SECTION XXI.

_Return of the Author to Europe_.

To return to my voyage. On my arrival at Ormuz, I found there M. Francis

Berettin of Venice, and we freighted a bark in conjunction to carry us

to Bussora, for which we paid 70 ducats; but as other merchants went

along with us, they eased our freight. We arrived safely at Bussora,

where we tarried 40 days, to provide a caravan of boats to go up the

river to _Babylon_ [Bagdat], as it is very unsafe to go this voyage with

only two or three barks together, because they cannot proceed during the

night, and have to make fast to the sides of the river, when it is

necessary to be vigilant and well provided with weapons, both for

personal safety and the protection of the goods, as there are numerous

thieves who lie in wait to rob the merchants: Wherefore it is customary

and proper always to go in fleets of not less than 25 or 30 boats, for

mutual protection. In going up the river the voyage is generally 38 or

40 days, according as the wind happens to be favourable or otherwise,

but we took 50 days. We remained four months at Babylon, until the

caravan was ready to pass the desert to Aleppo. In this city six

European merchants of us consorted together to pass the desert, five of

whom were Venetians and one a Portuguese. The Venetians were _Messer

Florinasca_, and one of his kinsmen, _Messer Andrea de Polo, Messer

Francis Berettin_, and I. So we bought horses and mules for our own use,

which are very cheap there, insomuch that I bought a horse for myself

for eleven _akens_, and sold him afterwards in Aleppo for 30 ducats. We

bought likewise a tent, which was of very great convenience and comfort

to us, and we furnished ourselves with sufficient provisions, and beans

for the horses, to serve 40 days. We had also among us 33 camels laden

with merchandise, paying two ducats for every camels load, and,

according to the custom of the country, they furnish 11 camels for every

10 bargained and paid for. We likewise had with us three men to serve

us during the journey, _which are used to go for five Dd._[174] a man,

and are bound to serve for that sum all the way to Aleppo.

[Footnote 174: Such is the manner in which the hire of these servants is

expressed in Hakluyt. Perhaps meaning 500 pence; and as the Venetian

_sol_ is about a halfpenny, this will amount to about a guinea, but it

does not appear whether this is the sum for each person, or for all

three.--E.]

By these precautions we made the journey over the desert without any

trouble, as, whenever the camels stopt for rest, our tent was always the

first erected. The caravan makes but small journeys of about 20 miles

a-day, setting out every morning two hours before day, and stopping

about two hours after noon. We had good fortune on our journey as it

rained, so that we were never in want of water; yet we always carried

one camel load of water for our party for whatever might happen in the

desert, so that we were in no want of any thing whatever that this

country affords. Among other things we had fresh mutton every day, as we

had many shepherds along with us taking care of the sheep we had bought

at Babylon, each merchant having his own marked with a distinguishing

mark. We gave each shepherd a _medin_, which is twopence of our money,

for keeping and feeding our sheep by the way, and for killing them;

besides which the shepherds got the heads, skins, and entrails of all

the sheep for themselves. We six bought 20 sheep, and 7 of them remained

alive when we came to Aleppo. While on our journey through the desert,

we used to lend flesh to each other, so as never to carry any from

station to station, being repaid next day by those to whom we lent the

day before.

From Babylon to Aleppo is 40 days journey, of which 36 days are through

the desert or wilderness, in which neither trees, houses, nor

inhabitants are anywhere to be seen, being all an uniform extended plain

or dreary waste, with no object whatever to relieve the eye. On the

journey, the pilots or guides go always in front, followed by the

caravan in regular order. When the guides stop, all the caravan does the

same, and unloads the camels, as the guides know where wells are to be

found. I have said that the caravan takes 36 days to travel across the

wilderness; besides these, for the two first days after leaving Babylon

we go past inhabited villages, till such time as we cross the Euphrates;

and then we have two days journey through among inhabited villages

before reaching Aleppo. Along with each caravan there is a captain, who

dispenses justice to all men, and every night there is a guard

appointed to keep watch for the security of the whole. From Aleppo we

went to Tripoli, in Syria, where M. Florinasca, M. Andrea Polo, and I,

with a friar in company, hired a bark to carry us towards Jerusalem. We

accordingly sailed from Tripoli to Jaffa, from which place we travelled

in a day and a half to Jerusalem, leaving orders that the bark should

wait for our return. We remained 14 days at Jerusalem visiting the holy

places, whence we returned to Jaffa, and thence back to Tripoli, and

there we embarked in a ship belonging to Venice, called the Bajazzana;

and, by the aid of the divine goodness, we safely arrived in Venice on

the 5th of November 1581.

Should any one incline to travel into those parts of India to which I

went, let him not be astonished or deterred by the troubles,

entanglements, and long delays which I underwent, owing to my poverty.

On leaving Venice, I had 1200 ducats invested in merchandise; but while

at Tripoli in my way out I fell sick in the house of M. Regaly Oratio,

who sent away my goods with a small caravan to Aleppo. This caravan was

robbed, and all my goods lost, except four chests of glasses, which cost

me 200 ducats. Even of my glasses many were broken, as the thieves had

broken up the boxes in hopes of getting goods more suitable for their

purpose. Even with this small remaining stock I adventured to proceed

for the Indies, where, by exchange and re-exchange, with much patient

diligence, and with the blessing of God, I at length acquired a

respectable stock.

It may be proper to mention, for the sake of others who may follow my

example, by what means they may secure their goods and effects to their

heirs, in case of their death. In all the cities belonging to the

Portuguese in India, there is a house or establishment called the school

of the _Santa Misericordia comissaria_, the governors of which, on

payment of a certain fee, take a copy of your testament, which you ought

always to carry along with you when travelling in the Indies. There

always goes into the different countries of the Gentiles and Mahometans

a captain or consul, to administer justice to the Portuguese, and other

Christians connected with them, and this captain has authority to

recover the goods of all merchants who chance to die on these voyages.

