had slain many Carthaginians. When after

the battle he was found in a heap of slain with his body pierced with

darts, Hannibal, in admiration of his courage, not only dismissed him

without ransom, but gave him presents and made him a personal friend.

Bandius, out of gratitude, was one of the most eager partisans of

Hannibal, and, having great influence with the people, was urging them

to revolt. Marcellus thought that it would be a crime to put to death

a man of such glorious antecedents, and who had taken part in one of

the greatest struggles of the Romans; and, besides his natural

kindliness, being able by his conversation to win over any man of

noble nature, he on one occasion when greeted by Bandius inquired who

he might be, though he knew very well, but merely wanted a pretext and

opportunity for conversation with him. For, when he answered, "Lucius

Bandius," Marcellus, as though surprised and pleased, said, "Are you

indeed that Bandius, of whom all those who fought at Cannæ told us at

Rome, the only man who did not desert Paulus Æmilius the consul, but

who received upon his own body the greater part of the darts which

were aimed at him?" Bandius admitted that he was the man, and

endeavoured to speak lightly of his wounds, but Marcellus went on:

"Then, as you bear about you such marks of your devotion to our cause,

why did you not at once come to me? Do you think us slow to requite

the valour of our friends, when it is honoured even by the enemy."

Having spoken to him thus courteously, he embraced him, and presented

him with a war-horse and five hundred silver drachmas.

XI. After this Bandius became the firmest partisan and ally of

Marcellus, and a terrible denouncer and assailant of the opposite

party. This was a numerous one; and their design was, when the Romans

should march out of the town against the enemy, to attack their

baggage. Marcellus, therefore, having marshalled his troops within

the city, brought the baggage to the gates, and by proclamation

forbade the people of Nola to approach the walls. Thus no force was

visible, and he induced Hannibal to march up to the city in disorderly

array, as he supposed that within it all was confusion. Then Marcellus

ordered the gate nearest him to be thrown open, and with the best

equipped of his cavalry charged out of it and fell upon the enemy hand

to hand. Presently the infantry poured out of another gate, running

with loud shouts; and while Hannibal was dividing his forces to deal

with them a third gate opened, and from it issued the remainder of the

army, and from all sides attacked the Carthaginians, who were

bewildered at the unexpectedness of the attack, and fought without

spirit against their immediate assailants, because of the others who

they saw would soon beset them.

There first did Hannibal's troops give way before the Romans, and were

chased with great loss into their camp. It is said that more than five

thousand perished, and that no more than five hundred Romans fell. But

Livy does not consider that a great defeat took place, or that so many

of the enemy fell, but he points out that Marcellus gained much glory

by that battle, and that the Roman people took courage after their

misfortunes, thinking that it was not against an unconquerable and

invulnerable foe that they were fighting, but one who could be made to

suffer as well as themselves.

XII. For this reason, as one of the consuls was dead, the people

called for Marcellus, though he was absent, to become his successor;

and in spite of the efforts of the government they put off the day of

election until he came to Rome from the army. He was elected consul by

the votes of all the tribes, but it thundered at the time, and as the

priests declared this an unpropitious omen, but did not dare openly to

oppose his election for fear of the people, he himself voluntarily

resigned his office. But he did not avoid military service, but was

created proconsul, and returning to Nola and his army he harassed

those who had chosen the side of Hannibal. When the latter hastily

marched to the assistance of his friends, and offered to fight a

pitched battle with Marcellus, he declined; but subsequently, when the

greater part of the Carthaginian army was scattered in search of

plunder, and no longer expecting an attack, he fell upon it. He had

distributed long lances, such as are used on ship-board, among his

infantry, and instructed them to watch their opportunity and hurl

these from a distance at the Carthaginians, who had no javelin-men,

and whose heavy spears were only used to thrust with at close

quarters. In consequence, it seems, of this, all who engaged with the

Romans that day turned their backs and shamefully fled, losing five

thousand killed, six hundred prisoners; while of their elephants, four

were killed and two taken alive. And, what was of the greatest

importance of all, on the third day after the above battle, three

hundred Spanish and Numidian cavalry deserted to the Romans, a thing

which never had happened to Hannibal before, as, although his army was

composed of so many different nations, he had been able for a very

long time to inspire it with the same spirit. These men faithfully

served Marcellus and the generals who succeeded him.

