CHAPTER XX

William Tell

Der alte Urstand der Natur kehrt wieder,

Wo Mensch dem Menschen gegenübersteht;

Zum letzten Mittel, wenn kein andres mehr

Verfangen will, ist ihm das Schwert gegeben.

_'William Tell'_.

Schiller's last play, like his first, was inspired by the Goddess of

Freedom, but what a difference between the wild-eyed bacchante of the

earlier day and the decorous muse of 'William Tell'! There the frenzied

revolt of a young idealist against chimerical wrongs of the social

order; here a handful of farmers, rising sanely in the might of union

and appealing to the old order against intolerable oppression. There the

tragedy of an individual madman; here the triumph of a laudable

patriotism.

'Tell' is a fresh illustration of its author's versatility, for nothing

more different from its immediate predecessors could easily be imagined.

It is also the most thoroughly human among his plays, and the only one

that does not end upon a tragic note. Finally it is the most popular,

though the most loosely articulated,--a fact that shows how little the

permanent interest and classical prestige of a dramatic production

depend upon its satisfying the ideal demands of critical theory.

It was noted casually in the preceding chapter that rumor began to be

occupied with speculations about Schiller's 'Tell' before he had

seriously thought of writing a play on the subject. In the summer of

1797 Goethe had revisited Switzerland and brought back with him the idea

of a narrative poem about William Tell. He discussed the matter with

Schiller, incidentally telling him much about the Forest Cantons.

Possibly he may have suggested, in the presence of a mutual friend, that

the theme had dramatic possibilities,--which would account sufficiently

for the aforesaid rumor. Finding his supposed plan the subject of

curious gossip, Schiller was led to look more closely into the subject.

He read Tschudi's 'Chronicon' and found it Homeric and Herodotean in its

simple straightforwardness. The legend fascinated him and he began to

see in it the material of a popular drama that should take the

theatrical world by storm. He was eager for such a triumph, and the more

so because 'The Bride of Messina', as staged by Iffland in Berlin, had

met only with an equivocal success: many were pleased, but there was a

plenty of adverse comment. Iffland was now the director of the Royal

Prussian Theater, and thus in a position to serve the interests of

Schiller, whom he devotedly admired. It was therefore worth while for a

man who had chosen to be a dramatic poet, and whose income depended upon

his popularity, to forego further experimentation with unfamiliar

art-forms and set about supplying that which would interest average

human nature.

Work began in the spring of 1803 and proceeded very steadily during the

ensuing months. The letters of the period express unbounded confidence

in the nascent play. It was to be a 'powerful thing which should shake

the theaters of Germany', and a 'genuine folk-play for the entire

public'. Honest Tschudi continued to be the great source, but other

writers were read and excerpted. Schiller took infinite pains with his

local color, noting down from the books all sorts of minutiae that might

aid his imagination. Take for illustration the following jottings from

Fäsi and Schleuchzer, two of his subsidiary authorities:

There are mountains that consist entirely of ice--_Firnen_; they

shine like glass and get their isolated conical shape from the

process of melting in the summer.--Clouds form in the

mountain-gorges and attach themselves to the rocks; herefrom

prognostication of the weather.--View from on high when one stands

above the clouds. The landscape seems to lie before one like a great

lake, from which islands stand forth.--In the summer, cascades

everywhere in the mountains.--Chamois graze in flocks, the picket

(_Vorgeis_) piping in case of danger.--Weather signs: Swallows fly

low, aquatic birds dive, sheep graze eagerly, dogs paw up the earth,

fish leap from the water. 'The gray governor of the valley

(_Thalvogt_) is coming'; when this or that mountain puts on a cap,

then drop the scythe and take the rake.--Peculiarity of a certain

lake that it draws to itself persons sleeping on its bank.

A large amount of such conscientious note-taking, aided by a marvelous

power of visualization, and supplemented also by what Goethe could tell

from personal observation, resulted in a remarkably vivid and accurate

local color. A letter of Schiller's written in December, 1803, tells of

a purpose to go to Switzerland before he should print his play. The plan

was not carried out, but if it had been there would have been little to

change; for 'William Tell' reads throughout like the work of one

thoroughly familiar with Swiss character, topography and folk-lore.