Should any of these not have their wills along with them, or not have

them registered in one of the before-mentioned schools, these captains

are sure to consume their goods in such a way that little or nothing

will remain for their heirs. There are always also on such voyages some

merchants who are commissaries of the _Sancta Misericardia_, who take

charge of the goods of those who have registered their wills in that

office, and having sold them the money is remitted to the head office of

the Misericordia at Lisbon, whence intelligence is sent to any part of

Christendom whence the deceased may have come, so that on the heirs of

such persons going to Lisbon with satisfactory testimonials, they will

receive the full value of what was left by their relation. It is to be

noted, however, that when any merchant happens to die in the kingdom of

Pegu, one-third of all that belongs to him goes, by ancient law and

custom, to the king and his officers, but the other two-thirds are

honourably restored to those having authority to receive them. On this

account, I have known many rich men who dwelt in Pegu, who have desired

to go thence into their own country in their old age to die there, that

they might save the third of their property to their heirs, and these

have always been allowed freely to depart without trouble or

molestation.

In Pegu the fashion in dress is uniformly the same for the high and low,

the rich and the poor, the only difference being in the quality or

fineness, of the materials, which is cloth of cotton, of various

qualities. In the first place, they have an inner garment of white

cotton cloth which serves for a shirt, over which they gird another

garment of painted cotton cloth of fourteen _brasses_ or yards, which is

bound or tucked up between the legs. On their heads they wear a _tuck_

or turban of three yards long, bound round the head somewhat like a

mitre; but some, instead of this, have a kind of cap like a bee-hive,

which does not fall below the bottom of the ear. They are all

barefooted; but the nobles never walk a-foot, being carried by men on a

seat of some elegance, having a hat made of leaves to keep-off the rain

and sun; or else they ride on horseback, having their bare feet in the

stirrups. All women, of whatever degree, wear a shift or smock down to

the girdle, and from thence down to their feet a cloth of three yards

long, forming a kind of petticoat which is open before, and so strait

that at every step they shew their legs and more, so that in walking

they have to hide themselves as it were very imperfectly with their

hand. It is reported that this was contrived by one of the queens of

this country, as a means of winning the men from certain unnatural

practices to which they were unhappily addicted. The women go all

barefooted like the men, and have their arms loaded with hoops of gold

adorned with jewels, and their fingers all filled with precious rings.

They wear their long hair rolled up and fastened on the crown of their

heads, and a cloth thrown over their shoulders, by way of a cloak.

By way of concluding this long account of my peregrinations, I have this

to say, that those parts of the Indies in which I have been are very

good for a man who has little, and wishes by diligent industry to make

rich: _providing always that he conducts himself so as to preserve the

reputation of honesty_. Such, persons will never fail to receive

assistance to advance their fortunes. But, for those who are vicious,

dishonest, or indolent, they had better stay at home; for they shall

always remain poor, and die beggars.

_End of the Peregrinations of Cesar Frederick_.

* * * * *

CHAPTER VII.

EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES TO GUINEA, AND OTHER PARTS OF THE WEST COAST OF

AFRICA.

INTRODUCTION.

On the present occasion we are principally guided in our selection by

chronological order, owing to which this _Chapter_ may have an anomalous

appearance, as containing the early voyages of the English to the

Western or Atlantic coast of Africa, while the title of the _Book_ to

which it belongs was confined to the Discoveries and Conquests of the

Portuguese, and other European Nations, in India; yet the arrangement

has been formed on what we have considered as sufficient grounds, more

especially as resembling the steps by which the Portuguese were led to

their grand discovery of the route by sea to India. Our collection

forms a periodical work, in the conduct of which it would be obviously

improper to tie ourselves too rigidly, in these introductory discourses,

to any absolute rules of minute arrangement, which might prevent us from

availing ourselves of such valuable sources of information as may occur

in the course of our researches. We have derived the principal materials

of this and the next succeeding chapter, from Hakluyt's Collection of

the Early Voyages, Travels, and Discoveries of the English Nation, using

the late edition published at London in 1810, and availing ourselves of

the previous labours of the Editor of Astleys Collection, published in

1745. Mr John Green, the intelligent editor of that former collection,

has combined the substance of the present and succeeding chapters of our

work in the second book of his first volume, under the title of The

First Voyages of the English to Guinea and the East Indies; and as our

present views are almost solely confined to the period which he

embraces, we have thought it right to insert his introduction to that

book, as containing a clear historical view of the subject[175]. It is

proper to mention, however, that, while we follow his steps, we have

uniformly had recourse to the originals from which he drew his

materials; and, for reasons formerly assigned, wherever any difference

may occur between our collection and that of Astley, we shall subjoin

our remarks and references, at the place or places to which they

belong.--E.

[Footnote 175: Astley's Collection, Vol. I. p. 138, 140.]

"Although the Portuguese were the first who set on foot discoveries by

sea, and carried them on for many years before any other European nation

attempted to follow their example; yet, as soon as these voyages

appeared to be attended with commercial gain, the English were ready to

put in for a share. The Portuguese discovered Guinea about the year

1471; and only ten years afterwards we find the English making

preparations to visit the newly discovered coast[176]. In the year 1481,

John Tintam and William Fabian were busy in fitting out a fleet for the

coast of Guinea; but whether on their own account in whole or in part,

or solely for the Duke of _Medina Sidonia_ in Spain, by whose command

they are said to have done this, cannot be now determined. It is

possible, as the Spaniards were excluded by the Papal grant in favour

of the Portuguese from trading to the East Indies, that they might

endeavour to elude this authority by employing Englishmen in that

navigation. However this may have been, _Joam_ or John II. king of

Portugal, sent two persons on an embassy to Edward king of England, to

renew the ancient league of friendship between the crowns, and to move

him to hinder that fleet from putting to sea. The Portuguese ambassadors

had orders to acquaint the king of England with the title which the king

of Portugal derived from the Pope, to the exclusive sovereignty and

navigation of Guinea, and to demand that Edward should prohibit his

subjects from sending any ships to that country. This was accordingly

done, and the purposes of that intended voyage were frustrated. This is

an authentic testimony of the early attempts of the English, which is

related at length by _Garcia de Resende_, in the life of Joam II. Ch.

33[177]. To this, or some similar circumstance, it may have been owing

that the English desisted so long from sailing to the southwards, and

turned their endeavours to the discovery of a passage to India by some

other way.

[Footnote 176: The French pretend to have traded with Guinea from 1364

till 1413, being 107 years before it was discovered by the

Portuguese.--Astl. I. 138, a.]