XIII. Marcellus, when elected consul for the third time, sailed to

Sicily; for Hannibal's successes in the war had encouraged the

Carthaginians to recover that island, especially as Syracusan politics

were in a disturbed state in consequence of the death of the despot

Hieronymus; and on this account a Roman army under Appius had already

been sent there. When Marcellus had taken the command of this army, he

received a large accession of Roman soldiers, whose misfortune was as

follows. Of the troops who fought with Hannibal at Cannæ, some fled,

and some were taken alive, in such numbers that the Romans scarcely

thought that they had left sufficient citizens to man the city walls,

but this remnant was so full of pride and so great of soul, that,

though Hannibal offered to release the captives for a small ransom,

they would not take them, but refused by a decree of the Senate, and

endured to see some of them put to death, and others sold out of Italy

as slaves. The mass of those who had saved themselves by flight they

sent to Sicily, with orders not to set foot on the soil of Italy until

the war with Hannibal was over. So when Marcellus went to Sicily,

these men came in a body into his presence, and falling on the ground

before him besought him to permit them to serve as honourable

soldiers, promising with cries and tears that they would prove by

their actions that it was more by their bad fortune than their

cowardice that the defeat at Cannæ took place. Marcellus was touched

with compassion, and wrote to the Senate asking to be allowed to fill

up from these men the vacancies which would occur in the ranks of his

army. Much discussion followed; and at last the Senate decreed that

Rome did not require the services of cowardly citizens, but, if

Marcellus nevertheless wished to make use of them, they must not

receive any of the crowns and other rewards which are commonly

bestowed by generals as the prizes of valour. This decree vexed

Marcellus, and after the war in Sicily he returned to Rome and blamed

the Senate that, in spite of all that he had done for them, they would

not allow him to relieve so many citizens from such a miserable

position.

XIV. In Sicily, at this time, he had just cause of complaint against

Hippokrates the Syracusan general, who, favouring the Carthaginian

side, and wishing to establish himself as despot, put to death many

Romans at Leontini. Marcellus took Leontini by storm, and did no harm

to the inhabitants, but flogged and executed all the deserters whom he

found. Hippokrates first sent to Syracuse a story that Marcellus was

exterminating the people of Leontini, and when this report had thrown

the city into confusion he fell upon it and made himself master of it.

Marcellus hereupon proceeded to Syracuse with his whole army, and

encamping near the city sent ambassadors to tell them what had really

happened in Leontini. By this, however, he gained nothing, as the

Syracusans would not listen to him (for the party of Hippokrates was

in the ascendant). He now attacked the city both by sea and land,

Appius commanding the land forces, while Marcellus directed a fleet of

sixty quinqueremes[15] full of armed men and missile weapons. He

raised a vast engine upon a raft made by lashing eight ships together,

and sailed with it to attack the wall, trusting to the numbers and

excellence of his siege engines, and to his own personal prestige.

But Archimedes and his machines cared nothing for this, though he did

not speak of any of these engines as being constructed by serious

labour, but as the mere holiday sports of a geometrician. He would not

indeed have constructed them but at the earnest request of King Hiero,

who entreated him to leave the abstract for the concrete, and to bring

his ideas within the comprehension of the people by embodying them in

tangible forms.

Eudoxus and Archytas were the first who began to treat of this

renowned science of mechanics, cleverly illustrating it, and proving

such problems as were hard to understand, by means of solid and actual

instruments, as, for instance, both of them resorted to mechanical

means to find a mean proportional, which is necessary for the solution

of many other geometrical questions. This they did by the

construction, from various curves and sections, of certain instruments

called mesographs. Plato was much vexed at this, and inveighed against

them for destroying the real excellence of geometry by making it leave

the region of pure intellect and come within that of the senses, and

become mixed up with bodies which require much base servile labour. So

mechanics became separated from geometry, and, long regarded with

contempt by philosophy, was reckoned among the military arts. However

Archimedes, who was a relative and friend of Hiero, wrote that with a

given power he could move any given weight whatever, and, as it were

rejoicing in the strength of his demonstration, he is said to have

declared that if he were given another world to stand upon, he could

move this upon which we live. Hiero wondered at this, and begged him

to put this theory into practice, and show him something great moved

by a small force. Archimedes took a three-masted ship, a transport in

the king's navy, which had just been dragged up on land with great

labour and many men; in this he placed her usual complement of men and

cargo, and then sitting at some distance, without any trouble, by

gently pulling with his hand the end of a system of pullies, he

dragged it towards him with as smooth and even a motion as if it were

passing over the sea. The king wondered greatly at this, and

perceiving the value of his arts, prevailed upon Archimedes to

construct for him a number of machines, some for the attack and some

for the defence of a city, of which he himself did not make use, as he

spent most of his life in unwarlike and literary leisure, but now

these engines were ready for use in Syracuse, and also, the inventor

was present to direct their working.

XV. So when the Romans attacked by sea and land at once, the

Syracusans were at first terrified and silent, dreading that nothing

could resist such an armament. But Archimedes opened fire from his

machines, throwing upon the land forces all manner of darts and great

stones, with an incredible noise and violence, which no man could

withstand; but those upon whom they fell were struck down in heaps,

and their ranks thrown into confusion, while some of the ships were

suddenly seized by iron hooks, and by a counter-balancing weight were

drawn up and then plunged to the bottom. Others they caught by irons

like hands or claws suspended from cranes, and first pulled them up by

their bows till they stood upright upon their sterns, and then cast

down into the water, or by means of windlasses and tackles worked

inside the city, dashed them against the cliffs and rocks at the base

of the walls, with terrible destruction to their crews. Often was seen

the fearful sight of a ship lifted out of the sea into the air,

swaying and balancing about, until the men were all thrown out or

overwhelmed with stones from slings, when the empty vessel would

either be dashed against the fortifications, or dropped into the sea

by the claws being let go. The great engine which Marcellus was

bringing up on the raft, called the Harp, from some resemblance to

that instrument, was, while still at a distance, struck by a stone of

ten talents weight, and then another and another, which fell with a

terrible crash, breaking the platform on which the machine stood,

loosening its bolts, and tearing asunder the hulks which supported it.