There is not a slip of any importance in the entire play. Of course the

conspiring farmers are idealized and their enemies are diabolized; but

all this is so in the saga. Schiller had to deal with a patriotic myth,

and he made no attempt to go behind the romantic veil of tradition; his

purpose being simply to present the poetic essence of the saga as handed

down by Tschudi. And he succeeded admirably. So far as the Swiss people

are concerned, he well deserves the memorial they have placed in his

honor upon the Mythenstein, near the legendary birth-place of their

national independence.

Toward the close of the year 1803 came an interruption, Weimar society

being thrown into a flutter by the visit of Madame de Staël, now on her

famous tour of inspection. It was of course fitting that Schiller, as a

local lion, should take his part in entertaining her; but the voluble

lady was an _Erscheinung_ new to his experience, and with his imperfect

command of colloquial French he was hard put to it to bear up against

the torrent of her conversation. He measured her very correctly at their

first meeting, when they fell into an argument on the merits of the

French drama. 'For what we call poetry', he wrote to Goethe, 'she has no

sense'; nevertheless he gave her full credit for her great qualities, in

especial for a good sense amounting to genius. And she in turn was

pleased with the serious German who argued with her in lame French, not

as one caring to hold his own in a conversational fencing-match, but as

one wishing to convince her of important truths in which he really

believed. It must have been an interesting occasion in a small way, this

first rencontre between Schiller and the lady who was afterwards to

speak of him so nobly and withal so justly in her celebrated book about

Germany. Madame de Staël's sojourn in Weimar lasted some ten weeks, her

portentous gift of speech becoming gradually more and more irksome to

Schiller and Goethe. The social gayeties occasioned by her presence

caused some retardation in the progress of 'William Tell', but on

February 18, 1804, it was completed, and two days later the final

installment was despatched to the waiting Iffland. How eagerly he was

waiting may be inferred from the language used by him after perusal of

the first act, which had been sent him a month earlier:

I have read, devoured, bent my knee; and my heart, my tears, my

rushing blood, have paid ecstatic homage to your spirit, to your

heart. Oh more! Soon, soon, more! Pages, scraps--whatever you can

send! I tender hand and heart to your genius. What a work! What

wealth, force, poetic beauty and irresistible power! God keep

you! Amen.

These high-keyed expectations were not disappointed. The first

performances of 'Tell', in the spring of 1804, were received with

prodigious enthusiasm, and ever since then it has been a prime favorite

of the German stage. It has no characters that can be called great, as

Wallenstein is great, no complexity of plot, no thrilling surprises; and

as for its psychology, a fairy tale could hardly be more simple. That

which has endeared it to the Germans is its picturesqueness and its

passionate zeal for freedom.

The theme of 'Tell' is the successful revolt of the Forest Cantons

against their governors. Three actions that have no necessary connection

with one another--the conspiracy of the cantons, the private feud of

Tell and Gessler, and the love-affair of Rudenz and Bertha--are carried

along together in such a way that all find their natural conclusion in

the final celebration of victory. This feature of the play has often

been criticized as impairing its unity; and certainly, from the

conventional point of view the objection has some force. 'Tell' is a

play without a preponderating hero. We may say that it has three heroes,

or rather five, since among the conspirators interest is pretty evenly

distributed between Stauffacher, Melchthal and Walther Fürst. But in

reality the hero is the Swiss people considered as a unit. Stauffacher

and the other conspirators interest us as representatives of a suffering

population. To portray the suffering and the termination of it through

sturdy self-help is the central purpose of the play. This it is which

gives it an essential unity, notwithstanding the three separate actions.