[Footnote 177: Cited by Hakluyt, Vol. II. Part 2. p. 2]

"It appears by a memorandum or letter of _Nicholas Thorn_, senior, a

considerable merchant in Bristol, of which Hakluyt gives the

contents[178], that in 1526, and from circumstances for a long time

previous, certain English merchants, among whom were _Nicholas Thorn_

and _Thomas Spacheford_, had frequently traded to the Canary islands. In

that letter or memorandum, notice was given to _Thomas Midnal_ his

factor and _William Ballard_ his servant; residing in St Lucar in

Andalusia, that the Christopher of Cadiz bound for the West Indies, had

taken on board several packs of cloth of different fineness and colours,

together with packthread, soap, and other goods, to be landed at Santa

Cruz in Teneriffe. They are directed to sell these goods, and to send

back returns in Orchil[179], sugar, and kid skins.

[Footnote 178: Id. ib. p. 3.]

[Footnote 179: A species of moss growing on high rocks, much used in

these days in dying.--Astl. I. 138. d.]

"At length, about the middle of the _sixteenth_ century, the English

spirit of trade, meeting with favourable circumstances, began to exert

itself, and to extend its adventures to the south as well as the north.

About the year 1551, Captain Thomas Windham sailed in the ship Lion for

Morocco, whither he carried two Moors of the blood-royal. This was the

first voyage to the western coast of Africa of which we have any

account, and these are all the particulars to be found respecting it;

except that one Thomas Alday, a servant to Sebastian Cabot, in a letter

inserted in Hakluyt's Collection[180], represents himself as the first

promoter of this trade to Barbary, and observes that he would have

performed this voyage himself, with the sole command of the ship and

goods, had it not been that Sir John Lutterel, John Fletcher, Henry

Ostrich, and others with whom he was connected, died of the sweating

sickness, and he himself, after escaping that disease, was seized by a

violent fever, so that Thomas Windham sailed from Portsmouth before he

recovered, by which he lost eighty pounds.

[Footnote 180: Vol. II. p. 7.]

"In the next year, 1552, Windham made a second voyage to _Zafin_ or

_Saffi_ and Santa Cruz without the straits, which gave so much offence

to the Portuguese, that they threatened to treat the English as enemies

if found in these seas. Yet in the year following, the same Thomas

Windham, with a Portuguese named Antonio Yanez Pinteado, who appears to

have been the chief promoter of the attempt, undertook a voyage to

Guinea, with three ships having an hundred and forty men; and having

traded for some time on the coast for gold, they went to Benin to load

pepper: But both the commanders and most of the men dying of sickness,

occasioned by the climate, the rest returned to Plymouth with one ship

only, having burnt the other two for want of hands, and brought back no

great riches. In 1554, Mr John Lok made a voyage with three ships to the

coast of Guinea, whence he brought back a considerable quantity of gold

and ivory. These voyages appear to have been succeeded by others almost

every year. At length, upon application to Queen Elizabeth, two patents

were granted to certain merchants. One in 1585, for the Barbary or

Morocco trade, and the other in 1588, for the trade to Guinea between

the rivers Senegal and Gambia[181]. In 1592, a third patent was granted

to other persons, taking in the coast from the river _Nonnia_ to the

south of Sierra Leona, for the space of 100 leagues, which patents gave

rise to the African company. In all their voyages to the coast of Africa

they had disputes with the Portuguese. Several of these voyages have

been preserved by Hakluyt, and will be found inserted in this chapter,

as forerunners to the English voyages to the East Indies.

[Footnote 181: The former for twelve years, was granted to the Earls of

Leicester and Warwick, and certain merchants of London, to the number of

32 in all. The other for ten years to eight persons of Exeter, London,

and other places. By this latter patent, it appears that this trade was

advised by the Portuguese residing in London, and one voyage had been

made before the grant. See Hakluyt, II. part 2. pp. 114 and 123.--Astl.

I. 139. a.]

"The views of the English extending with experience and success, and

finding the long attempted north-east and north-west passages to India

impracticable, they at length determined to proceed for that distant

region round Africa by the same course with the Portuguese. In 1591,

that voyage was undertaken for the first time by three large ships under

the command of Captain Raymond; and in 1596, another fleet of three

ships set out on the same design under Captain Wood, but with bad

success. In the mean time several navigators were employed to discover

this course to the East Indies. At length in 1600, a charter was

obtained from Queen Elizabeth by a body of merchants, to the number of

216, having George Earl of Cumberland at their head, under the name of

the _Company of Merchant Adventurers_, for carrying on a trade to the

East Indies. From this period ships were sent there regularly every two

or three years; and thus were laid the foundations of the English East

India commerce, which has subsisted ever since under exclusive chartered

companies.

"Long before the English sailed to India in their own ships, several

English merchants and others had gone to India from time to time in the

Portuguese ships, and some overland; from a desire to pry into and to

participate in the advantages of that gainful commerce. Of those who

went by land, several letters and relations remain which will be found

in the sequel: But of all who performed the voyage as passengers in the

Portuguese vessels, we know of only one who left any account of his

adventures, or at least whose account has been published; viz. Thomas

Stephens. To this may be added the account by _Captain Davis_ of a

voyage in the Dutch ship called the _Middleburgh Merchants_ in 1598, of

which he served as pilot, for the purpose of making himself acquainted

with the maritime route to India, and the posture of the Portuguese

affairs in that country. Both of these journals contain very useful

remarks for the time in which they were made, and both will be found in

our collection.

"Although the first voyages of the English to the East Indies are full

of variety, yet the reader is not to expect such a continued series of

new discoveries, great actions, battles, sieges, and conquests, as are

to be met with in the history of the Portuguese expeditions: For it must

be considered that we made few or no discoveries, as these had been

already made before; that our voyages were for the most part strictly

commercial; that our settlements were generally made by the consent of

the natives; that we made no conquests; and that the undertakings were

set on foot and carried on entirely by our merchants[182]. On this

account it is, probably, that we have no regular history extant of the

English Voyages, Discoveries, and Transactions in the East Indies, as we

find there are many such of the Portuguese and Spanish. It may be

presumed, however, that as the East India Company has kept regular

journals of their affairs, and is furnished with letters and other

memorials from their agents, that a satisfactory account of all the

English Transactions in India might be collected, if the Company thought

proper to give orders for its execution[183]."--_Astley_.