Marcellus, despairing of success, drew off his ships as fast as

possible, and sent orders to the land forces to retreat. In a council

of war, it was determined to make another assault by night; for they

argued that the straining cords which Archimedes used to propel his

missiles required a long distance to work in, and would make the shot

fly over them at close quarters, and be practically useless, as they

required a long stroke. But he, it appears, had long before prepared

engines suited for short as well as long distances, and short darts to

use in them; and from many small loop-holes pierced through the wall

small scorpions, as they are called, stood ready to shoot the enemy,

though invisible to them.

XVI. When then they attacked, expecting that they would not be seen,

they again encountered a storm of blows from stones which fell

perpendicularly upon their heads and darts which were poured from all

parts of the wall. They were forced to retire, and when they came

within range of the larger machines missiles were showered upon them

as they retreated, destroying many men and throwing the ships into

great disorder, without their being able to retaliate. For most of the

engines on the walls had been devised by Archimedes, and the Romans

thought that they were fighting against gods and not men, as

destruction fell upon them from invisible hands.

XVII. However, Marcellus escaped unhurt, and sarcastically said to his

own engineers: "Are we to give in to this Briareus of a geometrician,

who sits at his ease by the seashore and plays at upsetting our ships,

to our lasting disgrace, and surpasses the hundred-handed giant of

fable by hurling so many weapons at us at once?" For indeed all the

other Syracusans were merely the limbs of Archimedes, and his mind

alone directed and guided everything. All other arms were laid aside

and the city trusted to his weapons solely for defence and safety. At

length Marcellus, seeing that the Romans had become so scared that if

only a rope or small beam were seen over the wall they would turn and

fly, crying out that Archimedes was bringing some engine to bear upon

them, ceased assaulting the place, and trusted to time alone to reduce

it. Yet Archimedes had so great a mind and such immense philosophic

speculations that although by inventing these engines he had acquired

the glory of a more than human intellect, he would not condescend to

leave behind him any writings upon the subject, regarding the whole

business of mechanics and the useful arts as base and vulgar, but

placed his whole study and delight in those speculations in which

absolute beauty and excellence appear unhampered by the necessities of

life, and argument is made to soar above its subject matter, since by

the latter only bulk and outward appearance, but by the other accuracy

of reasoning and wondrous power, can be attained: for it is impossible

in the whole science of geometry to find more difficult hypotheses

explained on clearer or more simple principles than in his works. Some

attribute this to his natural genius, others say that his

indefatigable industry made his work seem as though it had been done

without labour, though it cost much. For no man by himself could find

out the solution of his problems, but as he reads, he begins to think

that he could have discovered it himself, by so smooth and easy a road

does he lead one up to the point to be proved. One cannot therefore

disbelieve the stories which are told of him: how he seemed ever

bewitched by the song of some indwelling syren of his own so as to

forget to eat his food, and to neglect his person, and how, when

dragged forcibly to the baths and perfumers, he would draw geometrical

figures with the ashes on the hearth, and when his body was anointed

would trace lines on it with his finger, absolutely possessed and

inspired by the joy he felt in his art. He discovered many beautiful

problems, and is said to have begged his relatives and friends to

place upon his tomb when he died a cylinder enclosing a sphere, and to

write on it the proof of the ratio of the containing solid to the

contained.

XVIII. Such was Archimedes, who at this time rendered himself, and as

far as lay in him, the city, invincible.

During the blockade Marcellus took Megara, one of the most ancient of

the Greek cities in Sicily, and also captured Hippokrates' camp at

Acrillæ, with a destruction of more than eight thousand of his men,

attacking them just as they were planting the palisades of the

rampart. He overran a great part of Sicily, induced cities to revolt

from Carthage, and beat all forces that opposed him. As time went on,

he took prisoner one Damippus, a Spartan, as he was sailing out of

the harbour of Syracuse. The Syracusans desired to ransom this man,

and Marcellus, in the course of many negotiations and conferences

about him, noticed that a certain tower was carelessly guarded, and

that men might be introduced into it secretly, as the wall near it was

easy to climb. Having, from his frequent journeys to confer with the

besieged near this tower, gained a good idea of its height, he

prepared scaling-ladders, and waited till the Syracusans were engaged

in celebrating the feast of Artemis, and given up to drinking and

amusement. Not only did he gain the tower unobserved, but was able to

occupy the whole circuit of wall with his troops, and to break into

the Hexapylon.[16] When the Syracusans began to discover their

position and muster for their defence, he ordered trumpets to sound on

all sides, which produced great terror and tumult, as they imagined

that no part of the walls remained untaken. Yet the strongest, and

that too the largest and finest part of the city, was still left,

called Achradina, because it is fortified on the side near the outer

town, part of which is called Neapolis, and part Tyche.