The theme is an inspiring one, and the modern world owes Schiller an

immense debt for presenting it in austere simplicity, unincumbered with

any dubious or disturbing philosophy. One cannot help loving so good a

lover of freedom; for the sentiment does honor to human nature,

notwithstanding some latter-day indications that it is going out of

fashion. It may not be the highest and holiest of enthusiasms for the

individual,--we give our best homage rather to self-surrender,--but if

any political emotion is worthy of a lasting reverence, it is that one

which attaches men to the motherland and leads them to stand together

against an alien oppressor. Sometimes it may be well, in God's long

providence, that a weak or a backward people should be absorbed or ruled

by a stronger power; but the sentiment which leads it to fight against

absorption or subjugation is none the less admirable. And when the

foreign domination is reckless and inhuman, standing for nothing but

vindictive malice and the greed of empire; and when the victims of the

misrule are strong in the simple virtues of the poor, we have the case

in its most appealing aspect.

This is the case that is presented in 'William Tell',--the most notable

drama in modern literature upon the theme of national resistance to

foreign tyranny. Its influence in Germany as a classic of political

freedom--during the Napoleonic era and later, when it was a question of

setting a limit to domestic absolutism--has been immense. And there is

really no danger of its losing its potency; for it appeals to a

sentiment which, while it may wax and wane with the movements of the

_Zeitgeist_, is now wrought into the heart-fiber of all the occidental

nations, and not least of all--contrary to an opinion widely accepted in

this country--of the Germans.

The uppermost thought of Schiller, then, was to win sympathy for freedom

and the rights of man; yet in 'William Tell' we have nothing to do with

any species of cloud-born idealism. The bearers of the message are not

fantastic dreamers, like Posa; they do not call themselves ambassadors

of all mankind, or citizens of the centuries to come. They are a plain,

practical folk, whose wishes do not fly far afield and who attempt

nothing that they cannot carry through. They are not in the least given

to fighting for the sake of fighting; on the contrary, the thought of

bloodshed is abhorrent to them. All they wish is to be allowed to pursue

their peaceful, partriarchal industries, as their fathers did before

them, under laws of their own devising. But things have come to such a

pass that their lives, their property and the honor of their women are

not safe from the malice, cupidity and lust of their rulers. And even

under such conditions the thought of a radical revolution does not occur

to them: they do not rise against the overlordship of the emperor, but

only against the brutal tyranny of the governors who disgrace him. Their

final triumph opens no other vista of change than that, in the future,

another emperor will send them better governors. Thus the upshot of the

whole revolution is simply a provisional demonstration of Stauffacher's

proposition that 'tyrannical power has a limit'.

This seems, at first, like a rather lame vindication of the sacred

majesty of freedom, especially when we reflect that the whole question

at issue is not a question of independence at all, but merely whether

the cantons will give up their _Reichsunmittelbarkeit_,--and with it

certain old customs to which they are attached,--in order to become

vassals of the House of Hapsburg. Were they willing to do that,--so it

is said by Rösselmann at the Rütli meeting,--all their troubles would

end forthwith; the cruel governors would deal kindly with them, would

'fondle' them. If this is so,--and other passages confirm the saying of

the priest Rösselmann,--then it is patent that the conduct of Gessler is

not the aimless brutality of a brute, but a policy deliberately pursued

for the purpose of terrorizing the cantons into an acceptance of

Hapsburg overlordship. And this in turn throws its own light on the

character of Gessler. Only a blockhead would try to gain such an end in

such a way. This, however, is only another way of saying what has often

been pointed out, that Gessler is simply a fairy-tale tyrant, copied

very closely from Tschudi; a sort of typical bad man, whom the saga,

after inventing him out of nothing, has made as black as possible in

order the more clearly and strongly to justify the revolt. And yet, in

the play, Gessler never becomes entirely ridiculous; he does not seem a

caricature of humanity,--perhaps because history teems with governors

and viceroys who have exercised their little brief authority very much

in his spirit, even if they have failed to commit his particular

atrocities.

These last considerations are meant to light up the fact that the effect

of the play does not, after all, depend mainly upon its vindication of

any political doctrine. We are nowhere in the region of abstractions.

The sympathy that one feels for the insurgents is in no sort political,

but purely human; it is of the same kind that one might feel for a

community of Hindu ryots in their efforts to rid themselves of a

man-eating tiger. Only in the play this sympathy is very much

intensified by the picturesque lovableness of the afflicted population.