[Footnote 182: These observations are to be considered as applying

entirely to the earlier connection of the English with India. In more

modern days there has been a sufficiently copious series of great

actions, battles, sieges, and conquests; but these belong to a different

and more modern period than that now under review, and are more

connected with the province of political military and naval history,

than with a Collection of Voyages and Travels. Yet these likewise will

require to be noticed in an after division of this work.--E.]

[Footnote 183: A commencement towards this great desideratum in English

History has been lately made, by the publication of the early History of

the English East India Company, by John Bruce, Esquire, Historiographer

to the Company.--E.]

SECTION I.

_Second Voyage of the English to Barbary, in the year 1552, by Captain

Thomas Windham_[184].

Of the first voyage to Barbary without the straits, made by the same

Captain Thomas Wyndham, the only remaining record is in a letter from

James Aldaie to Michael Locke, already mentioned in the Introduction to

this Chapter, and preserved in Hakluyt's Collection, II. 462. According

to Hakluyt, the account of this second voyage was written by James

Thomas, then page to Captain Thomas Windham, chief captain of the

voyage, which was set forth by Sir John Yorke, Sir William Gerard, Sir

Thomas Wroth, Messieurs Frances Lambert, Cole, and others.--E.

[Footnote 184: Hakluyt, II. 463. Astley, I. 140.]

* * * * *

The ships employed on this voyage were three, of which two belonged to

the River Thames. These were the Lion of London of about 150 tons, of

which Thomas Windham was captain and part owner; and the Buttolfe of

about 80 tons. The third was a Portuguese caravel of about 60 tons,

bought from some Portuguese at Newport in Wales, and freighted for the

voyage. The number of men in the three ships was 120. The master of the

Lion was John Kerry of Minehead in Somersetshire, and his mate was David

Landman. Thomas Windham, the chief captain of the Adventure, was a

gentleman, born in the county of Norfolk, but resident at Marshfield

Park in Somersetshire.

The fleet set sail from King-road near Bristol about the beginning of

May 1552, being on a Monday morning; and on the evening of the Monday

fortnight we came to anchor in the port of Zafia or Asafi on the coast

of Barbary, in 32° N. where we landed part of our cargo to be conveyed

by land to the city of Marocco. Having refreshed at this port, we went

thence to the port of Santa-Cruz, where we landed the rest of our goods,

being a considerable quantity of linen and woollen cloth, with coral,

amber, jet, and divers other goods esteemed by the Moors. We found a

French ship in the road of Santa-Cruz, the people on board which being

uncertain whether France and England were then at peace or engaged in

war, drew her as near as possible to the walls of the town, from which

they demanded assistance for their defence in case of need; and on

seeing our vessels draw near, they shot off a piece of ordnance from the

walls, the ball passing through between the main and fore masts of the

Lion. We came immediately to anchor, and presently a pinnace came off to

inquire who we were; and on learning that we had been there the year

before, and had the licence of their king for trade, they were fully

satisfied, giving us leave to bring our goods peaceably on shore, where

the viceroy, Sibill Manache came shortly to visit us, and treated us

with all civility. Owing to various delays, we were nearly three months

at this place before we could get our lading, which consisted of sugar,

dates, almonds, and molasses, or the syrup of sugar. Although we were at

this place for so long a time during the heat of summer, yet none of our

company perished of sickness.

When our ships were all loaded, we drew out to sea in waiting for a

western wind to carry us to England. But while at sea a great leak broke

out in the Lion, on which we bore away for the island of Lançerota,

between which and Fuertaventura we came to anchor in a safe road-stead,

whence we landed 70 chests of sugar upon the island of Lançerota, with a

dozen or sixteen of our men. Conceiving that we had come wrongfully by

the caraval, the inhabitants came by surprise upon us and took all who

were on shore prisoners, among whom I was one, and destroyed our sugars.

On this transaction being perceived from our ships, they sent on shore

three boats filled with armed men to our rescue; and our people landing,

put the Spaniards to flight, of whom they slew eighteen, and made the

governor of the island prisoner, who was an old gentleman about 70 years

of age. Our party continued to chase the Spaniards so far for our

rescue, that they exhausted all their powder and arrows, on which the

Spaniards rallied and returned upon them, and slew six of our men in the

retreat. After this our people and the Spaniards came to a parley, in

which it was agreed that we the prisoners should be restored in exchange

for the old governor, who gave us a certificate under his hand of the

damages we had sustained by the spoil of our sugars, that we might be

compensated upon our return to England, by the merchants belonging to

the king of Spain.

Having found and repaired the leak, and all our people being returned on

board, we made sail; and while passing one side of the island, the

Cacafuego and other ships of the Portuguese navy entered by the other

side to the same roadstead whence we had just departed, and shot off

their ordnance in our hearing. It is proper to mention that the

Portuguese were greatly offended at this our new trade to Barbary, and

both this year and the former, they gave out through their merchants in

England, with great threats and menaces, that they would treat us as

mortal enemies, if they found us in these seas: But by the good

providence of God we escaped their hands. We were seven or eight weeks

in making our passage from Lançerota for the coast of England, where the

first port we made was Plymouth; and from thence sailed for the Thames,

where we landed our merchandise at London about the end of October 1552.

SECTION II.

_A Voyage from England to Guinea and Benin in 1553, by Captain Windham

and Antonio Anes Pinteado_[185].

PREVIOUS REMARKS.

This and the following voyage to Africa were first published by Richard

Eden in a small collection, which was afterwards reprinted in 4to, by

Richard Willes in 1577[186]. Hakluyt has inserted both these in his

Collection, with Eden's preamble as if it were his own; only that he

ascribes the account of Africa to the right owner[187].

[Footnote 185: Astley, I. 141. Hakluyt, II. 464.--The editor of Astley's

Collection says _Thomas_ Windham; but we have no evidence in Hakluyt,

copying from Eden, that such was his Christian name, or that he was the

same person who had gone twice before to the coast of Morocco. In

Hakluyt, the Voyage is said to have been at the charge of certain

merchant adventurers of London.--E.]

[Footnote 186: Hist. of Travayle in the West and East Indies, &c. by

Eden and Willes, 4to, p. 336.--Astl. I. 141. b.]

[Footnote 187: So far the editor of Astley's Collection: The remainder

of these previous remarks contains the preamble by Eden, as reprinted by

Hakluyt, II. 464.--E.]