XIX. These parts of the city were captured, and at daybreak Marcellus

moved down through the Hexapylon, amidst the congratulations of his

officers. It is said that when, from the high ground he surveyed that

great and fair city, he burst into tears, thinking how sadly it would

soon be changed in appearance when sacked by his soldiers. For none of

his officers dared to oppose the soldiers when they demanded the

privilege of plunder, and many encouraged them to burn and destroy.

But Marcellus would not so much as entertain the idea of this, but,

much against his will, was forced to permit them to carry off the

movable property and slaves, though he forbade them to touch freemen,

and gave strict orders that none of the citizens of Syracuse should be

slain, dishonoured, or enslaved. Yet even after moderating their

license to this extent he thought that the city was sadly ill-treated,

and even in such a moment of triumph he showed great sorrow and

sympathy for it, as he saw such great wealth and comfort swept away in

a few hours; for the treasure was said to be not less than that which

was afterwards taken in Carthage itself. The rest of the city was

taken after a short time by treachery, and the soldiers insisted upon

plundering it, with the exception of the royal treasury, which was

confiscated to the state.

Marcellus was especially grieved at the fate of Archimedes. He was

studying something by himself upon a figure which he had drawn, to

which he had so utterly given up his thoughts and his sight that he

did not notice the assault of the Romans and the capture of the city,

and when a soldier suddenly appeared before him and ordered him to

follow him into the presence of Marcellus, he refused to do so before

he had finished his problem and its solution. The man hereupon in a

rage drew his sword and killed him. Others say that the Roman fell

upon him at once with a sword to kill him, but he, seeing him, begged

him to wait for a little while, that he might not leave his theorem

imperfect, and that while he was reflecting upon it, he was slain. A

third story is that as he was carrying into Marcellus's presence his

mathematical instruments, sundials, spheres, and quadrants, by which

the eye might measure the magnitude of the sun, some soldiers met with

him, and supposing that there was gold in the boxes, slew him. But all

agree that Marcellus was much grieved, that he turned away from his

murderer as though he were an object of abhorrence to gods and men,

and that he sought out his family and treated them well.

XX. The Romans up to this time had given foreign nations great proofs

of their skill in war and their courage in battle, but had not shown

any evidences of kindness of heart, clemency, or any social virtue.

Marcellus seems to have been the first who exhibited the Romans in a

more amiable light to the Greeks. For he so dealt with his

adversaries, and treated so many individuals and cities with kindness

that even if any harsh treatment did befall Enna, or Megara, or

Syracuse, it was thought to be more by the fault of the vanquished

than of the victors. I will mention one instance out of many. There is

a city in Sicily called Engyion, of no great size, but very ancient,

and renowned for the appearance there of the goddesses called

'Mothers.' The foundation of the temple is ascribed to the Cretans,

and they used to show certain lances and helmets inscribed, some with

the name of Meriones, some of Ulixes, that is, Odysseus, which were

dedicated to these goddesses. This city was eager to espouse the

Carthaginian side, but was prevailed upon by one Nikias, the leading

man of the city, to join the Romans, by freely speaking his mind in

the public assembly and proving that his opponents did not consult the

true interests of the state. These men, fearing his power and high

reputation, determined to kidnap him, and deliver him up to the

Carthaginians. Nikias, discovering this plot, quietly took measures

for his own security, but publicly made unseemly speeches about the

"Mothers," and spoke of the received tradition of their appearance

with doubt and contempt, to the delight of his enemies, as he seemed

to be by these actions justifying the treatment which they meant to

inflict upon him. When all their preparations for seizing him were

complete there was a public assembly of the citizens, and Nikias, in

the midst of a speech upon state policy, suddenly fell to the ground,

and after a short time, as all men were, naturally, silent with

surprise, he raised his head, and turning it round he began to speak

in deep and trembling tones, which he gradually made shriller and more

intense, until, seeing the whole theatre, where the meeting was,

silent with horror, he threw off his cloak, tore his tunic, and, half

naked, rushed to the gate of the theatre, crying out that he was

pursued by the "Mothers." As no one dared to touch or stop him, from

fear of the gods, but all made way for him, he passed out of the city

gate, not omitting any of the cries and trembling of body of a person

under demoniacal possession. His wife, who was in the secret, and her

husband's confederate, first brought her children and prostrated

herself as a suppliant before the goddesses, and then under pretence

of seeking her wandering husband managed to leave the city without

opposition. Thus they safely reached Marcellus at Syracuse; and when,

after enduring many affronts and insolent proceeding from the people

of Engyion Marcellus took them all prisoners, and imprisoned them,

meaning to put them all to death, Nikias at first stood by weeping,

but at length, embracing Marcellus as a suppliant, he begged for the

lives of his countrymen, beginning with his own personal enemies,

until he relented, and set them all at liberty. Nor did he touch their

city, but gave Nikias ample lands and rich presents. This story is

told by Poseidonius the philosopher.