It is here, in the picture of land and people, that Schiller's mature

art, which had brought him to a sovereign mastery of stage effects, may

be said to win its greatest triumph. One may describe his method, fairly

if somewhat paradoxically, as that of romantic realism. What a

masterpiece of exposition we have in the opening scenes! The beautiful

lake, at precisely its most fascinating point; the fisher-boy, all

careless of the great world, singing his pretty song of the smiling but

treacherous water; the herdsman and the hunter, announcing themselves

above on the rocks in characteristic songs, and then conversing for a

moment about the weather and their employments; the sudden arrival of

Baumgarten with his tale of wrong and vengeance; the storm on the lake,

and the hurried dialogue between the cautious fisherman and the

stout-hearted Tell, who 'does what he cannot help doing'; the building

of the hateful Zwing-Uri; the death of the slater and Bertha's curse;

the grief and fury of young Melchthal, and, finally, the solemn covenant

for life and death of the three leaders,--what variety and animation are

here, and what a wealth of realistic detail! And how perfectly

convincing it all is,--not a false note anywhere, nor a note that is

held too long! Well might Goethe characterize this exposition as 'a

complete piece in itself and withal an excellent one'. The first act of

'Tell' is one of the best first acts in all dramatic literature.

It is quite true that the exposition seems to promise somewhat more than

is afterwards fulfilled. One who is familiar with Schiller's usual

method naturally expects that something will come of the rescue of

Baumgarten; but nothing does come of it except to throw a side-light

upon the general situation and to bring out the character of Tell.

Again, one expects to see more of Dame Gertrud, the 'wise daughter of

noble Iberg'. One looks for her to reappear under circumstances that

shall give her something important to do and shall put her sagacity and

courage to the test. It is not the habit of Schiller to introduce such

weighty personages at the beginning of a play and then drop them. To

understand him in this instance one has but to remember that his hero is

always the Swiss people. The Stauffachers, as a shining example of

thrift and virtue; their dignified and influential position in the

community; their fine new house that has roused the venomous jealousy of

Gessler,--all this is part of the situation, and it is the situation

that counts. And how superbly the picture is completed by the meeting at

the Rütli! Such an old-fashioned parliament, held of necessity under the

stars and in the darkness of night, but with all possible regard to the

ancient forms, was not only a novel and a picturesque idea in itself,

but it was the best device which could possibly be imagined for bringing

sharply into view the whole character of the Swiss, in its winsome,

patriarchal simplicity.

Here again, however, we have a radical departure from Schiller's usual

method; for what is actually done at this seemingly important meeting

is, after all, in itself rather insignificant, and without direct

influence upon the subsequent course of events. The conspirators decide

to do nothing immediately, but to wait for a favorable opportunity

during the Christmas season, some seven or eight weeks ahead. This

determination obviously involves a halt in the dramatic action, so far

as the conspiracy is concerned. In dealing with this difficulty,

Schiller departs from his ordinary method of concentration and allows

himself to be guided by the epical character of Tschudi's narrative. The

result is that we have, somewhat as in Goethe's 'Götz von Berlichingen',

a succession of dramatic pictures, rather than a drama bound together by

a severe logic. In the third and fourth acts we hear no more of the

conspirators,--aside from some expressions of regret for the delay,--and

attention is concentrated upon Tell, who has hitherto taken no part

except to rescue Baumgarten and to refuse his coöperation at the Rütli,

on the ground that he is not the man for a confab, and that 'the strong

man is mightiest alone'.

The character of Tell, as depicted by Schiller, has been the subject of

much criticism, the strictures relating more particularly to his

shooting the apple from his son's head, and then to his subsequent

assassination of Gessler. There is an oft-quoted opinion of Bismarck,

which may be quoted again, since it expresses so well a thought that has

no doubt occurred, some time or other, to most readers and spectators of

the play. Busch makes Bismarck say, under date of October 25,

1870:

It would have been more natural and more noble, according to my

ideas, if, instead of shooting at the boy, whom the best of archers

might hit instead of the apple, he had killed the governor on the

spot. That would have been righteous wrath at a cruel demand. I do

not like his hiding and lurking; that does not befit a hero--not

even a bushwhacker.