"I was desired by certain friends to make some mention of this voyage,

that some memory of it might remain to posterity, being the first

enterprised by the English to parts that may become of great consequence

to our merchants, if not hindered by the ambition of such as conceive

themselves lords of half the world, by having conquered some forty or

fifty miles here and there, erecting certain fortresses, envying that

others should enjoy the commodities which they themselves cannot wholly

possess. And, although such as have been at charges in the discovering

and conquering of such lands, ought in good reason to have certain

privileges, pre-eminences and tributes for the same; yet, under

correction, it may seem somewhat rigorous and unreasonable, or rather

contrary to the charity that ought to subsist among Christians, that

such as invade the dominions of others, should not allow other friendly

nations to trade in places nearer and seldom frequented by themselves,

by which their own trade is not hindered in such other places as they

have chosen for themselves as staples or marts of their trade[188]. But

as I do not propose either to accuse or defend, I shall cease to speak

any farther on this subject, and proceed to the account of the first

voyage to those parts, as briefly and faithfully as I was advertised of

the same, by information of such credible persons as made diligent

inquiry respecting it, omitting many minute particulars, not greatly

necessary to be known; but which, with the exact course of the

navigation, shall be more fully related in the second voyage. If some

may think that certain persons have been rather sharply reflected on, I

have this to say, that favour and friendship ought always to give way

before truth, that honest men may receive the praise of well-doing, and

bad men be justly reproved; that the good may be encouraged to proceed

in honest enterprizes, and the bad deterred from following evil example.

[Footnote 188: Richard Eden here obviously endeavours to combat the

monopoly of trade to the Portuguese discoveries, arrogated by that

nation; although the entire colonial system of all the European nations

has always been conducted upon the same exclusive principles, down to

the present day.--E.]

That these voyages may be the better understood, I have thought proper

to premise a brief description of Africa, on the west coast of which

great division of the world, the coast of Guinea begins at Cape Verd in

about lat. 12° N. and about two degrees in longitude _from the measuring

line_[189]; whence running from north to south, and in some places by

east, within 5, 4, and 3-1/2 degrees into the equinoctial, and so forth

in manner directly east and north, for the space of about 36 degrees in

longitude from west to east, as shall more plainly appear in the second

voyage[190].

[Footnote 189: Evidently meaning the first meridian passing through the

island of Ferro, one of the Canaries, from which Cape Verd is about 2°

W.--E.]

[Footnote 190: These geographical indications respecting the coast of

Guinea, are extremely obscure, so as to be almost unintelligible.--E.]

* * * * *

_Brief Description of Africa, by Richard Eden_[191].

In the lesser Africa are the kingdoms of Tunis and Constantina, which

latter is at this day subject to Tunis, and also the regions of Bugia,

Tripoli, and Ezzah. This part of Africa is very barren, by reason of the

great deserts of Numidia and Barca. The principal ports of the kingdom

of Tunis are, Goletta, Bizerta, Potofarnia, Bona, and Stora. Tunis and

Constantina are the chief cities, with several others. To this kingdom

belong the following islands, Zerbi, Lampadola, Pantalarea, Limoso,

Beit, Gamelaro, and Malta; in which the grand-master of the knights of

Rhodes now resides. To the south of this kingdom are the great deserts

of Lybia. All the nations of this lesser Africa are of the sect of

Mahomet, a rustical people living scattered in villages.

[Footnote 191: This brief description of Africa is preserved, rather for

the purpose of shewing what were the ideas of the English on this

subject towards the end of the sixteenth century, than for any

excellence.--E.]

The best of this part of Africa is Mauritania, now called Barbary, on

the coast of the Mediterranean. Mauritania is divided into two parts,

Tingitana and Cesariensis. Mauritania Tingitana is now called the

kingdoms of Fez and Marocco, of which the capitals bear the same names.

Mauritania, Cesariensis is now called the kingdom of Tremessan, the

capital of which is named Tremessan or Telensin. This region is full of

deserts, and reaches to the Mediterranean, to the city of Oran with the

port of Mersalquiber. The kingdom of Fez reaches to the ocean, from the

west to the city of Arzilla, and Sala or Salee is the port of this

kingdom. The kingdom of Marocco also extends to the ocean, on which it

has the cities of Azamor and Azafi. Near to Fez and Marocco in the ocean

are the Canary islands, anciently called the Fortunate islands.

To the south is the kingdom of Guinea, with Senega, Jalofo, Gambra, and

many other regions of _the black Moors_, called Ethiopians or Negroes,

all of which regions are watered by the river Negro, called anciently

the Niger[192]. In these regions there are no cities, but only villages

of low cottages made of boughs of trees, plastered over with chalk and

covered with straw; and in these regions there are great deserts.

[Footnote 192: In the text the Senegal river is to be understood by the

Negro, or river of the Blacks. But the ancient Niger is now well known

to run eastwards in the interior of Nigritia, having no connection

whatever with the Senegal or with the sea.--E.]

The kingdom of Marocco includes seven subordinate kingdoms, named Hea,

Sus, Guzula, Marocco proper, Duccula, Hazchora, and Tedle. Fez has an

equal number, as Fez, Temesne, Azgar, Elabath, Errif, Garet, and Elcair.

Tremessan has only three, being Tremessan, Tenez, and Elgazair; all the

inhabitants of all these regions being Mahometans. But all the regions

of Guinea are peopled by Gentiles and idolaters, having no religion or

knowledge of God except from the law of nature.

Africa, one of the three great divisions of the world known to the

ancients, is separated from Asia on the east by the river Nile, and on

the west from Europe by the Pillars of Hercules or the Straits of

Gibraltar. The entire northern coast along the Mediterranean is now

called Barbary, and is inhabited by the Moors. The inner part is called

Lybia and Ethiopia. Lesser Africa, in which stood the noble city of

Carthage, has Numidia on the west and Cyrenaica on the east.

On the east side of Africa, to the west of the Red Sea, are the

dominions of the great and mighty Christian king or emperor Prester

John, well known to the Portuguese in their voyages to Calicut. His

dominions reach very far on every side, and he has many other kings

under his authority who pay him tribute, both Christian and Pagan. This

mighty prince is named David emperor of Ethiopia, and it is said that

the Portuguese send him every year eight ships laden with merchandise.