XXI. When the Romans recalled Marcellus, to conduct the war in their

own country, he removed most of the beautiful ornaments of the city of

Syracuse, to be admired at his triumphal procession, and to adorn

Rome. For at that time Rome neither possessed nor knew of any works of

art, nor had she any delicacy of taste in such matters. Filled with

the blood-stained arms and spoils of barbarians, and crowded with

trophies of war and memorials of triumphs, she was no pleasant or

delightful spectacle, fit to feed the eyes of unwarlike and luxurious

spectators, but, as Epameinondas called the plain of Bœotia "the Stage

of Ares," and Xenophon called Ephesus "the Workshop of War," so, in my

opinion, you might call Rome at that time, in the words of Pindar,

"the Domain of Ares, who revels in war." Wherefore Marcellus gained

the greater credit with the vulgar, because he enriched the city with

statues possessing the Hellenic grace and truth to nature, while

Fabius Maximus was more esteemed by the elders. He neither touched nor

removed anything of the kind from the city of Tarentum, which he took,

but carried off all the money and other property, and let the statues

remain, quoting the proverb: "Let us," said he, "leave the Tarentines

their angry gods." They blamed Marcellus's proceedings as being

invidious for Rome, because he had led not only men, but also gods as

captives in his triumph, and also because the people, who before this

were accustomed either to fight or to till the ground, and were

ignorant of luxury and indolent pleasures, like the Herakles of

Euripides,

"Unpolished, rough, but skilled in useful arts,"

were made by Marcellus into idle, babbling connoisseurs of the fine

arts, and wasted the greater part of the day in talk about them. He,

however, prided himself upon this even before Greeks, saying that he

had taught the ignorant Romans to prize and admire the glories of

Greek art.

XXII. Marcellus, whose enemies opposed his claim to a triumph, on the

ground that the campaign in Sicily was not completely finished, and

that he did not deserve a third triumph, so far gave way as to lead

the greater triumphal procession as far as the Alban Mount, and only

to enter the city in the lesser form which the Greeks call _euan_, and

the Romans an _ovation_. The general conducts this, not, as in the

triumph, riding in a chariot and four with a crown of laurel, and with

trumpets sounding before him, but walking on foot in low shoes

surrounded by flute players, and crowned with myrtle, so as to look

unwarlike and joyous rather than terrible. And this is a great proof

to me that in old times it was the manner and not the importance of

the things achieved that settled the form of triumph. Those generals

who had gained their point by battle and slaughter probably made their

entry in that martial and terrible fashion, having, as is customary in

lustrations of armies, crowned the men and wreathed their arms with

abundance of laurel: whereas the generals who without an appeal to

arms had settled matters satisfactorily by negotiation and persuasive

eloquence, were given by custom this peaceful and festive entry into

the city. For the flute is a peaceful instrument, and the myrtle is

the favorite plant of Aphrodite, who above all the gods hates violence

and war. This form of triumph is called ovation, not from the cry of

"Evan," as most people think, for the other also is accompanied with

shouts and songs, but the word had been twisted by the Greeks into one

that has a meaning in their language, and also they are convinced that

some honour is paid to Dionysus in this ceremony, which God we name

Evius and Thriambos. It is curious to observe that the great Laconian

lawgiver arranged the sacrifices differently to those of Rome. In

Sparta those ex-generals who have accomplished their purpose by

persuasion or fraud sacrifice an ox, while those who have done it by

battle offer a cock. For, though warlike to excess, they thought that

a victory gained by clever negotiation was greater and more befitting

human beings than one gained by force and courage. Which is to be

preferred, I leave to my readers' consideration.

XXIII. When Marcellus entered upon his fourth consulship, his enemies

induced the Syracusans to send a deputation to Rome, to complain

loudly to the Senate of the cruel and unjust treatment which they had

received from him. Marcellus chanced to be performing some sacrifice

in the Capitol; so when the Syracusans came to the assembled Senate,

begging for a hearing that justice might be done them, the other

consul stopped them, feeling that Marcellus ought not to be attacked

in his absence. But Marcellus as soon as he heard of it, came to the

Senate-house, seated himself as consul, on the curule chair, and

despatched business; then, when this was finished, he came down and

placed himself as a private person in the place where men on their

trial usually stood, and called on the Syracusans to prove their

charges against him. They were abashed at his majestic confidence of

demeanour, and he who had been invincible in arms seemed to them yet

more terrible and unapproachable in his consular purple. Nevertheless,

encouraged by the enemies of Marcellus, they began their impeachment,

and pleaded their cause in a piteous fashion, their chief point being

that they, who were friends and allies of the Romans, had been treated

in a way in which many other generals had forborne to treat hostile

cities. Marcellus answered that they had done the Romans much harm,

for which they had received no punishment, except such as could not be

prevented in war, because victorious soldiers cannot be restrained

from sacking a town which they have won, and their city, he said, was

taken because they had refused his frequent offers of terms of

agreement. They could not urge that they had been forced into war by

their despots, for they had themselves chosen those very despots with

the intention of going to war. After both parties had been heard, the

Syracusans, according to custom, left the Senate-house. Marcellus came

out with them, leaving his colleague to preside over the assembly, and

stood outside the doors, without altering his usual demeanour, either

from fear of the result or anger against the Syracusans, but serenely

awaiting the verdict of the Senate.