Undoubtedly such conduct as is here suggested for Tell would be more

'heroic', in accordance with, our conventional ideas of heroism. And the

thing would have been dramatically feasible. We can imagine Tell, for

example, as making sham preparations to shoot at the apple and then

suddenly sending his arrow through the heart of his enemy; and we can

also imagine a further management of the scene such that Tell should

escape with his boy. Thus everything would be accomplished on the public

square at Altorf, in full face of the enemy, which is subsequently

accomplished from the secure ambush by the 'hollow way' near Küssnacht.

Such conduct would have been 'heroic', but the obvious objection to it

is that it would have destroyed the very heart of the saga, which it was

not for Schiller to make over but to render dramatically plausible. It

may be urged, perhaps, that a poet who had made Joan of Arc die in glory

on the battle-field need not have been so punctilious in following the

exact line of Tschudi's story. But the cases are not exactly parallel.

There the alternative was a scene of unmitigated and revolting horror,

which would have destroyed the effect of the tragedy; here it was simply

a question of _when_ Gessler should be killed with an arrow. To make

Tell do just what the saga makes him do, and do it without forfeiting

sympathy, was a delicate problem, which may well have fascinated

Schiller, who is surely the last man in the world to be accused of

holding tame views as to 'heroism'. At any rate he must have felt that a

Tell who should not shoot at the apple and hit it would be simply no

Tell at all.

One who looks closely at the famous scene will not fail to see that it

is very cleverly constructed and that every objection which has been

urged against it is really met in the text. In the first place, Tell is

not, and was never meant for, a hero of the conventional sort. There is

no element of Quixotry about him. He is a plain man, of limited horizon

and small gift of speech. Public affairs do not particularly interest

him. He is a hardy mountaineer, with a strong trust in his own strength

and resourcefulness; a good oarsman and a great shot with the crossbow;

but he makes no fuss about these things. Let it be repeated that he is

not foolhardy. The dangers of the mountain, which bulk so large in the

imagination of his wife, are simply the familiar element of the life

that he loves. He treats her timorous apprehensions with the

good-natured coolness of a man who knows how to take care of himself. He

is affectionate, but not a bit sentimental. All this makes an eminently

natural and consistent character.

Now what must such a character do when required, under penalty of death,

by a brutal tyrant whose power is absolute, to hit an apple on his son's

head? Naturally his first thought is of the child, and he tries to

escape by offering his own life. The reply is that he must shoot or die

_with_ his child. Thus there is no recourse; to refuse to shoot at all

is worse than to shoot and miss. If he kill Gessler on the spot,--and we

must suppose that the thought occurs to him,--he will expose not only

himself but his child and his wife and children at home to the fury of

the troopers. The only safety lies in making a successful shot. And

after all Tell knows that he _can_ make it; it is only a question of

nerve, and he has the nerve if he can only find it. And here comes in an

important touch which is not in Tschudi--the fearless confidence of

Walther Tell in his father's marksmanship. The effect of this is to

touch the pride of the bowman, to clear his eye, and to steady his hand.

It is also a familiar fact that, with strong natures, a terrible danger,

with just one chance of escape, may produce a moment of perfect

self-control while the chance is taken.

The whole scene, in addition to its effectiveness on the stage, is

psychologically true to life. With all deference to the great qualities

of the first Chancellor of the German Empire, one must insist that

Schiller was a better playwright than he and found precisely the best

solution to his dramatic problem.