His dominions are bounded on one side by the Red Sea, and stretch far

into Africa towards Egypt and Barbary. To the southwards they adjoin

with the great sea or ocean towards the Cape of Good Hope, and to the

north are bounded by the great and dangerous _Sea of Sand_, lying

between the great city of Cairo in Egypt and the country of Ethiopia; in

which are many uninhabitable deserts continuing for the space of five

days journey. It is affirmed, if the Christian emperor were not hindered

by the deserts, in which there is great want of provisions and

especially of water, that he would ere now have invaded Egypt. The chief

city of Ethiopia, in which this great emperor resides, is called

_Amacaiz_, being a city of some importance, the inhabitants of which are

of an olive complexion. There are many other cities, such as the city of

_Sava_ on the Nile, where the emperor ordinarily resides during the

summer. There is likewise a great city named _Barbaregaf_ and _Ascon_,

whence the queen of Saba is supposed to have gone for Jerusalem to hear

the wisdom of Solomon[193]. This last city though little is very fair,

and one of the principal cities of Ethiopia. In this province there are

many very high mountains, on which the terrestrial paradise is supposed

to have been situated; and some say that the trees of the sun and moon

which are mentioned by the ancients, are to be found there, but no one

has ever been able to go to them, on account of great deserts extending

to an hundred days journey. Also beyond these mountains is the Cape of

Good Hope.

[Footnote 193: The names of places are so corruptly given as hardly even

to be guessed at. Amacaiz may possibly be meant for Amba Keshem, Sava

for Shoa, Barbaregaf for the Baharnagash, and Ascon for Assab.--E.]

_Journal of the Voyage_.

On the 12th of August 1553, there sailed from Portsmouth two goodly

ships, the Primrose and the Lion, with a pinnace called the Moon, all

well furnished with 140 able bodied men, and with ordnance and victuals

fitting for the voyage. They were commanded by two captains; one of whom

was a foreigner named Antonio Anes Pinteado, a native of Oporto in

Portugal, a wise, discreet, and sober man, who, for his skill in

navigation both as an experienced pilot and prudent commander, was at

one time in such favour with the king of Portugal, that the coasts of

Brazil and Guinea were committed to his care against the French, to whom

he was a terror in these seas. He had been likewise a gentleman of the

household to the king. But as fortune ever flatters when it favours,

ever deceives when it promises, and ever casts down whom it raises, so

great wealth and high favour are always accompanied by emulation and

envy; in like manner was he, after many adversities and malicious

accusations, forced to take refuge in England. In this golden voyage

Pinteado was ill-matched with an evil companion, his own various good

qualities being coupled with one who had few or no virtues. Thus did

these noble ships depart on their voyage; but previously captain Windham

put out of his ship at Portsmouth a kinsman of one of the head

merchants, shewing in this a sample of the bad intention of his mind,

which grew from this small beginning to a monstrous enormity; yet happy

was that young man for being left behind.

Arriving at the island of Madeira, they took in some wine for the use of

the ships. At this island was a great galleon belonging to the king of

Portugal, full of men and ordnance, which had been expressly fitted out

to interrupt our ships in their intended voyage, or any others that

might intend a similar expedition; for the king of Portugal had been

secretly informed that our ships were armed to attack his castle of

Mina, though no such thing was intended; yet did not that galleon

attempt to stay our ships, nor could she have been able to withstand

them if that had been tried.

After their departure from Madeira the worthy captain Pinteado began to

experience affliction from Captain Windham, who had hitherto carried a

fair appearance of good will, but now assumed to himself the sole

command, setting both captain Pinteado and the merchants factors at

nought, giving them opprobrious words and sometimes abusing them most

shamefully with threats of personal ill-treatment. He even proceeded to

deprive captain Pinteado of the service of the boys and others who had

been assigned him by order of the merchant adventurers, reducing him to

the rank of a common mariner, which is the greatest affront that can be

put upon a Portuguese or Spaniard, who prize their honour above all

things. Passing the Canaries, they came to the island of St Nicholas,

one of the Cape Verds, where they procured abundance of the flesh of

wild goats, being almost its only produce. Following their voyage from

thence, they tarried by the way at certain desert islands, not willing

to arrive too early on the coast of Guinea on account of the heat. But

being under an arbitrary rule, they tarried too long, and came at length

to the first land of Guinea at the river _Cesto_[194], where they might

have exchanged their merchandise for a full lading of the _grains_, or

spice of that country, which is a very hot fruit and much like figs; the

fruit being full of grains which are loose within the pod[195]. This

kind of spice is much used in cold countries, and may be sold there to

great advantage in exchange for other commodities. But, by the

persuasion or command rather of our tyrannical captain, our people made

light of this commodity in comparison with the fine gold for which they

thirsted, wherefore they made sail an hundred leagues farther till they

came to the golden land or gold coast.

[Footnote 194: Or Sestre, a river on the Grain coast or Malaguette.--E.]

[Footnote 195: This is the Guinea pepper, called grains of Paradise by

the Italians, whence this part of Guinea was named the grain coast. The

text describes the pods as having a hole on each side, which, it was

afterwards learnt, were for putting thongs, strings or twigs on which to

dry the pods. These pods grow on a humble plant, not above a foot and a

half or two feet from the ground, and are bright red when first

gathered,--Astl.]

At this part of the coast, not venturing to come near the castle of St

George del Mina belonging to the king of Portugal, they made sale of

their goods only on this side and beyond that place, receiving the gold

of the country in exchange to the extent of 150 pounds weight[196], and

they might have bartered all their merchandise for gold at that place,

if the pride of Windham had allowed him to listen to the counsel and

experience of Pinteado: but not satisfied with what he had got or might

still have procured, if he had remained in the neighbourhood of Mina, he

commanded Pinteado to navigate the ships to Benin under the equinoctial,

150 leagues beyond the Mina, where he expected to have laden the ships

with pepper. When Pinteado urged the lateness of the season, and advised

that instead of going farther they should continue to dispose of their

wares for gold, by which great profit would have been gained, Windham

flew into a passion, called Pinteado a Jew, and gave him much

opprobrious language, saying, "This rascally Jew promised to conduct us

to places that either do not exist or to which he knows not the way, but

if he does not I will cut off his ears and nail them to the mast." The

advice given by Pinteado, not to go farther, was for the safety of the

mens lives, which would have been in great danger at that late season,

during their winter or _rossia_, not so called on account of cold, but

from the heat accompanied with close and cloudy air, alternating with

great tempests, during which the air was of so putrifying a quality as

to rot the clothes on their backs. He had formerly lingered by the way,

to prevent them arriving too soon on the coast, when the heat of the sun

is scorching and unbearable.