When the question was voted upon, and he was announced successful, the

Syracusans prostrated themselves before him, beseeching him with

tears to put away his anger against themselves, and to show pity on

the city, which was sensible to kindness, and would be grateful to

him. Marcellus was touched by their appeal; he became reconciled to

them, and was a constant benefactor to their city. He restored them

their freedom, their laws, and what remained of their property, and

the Senate confirmed his acts. In return for this, besides many other

honours they passed a law that whenever Marcellus or any of his

descendants should land in Sicily, the Syracusans should wear garlands

of flowers and hold a festival with sacrifices to the gods.

XXIV. Next he proceeded against Hannibal; and whereas nearly all the

other consuls and generals, after the disaster at Cannæ had thought of

nothing but avoiding battles with him, and no one had dared to measure

himself with him in the field, he adopted the opposite course, arguing

that while they fancied that they were wearing out Hannibal's army

they did not perceive that Italy was being consumed by it. Fabius, he

urged, thought too much of safety, and by his policy of waiting, Rome,

already drooping under its burdens, would at the end of the war perish

as well as Hannibal. He was, he said, like those timid surgeons who

shrink from using decisive remedies, and who mistake the sinking

strength of the patient for the abatement of disease. His first act

was to take some important Samnite towns which had revolted. Here he

found great stores of corn and money, and took three thousand of

Hannibal's soldiers who were there as garrison. Next, when Hannibal

defeated and killed Cnæus Fulvius, the proconsul in Apulia, with a

loss of eleven military tribunes and the greater part of his army,

Marcellus sent despatches to Rome, bidding the citizens be of good

courage, for he was already on the march, and would abate Hannibal's

exultation. Livy tells us that these despatches when read did not

diminish the grief of the Romans, but added to their fear, as they

reflected that the risk they were about to run was so much more

serious than the defeat they had sustained, as Marcellus was superior

to Fulvius.

According to his despatch, he instantly marched against Hannibal into

Lucania, and finding him entrenched on some strong hills near the city

of Numistro, he himself encamped in the plain. On the following day he

was the first to draw out his army in battle array. Hannibal descended

from his position, and fought a great and well-contested battle, for

it began at the third hour, and was scarcely over by dark, but without

any decisive result. At daybreak he again led out his army and defied

Hannibal to fight. But Hannibal retired; and Marcellus, after

stripping the corpses of the enemy, and burying his own dead, pursued.

His skill and good fortune were greatly admired in this campaign, as

he did not fall into any of the numerous ambuscades which were

prepared for him by Hannibal, and in all his skirmishes came off

victorious. For this reason, as the comitia were impending, the Senate

thought that it would be better to call the other consul away from

Sicily than to recall Marcellus just as he was thoroughly engaged with

Hannibal. When the other consul arrived, they bade him name Quintus

Fulvius dictator. For a dictator is not chosen by the people or by the

Senate, but one of the consuls or prætors comes forward publicly and

names whom he pleases dictator. And this is the reason that the man so

named is called dictator; for _dicere_ in Latin means to _name_. But

some think that the dictator is so called because he does not require

any vote or show of hands, but on his own responsibility dictates his

orders; indeed, the orders of magistrates which are called by the

Greeks _diatagmata_, are called _edicts_ by the Romans.