And so of the later scene in the 'hollow way'; there is nothing wrong

with it, unless it be the great length of the soliloquy. The killing of

an enemy from an ambush, without giving him a chance for his life, is of

course somewhat repugnant to our ideas of chivalry. We think of it

instinctively as the deed of a savage, and not of a man with a pure

heart and a good cause. But it must be remembered that such ideas are

themselves conventional, and that we have in 'Tell' a reversion to

primitive conditions in which 'man stands over against man'. Gessler has

forfeited all right to chivalrous treatment, and Tell is no knight

engaged in fighting out a gentleman's feud. What is he to do? For

himself, perhaps, he might take the chances of a fugitive in the

mountains, but he cannot leave his wife and children exposed to

Gessler's vengeful malice. There is no law to which he can appeal, the

only law of the land being Gessler's will. In such a situation, clearly,

there is no place for refined and chivalrous compunctions, or for

ethical hair-splitting. Tell does what he must do. He is in the position

of a man protecting his family from a savage or a dangerous beast, and

is not called upon to risk his own life needlessly. Every reader of the

old saga instinctively justifies him. His conduct is not noble or

heroic, but natural and right.

If this is so, however, there would seem to be no pressing need of his

long soliloquy. He being _ex proposito_ a man of few words, his sudden

volubility is a little surprising, though it should be duly noticed that

the soliloquy is not a self-defense. There is no casuistry in it. Tell

does not argue the case with himself, like one in doubt about the

rightness of his conduct. That is as clear as day to him, and he never

wavers for a moment. But he has time to think while waiting, and his

soliloquy is only his thinking made audible. Delivered with even a

slight excess of declamatory fervor, the lines are ridiculously out of

keeping with Tell's character; but they can be spoken so as to seem at

least tolerably natural,--as natural, perhaps, as any soliloquy. And

this is true, let it be remarked in passing, of many and many a passage

in Schiller. To some extent, very certainly, his reputation as a

rhetorician is due to the histrionic spouting of lines that do not need

to be spouted. To some extent, but not entirely: for even in 'Tell' his

old fondness for absurdly extravagant forms of expression sometimes

reasserted itself. Thus what can one make of a plain fisherman who talks

in this wise about a rainstorm?

Rage on, ye winds! Flame down, ye lightning-bolts!

Burst open, clouds! Pour out, ye drenching streams

Of heaven, and drown the land! Annihilate

I' the very germ the unborn brood of men!

Ye furious elements, assert your lordship!

Ye bears, ye ancient wolves o' the wilderness,

Come back again! The land belongs to you.

Who cares to live in it bereft of freedom!

The most serious blemish in 'William Tell' is the introduction of

Johannes Parricida in the fifth act,--an idea which Goethe attributed to

feminine influence of some sort.[128] The effect of it is to convert the

rugged, manly Tell of the preceding acts into a sanctimonious Pharisee

with whom one can have little sympathy. No doubt there is a moral

difference between his act and that of Parricida, but it is a difference

which one does not wish to hear Tell himself dilate upon. Seeing that

the murdered emperor was solely responsible for the brutal governors and

thus indirectly for all the woes of Switzerland; and seeing, too, that

his death is the only guarantee we have at the end that the killing of

Gessler will do any good, and not simply have the effect to bring down

upon the land, including Tell and his family, the vengeance of some

still more fiendish successor,--considering all this, one would rather

not hear those horrified ejaculations of Tell about the pollution of the

murderer's presence. They may produce a certain stagy effect of

contrast, but the effect was not worth producing at the expense of

Tell's character.

As for the love-story in 'William Tell', it is hardly of sufficient

weight to merit extended discussion. Both Bertha and Rudenz are rather

tamely and conventionally drawn, to meet the need of a pair of romantic

lovers; they evidently cost their creator no very strenuous communings

with the Genius of Art. Their private affair of the heart has nothing to

do with the Tell episode and is but loosely related to the popular

uprising. Their absence would not be very seriously felt in the drama,

save that one would not like to miss Attinghausen as a picturesque

representative of the old patriarchal nobility. The two scenes in which

he appears are in themselves admirable.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 128: See Eckermann's "Gespräche", under date of March 16,

1831. What Goethe there says, however, is in flat contradiction of the

following passage contained in a letter of Schiller to Iffland,

written April 14, 1804: "Auch Goethe ist mit mir überzeugt, dasz ohne

jenen Monolog und ohne die persönliche Erscheinung des Parricida der

Tell sich gar nicht hätte denken lassen."]

The Life and Works of Friedrich Schiller · 第 20 / 22 章