Thus constrained contrary to his wish, he brought the ships to anchor

off the mouth of the river Benin, whence the pinnace was sent 50 or 60

leagues up the river. They then landed, and Pinteado, with Francisco

another Portuguese, Nicholas Lambert a gentleman, and other merchants

were conducted to the kings court, ten leagues from the river, where

they were brought into the kings presence by a great company. The king

was a _black Moor_ or negro, though not quite so black as the rest, and

sat in a long wide hall having earthen walls without windows, roofed

with thin planks open in many parts to let in air. These people give

wonderful reverence to their king, even the highest of his officers

when in his presence never daring to look him in the face, but sit

cowering on their buttocks with their elbows on their knees, and their

hands on their faces, never looking up till the king commands them. When

coming towards the king they shew him the utmost reverence from as far

off as they can see him; and when they depart they never turn their

backs towards him. In the communication of our men with the king, he

used the Portuguese language, which he had learnt when a child.

Commanding our men to stand up, he inquired the reason of their coming

into his country; on which he was answered by Pinteado, that we were

merchants who had come from a distant country into his dominions, to

procure the commodities of the country in exchange for wares which we

had brought from our own country, to the mutual convenience of both

countries. The king had then 30 or 40 quintals or hundred weights of

pepper, which had long lain in a store-house, which he desired our

people to look at, and that they should exhibit to him such commodities

as they had brought for sale. He likewise sent some of his officers to

conduct our people to the water-side, and to carry our wares from the

pinnace to his residence. These things being done, the king engaged to

our merchants that in 30 days he would provide a sufficiency of pepper

to load all our ships, and in case our merchandise might not amount to

the whole value of the pepper, he promised to give credit till next

season, and immediately sent orders over all the country to gather

pepper, so that in 30 days 80 tons of pepper were procured.

[Footnote 196: Or 1800 ounces, which at L.3, 17s. 6d. per ounce, is

equal to L.6975 sterling, a large sum in those days.--E.]

In the meantime our men lived without any rule, eating without measure

of the fruit of the country, drinking the palm wine which runs in the

night from the cut branches of that tree, and continually running into

the water to assuage the extreme heat of the season; and not being used

to these sudden transitions, which are excessively dangerous, they fell

into swellings and agues, by which about the end of the year they were

dying sometimes 3, 4, or 5 in a day. When the 30 days were expired, and

Windham saw his men dying so fast, he sent orders to Pinteado and the

rest to come away without any more delay. Pinteado and the others wrote

back to inform him of the large quantity of pepper already gathered, and

that they looked daily for more, desiring him to consider the great

praise they would all get on their return if the voyage turned out

profitable, and the shame that must attend returning without a full

loading. Not satisfied with this answer, more especially as the men

continued to die in great numbers, Windham sent a second message

ordering them to return immediately, or that he would go away and leave

them. Thinking to prevail upon him by reasonable means, Pinteado

returned to the ships under an escort provided by the negro king.

In the mean time Windham, enraged at Pinteado, broke open his cabin and

all his chests, spoiled all the cordials and sweetmeats he had provided

for his health, and left him nothing either of his cloaths or nautical

instruments; after which strange procedure he fell sick and died. When

he came on board, Pinteado lamented as much for the death of Windham as

if he had been his dearest friend; but several of the mariners and

officers spit in his face, calling him Jew, and asserted that he had

brought them to this place on purpose that they should die; and some

even drew their swords, threatening to slay him. They insisted that he

should leave the coast immediately, and though he only requested them to

wait till those who were left at the court of the king of Benin could be

sent for, they would by no means consent. He then prayed them to give

him a boat, and as much of an old sail as might serve to fit her out, in

which he proposed to bring Nicholas Lambert[197] and the rest to

England, but even this they would not consent to. Finding all his

representations in vain, he wrote a letter to the merchants at court,

informing them of all that had happened at the ships, promising, if God

spared his life, that he would return as soon as possible for them.

[Footnote 197: This Lambert was a Londoner born, his father having been

Lord Mayor of London.--Hakluyt.]

Pinteado, thus kept on board against his will, was thrust among the

cabin-boys, and worse used than any of them, insomuch that he was forced

to depend on the favour of the cook for subsistence. Having sunk one of

their ships for want of hands to navigate her, the people departed from

the coast with the other. Within six or seven days, Pinteado died

broken-hearted, from the cruel and undeserved usage he had met with,--a

man worthy to have served any prince, and most vilely used. Of 140 men

who had sailed originally from Portsmouth on this unfortunate and

ill-conducted voyage, scarcely 40 got back to Plymouth, and many even

of those died soon afterwards.

That no one may suspect that I have written in commendation of Pinteado

from partiality or favour, otherwise than as warranted by truth, I have

thought good to add copies of the letters which the king of Portugal and

the infant his brother wrote to induce him to return to Portugal, at the

time when, by the king's displeasure, and not owing to any crime or

offence, he was enforced by poverty to come to England, where he first

induced our merchants to engage in voyages to Guinea. All these writings

I saw under seal in the house of my friend Nicholas Lieze, with whom

Pinteado left them when he departed on his unfortunate voyage to Guinea.

But, notwithstanding these friendly letters and fair promises, Pinteado

durst not venture to return to Portugal, neither indeed durst he trust

himself in company with any of his own countrymen, unless in the

presence of other persons, as he had secret intimation that they meant

to have assassinated him, when time and place might serve their wicked

purpose.

* * * * *

The papers alluded to in this concluding paragraph by Richard Eden, do

not seem necessary to be inserted. They consist of, a commission or

patent dated 22d September 1551, appointing Pinteado one of the knights

of the royal household, with 700 _rees_, or ten shillings a month, and

half a bushel of barley every day so long as he should keep a horse; but

with an injunction not to marry for six years, lest he might have

children to succeed in this allowance. The second document is merely a

certificate of registration of the first. The third is a letter from the

infant, Don Luis, brother to the king of Portugal, dated 8th December

1552, urging Pinteado to return to Lisbon, and intimating that Peter

Gonzalvo, the bearer of the letter, had a safe conduct for him in due

form. From the introduction to these papers, it appears that Pinteado

had suffered long disgrace and imprisonment, proceeding upon false

charges, and had been at last set free by means of the king's confessor,

a grey friar, who had manifested his innocence.--E.