XXV. When Marcellus's colleague came to Rome from Sicily, he wished to

name another person dictator, and, that he might not be forced to act

against his inclination, he sailed away by night back to Sicily. Under

these circumstances the people nominated Quintus Fulvius dictator, and

the Senate wrote to Marcellus bidding him vote for this person. He did

so, confirming the choice of the people, and was himself elected

proconsul for the following year. After a conference with Fabius

Maximus, at which it was arranged that the latter should make an

attempt on Tarentum, while Marcellus should constantly engage Hannibal

and so prevent his affording the town any assistance, he set out, and

came upon Hannibal near Canusium. Hannibal frequently shifted his

camp, and tried to avoid a battle, but Marcellus was not to be shaken

off, and at length attacked his position, and by skirmishing provoked

him to fight. Marcellus sustained his attack, and the battle was put

an end to by night. Next morning his troops were again beheld under

arms, so that Hannibal in great anxiety called together the

Carthaginians and besought them to fight as they had never done

before. "You see," said he, "that even after our great victories, we

cannot rest in peace, unless we drive away this fellow." The armies

met; and Marcellus seems to have lost the day by an unseasonable

manœuvre. His right wing was suffering, and he ordered up one of the

legions to support it; but this change produced confusion in the

ranks, and gave the victory to the enemy, with a loss of two thousand

seven hundred men to the Romans. Marcellus, after retiring to his

fortified camp, called together his soldiers, and reproached them,

saying that he saw before him the arms and bodies of many Romans, but

not one true Roman. They begged forgiveness, but he answered that he

could not forgive them when defeated, but would forgive them if

victorious. On the morrow he said that he would renew the battle, in

order that the Romans might hear of their victory before they heard of

their defeat. After these words he gave orders that the troops which

had given way should be supplied with rations of barley instead of

corn; which had such an effect upon them, that although many were

suffering from the hurts in the battle, yet, there was not one who did

not suffer more from the reproaches of Marcellus than from his wounds.

XXVI. At daybreak the scarlet robe, the well known signal of battle,

was displayed from the general's tent. The disgraced troops, at their

own request, were placed in the first rank; the rest of the army

followed under their officers. Hannibal hearing of this exclaimed:

"Hercules! What can one do with a man who knows not how to bear either

good or bad fortune. This is the only general who, when victorious

allows his foe no rest, and when defeated takes none himself. We shall

always, it seems, have to be fighting this man, who is equally excited

to attack by his confidence when victor, and his shame when

vanquished."

In the battle the men on each side were fighting on equal terms, when

Hannibal ordered his elephants to be brought into the front rank and

to attack the Roman lines. Great tumult and disturbance was produced

by this, but one of the tribunes, by name Flavius, seizing a standard,

stood his ground, and struck the first elephant with the spiked end of

the staff, till he forced him to turn back. He then attacked the next

one, and those that followed. Marcellus, seeing this, ordered his

cavalry to ride as fast as they could to the scene of the confusion

and complete the rout of the enemy. They charged briskly and pursued

the flying Carthaginians, cutting them down up to their very camp.

Great havoc was wrought by the wounded elephants among them; and in

all, over eight thousand are said to have perished. Of the Roman force

three thousand were killed, and almost all the survivors were wounded,

which circumstance enabled Hannibal to leave his camp by night

unmolested, and remove himself from the neighbourhood of Marcellus;

for Marcellus could not pursue, because of the number of wounded, but

marched in a leisurely manner towards Campania, and passed the summer

at Sinuessa, recruiting the health of his soldiers.

XXVII. Hannibal, after he had thus torn himself free from Marcellus,

sent his army to plunder Italy as recklessly as though it were

disbanded; and in Rome Marcellus was ill spoken of. His enemies

induced Publius Bibulus, a clever and violent partisan, to attack him.

This man frequently addressed assemblies of the people and urged them

to transfer the command to another general, since "Marcellus," he

said, "after a little sparring with the enemy had gone to the hot

baths to refresh himself as if after a gymnastic contest." Marcellus,

hearing of this, left the army in charge of his legates, and went to

Rome to clear his reputation from these slanders; but, in consequence

of them he found that he was to undergo a trial. A day was fixed; the

people assembled in the Circus Flaminius; Bibulus rose and impeached

him. Marcellus spoke shortly and simply in his own defence, but the

highest and noblest citizens spoke at great length in his praise,

calling on the people not to show themselves by their vote worse

judges of war than Hannibal, who was always as eager to avoid fighting

with Marcellus, as he was to fight with other generals. After these

speeches had been delivered the accuser was proved to be so far wrong

in his impeachment, that Marcellus was not only honourably acquitted,

but actually elected consul for the fifth time.

XXVIII. On assuming his office, he first put down an insurrectionary

movement in Etruria, by visiting the various towns and using

conciliatory language; after this, he wished to consecrate a temple,

which he had built out of the spoils of Sicily, to Glory and Valour,

but being prevented by the priests on the ground that two gods could

not be included in one temple, he began to build another one, being

very much vexed at the opposition he encountered, but influenced by

omens: for he was disturbed at this time by many portentous

occurrences, such as several temples being struck by lightning, and

the gold in the temple of Jupiter being gnawed by the mice. It was

also reported that an ox had spoken with a human voice, and that a

child had been born with the head of an elephant--so the priests kept

him in Rome to conduct the expiatory rites and atonements for these,

though he was fretting and eager to take the field; for no man ever

was so passionately desirous of anything as he was to measure himself

with Hannibal in battle. His one dream by night, his only talk to his

friends and colleagues, his sole prayer to the gods was that he might

meet Hannibal in a fair field. I believe that he would most willingly

have enclosed both armies within a wall or palisade, and there have

fought out the quarrel. Had it not been that he was now loaded with

honours, and had given proofs of his superiority in wisdom and conduct

to any other general, men would have said that he showed a more boyish

ambition than befitted a man of his age; for he was over sixty years

old when he entered upon his fifth consulship.

XXIX. However, when he had completed the necessary sacrifices and

purifications enjoined by the soothsayers, he took the field with his

colleague, and harassed Hannibal much in the country between the towns

of Bantia and Venusia. Hannibal declined battle, but, learning that a

force was detached from the Roman army to attack the Epizephyrian

Lokrians, he laid an ambuscade on the mountain near Petelia, and

defeated them with a loss of two thousand five hundred men. This

excited Marcellus, and he led his forces nearer to those of Hannibal.

There was between the two camps a hill of some strength as a military

post, overgrown with wood. Its sloping sides afforded a view of either

camp, and upon them appeared the sources of several mountain streams.

The Romans were surprised at Hannibal, that, having had the first

choice of so excellent a position as this, he had not occupied it, but

left it to the enemy. It seems that he indeed thought it a good place

to encamp in, but much better to lay an ambuscade in; and, wishing to

use it rather for this purpose, he filled the woods and glens with

javelin-men and spearmen, persuaded that the place itself would, from

its excellent qualities, attract the Romans into it. Nor was he

deceived in this expectation; for at once there was much talk in the

Roman army about the necessity of occupying the hill, and men pointed

out the advantages which would be gained over the enemy by encamping

on it, or if necessary, by fortifying it. Now Marcellus determined to

ride forward with a few horsemen and reconnoitre it, so he sent for a

soothsayer and offered sacrifice. When the first victim was slain, the

soothsayer showed him that the liver had no head. On sacrificing for

the second time the head appeared of unusual size, while all the other

organs were excellent, and this seemed to set at rest the fear which

had been caused by the former. Yet the soothsayers said that they were

even more disturbed and alarmed at this; for when after very bad and

menacing victims unusually excellent ones appear, the sudden change is

itself suspicious. But

"Not fire, not walls of iron can hinder fate,"

as Pindar says. Marcellus rode forth with his colleague Crispinus and

his son, who was military tribune, in all two hundred and twenty

horsemen. Of these none were Romans; they were Etruscans, with the

exception of twenty men from Fregellæ, who had given constant proofs

of their courage and devotion to Marcellus. On the overhanging crest

of the woody hill, a man, unseen by the Romans, was watching their

army. He signalled to the men in ambush what was going on, so that

they permitted Marcellus to ride close to them, and then suddenly

burst out upon him, and surrounding his little force on all sides,

struck and threw their darts, pursued such as ran away, and fought

with those who stood their ground. These were the twenty Fregellans.

The Etruscans at the outset ran away panic-stricken; but these men

forming together defended the consuls until Crispinus, struck by two

darts, galloped away, and Marcellus was pierced through the side with

a lance. Then even the few survivors of the Fregellans left him lying

there, and snatching up his son, who was wounded, made their way back

to the camp. The loss amounted to little over forty killed, and five

lictors and eighteen horsemen taken. Crispinus, after a few days, died

of his wounds. Such a misfortune as this, losing both consuls in one

battle, never before befel the Romans.

XXX. Hannibal heard of the fate of all the rest with indifference, but

when he was told that Marcellus had fallen he himself hastened to the

place, and stood for a long time beside the corpse, admiring its

strength and beauty. He made no boastful speech, and showed no joy in

his countenance, as a man who had slain a troublesome and dangerous

enemy, but, wondering at the strangeness of his ending, he drew the

ring from the dead man's finger, and had the corpse decently attired

and burned. The relics he gathered into a silver urn, upon which he

placed a golden crown, and sent it to Marcellus's son. But on the way

some Numidians fell in with the party who were escorting the urn, and

while they tried to take it away and the others struggled to retain

it, the bones were scattered on the ground. Hannibal, on hearing of

this, said, "Nothing can be done against the will of heaven." He

ordered the Numidians to be punished, but took no further thought

about collecting or sending away the relics of Marcellus, concluding

that some god had decreed the strange death and strange lack of burial

which had befallen him. This is the story related by Cornelius Nepos

and Valerius Maximus, but Livy and Augustus Cæsar declare that the urn

was brought to his son, and that it was splendidly buried. Besides

his monuments at Rome there was a gymnasium at Katana in Sicily which

bore his name, and statues and votive tablets from the plunder of

Syracuse were set tip in Samothrace in the temple of the gods called

Kabeiri, and in Lindus (in Rhodes) in the temple of Athena.

On his statue there, according to Poseidonius, these verses are

written:

"This monument, O stranger, doth enshrine

Marcellus, of the famous Claudian line,

Who seven times was consul, and in fight

His country's foes o'erthrew and put to flight."

For the writer of this epitaph counted his two proconsulates as well

as his five consulates. His family remained one of the chief in Rome

down to the time of Marcellus, the nephew of Augustus, who was the son

of Octavia, Augustus's sister, and Caius Marcellus. He died in the

office of ædile while yet a bridegroom, having just married Augustus's

daughter Julia. In honour of his memory his mother Octavia established

a library, and Augustus built a theatre, both of which bore his name.

Plutarch's Lives, Volume 2 (of 4) · 第 15 / 43 题