SECTION III.

_Voyage to Guinea, in 1554, by Captain John Lok_[198].

As in the first voyage of the English to Guinea, I have given rather the

order of the history than the course of navigation, of which I had then

no perfect information; so in this second voyage my chief purpose has

been to shew the course pursued, according to the ordinary custom and

observation of mariners, and as I received it from the hands of an

expert pilot, who was one of the chiefest in this voyage[199], who with

his own hand wrote a brief journal of the whole, as he had found and

tried in all things, not conjecturally, but by the art of navigation,

and by means of instruments fitted for nautical use[200]. Not assuming

therefore to myself the commendations due to another, neither having

presumed in any part to change the substance or order of this journal,

so well observed by art and experience, I have thought fit to publish it

in the language commonly used by mariners, exactly as I received it from

that pilot[201].

[Footnote 198: Hakluyt, II. 470. Astl 1.114. In the first edition of

Hakluyt's collection, this voyage is given under the name of Robert

Gainsh, who was master of the John Evangelist, as we learn by a marginal

note at the beginning of the voyage in both editions.--Astl. I. 144. a.]

[Footnote 199: Perhaps this might be Robert Gainsh, in whose name the

voyage was first published.--Astl. I. 144. b.]

[Footnote 200: Yet the latitudes he gives, if observed, are by no means

exact.--Astl.

In this version we have added the true latitudes and longitudes in the

text between brackets; the longitude from Greenwich always

understood.--E.]

[Footnote 201: This is the exordium, written by Richard Eden, from whose

work it was adopted by Hakluyt, yet without acknowledgement. In the

title, it appears that this expedition was fitted out as the joint

adventure of Sir George Barne, Sir John York, Thomas Lok, Anthony

Hickman, and Edward Castelin.--E.]

* * * * *

On the 11th October 1554, we departed from the river Thames with three

good ships. One of these named the Trinity, was of 140 tons burden; the

second, called the Bartholomew, was 90 tons; and the third, called the

John Evangelist, was 140 tons. With these three ships and two pinnaces,

one of which was lost on the coast of England, we staid fourteen days at

Dover, and three or four days at Rye, and lastly we touched at

Dartmouth. Departing on the 1st November, at 9 o'clock at night, from

the coast of England, off the Start point, and steering due south-west

all that night, all next day, and the next night after, till noon of the

3d, we made our way good, running 60 leagues. The morning of the 17th we

had sight of the island of Madeira, which to those who approach from

N.N.E. seems to rise very high, and almost perpendicular in the west. To

the S.S.E. is a long low land, and a long point with a saddle through

the midst of it, standing in 32° N. [lat. 32° 30' N. long. 16° 12' W.]

And in the west part are many springs of water running down from the

mountain, with many white fields like fields of corn, and some white

houses in the S.E. part. Also in this part is a rock at a small distance

from the shore, over which a great gap or opening is seen in the

mountain.

The 19th at noon we had sight of the isles of Palma, Teneriffe, and

Grand Canarea. The isle of Palma rises round, and stretches from S.E. to

N.W. the north-west part being lowest. In the south is a round hill over

the head-land, with another round hill behind and farther inland.

Between the S.E. end of Madeira and the N.W. part of the island of

Palma, the distance is 57 leagues[202], Palma being in 28°. [lat. 28°

45' N. long 17° 45' W.] Our course between the S.E. end of Madeira and

the N.W. part of Palma was S. and S. by W. so that we had sight of

Teneriffe and the Grand Canary. The S.E. part of Palma and N.N.E. of

Teneriffe lie S.E. and N.W. [rather E. and W.] distance 20 leagues [33

leagues.] Teneriffe and Grand Canarea, with the west part of

Fuertaventura, stand in 27° 30'[203]. Gomera is a fair island, but very

rugged, W.S.W. from Teneriffe, the passage between running from N. by W.

to S. by E. In the south part of Gomera is a town and good road-stead,

in lat. 28° N. Teneriffe is a mountainous island, with a great high peak

like a sugar-loaf, on which there is snow all the year, and by that peak

it may be known from all other islands. On the 20th November we were

there becalmed from six in the morning till four in the afternoon. On

the 22d November, being then under the tropic of Cancer, the sun set W.

and by S. On the coast of Barbary, 25 leagues N. of Cape Blanco, at 3

leagues from shore, we had 15 fathoms water on a good shelly bottom

mixed with sand, and no currents, having two small islands in lat. 22°

20' N.[7] From Gomera to Cape de las Barbas is 100 leagues, [116] the

course being S. by E. That cape is in lat. 22° 30, [22° 15'] all the

coast thereabout being flat, and having 16 and 17 fathoms off shore. All

the way from the river del Oro to Cape Barbas, at 7 or 8 leagues off

shore, many Spaniards and Portuguese employ themselves in fishing during

the month of November, the whole of that coast consisting of very low

lands. From Cape Barbas we held a course S.S.W. and S.W. by S. till we

came into lat. 20° 30', reckoning ourselves 7 leagues off shore, and we

there came to the least shoals of Cape Blanco. We then sailed to the

lat. of 13° N. reckoning ourselves 20 leagues off; and in 15° _we did

rear the crossiers_, or cross stars, and might have done so sooner if we

had looked for them. They are not right across in the month of November,

as the nights are short there, but we had sight of them on the 29th of

that month at night. The 1st of December, being in lat. 13° N. we set

our course S. by E. till the 4th at noon, when we were in 9° 20'

reckoning ourselves 30 leagues W.S.W. from the shoals of the Rio Grande,

which extend for 30 leagues. On the 4th, being in 6° 30', we set our

course S.E. The 9th we changed our course E.S.E. The 14th, being in lat.

5° 30' and reckoning ourselves 36 leagues from the coast of Guinea, we

set our course due E. The 19th, reckoning ourselves 17 leagues from Cape

Mensurado, we set our course E. by N. the said cape being E.N.E. of us,

and the river Sesto E. The 20th we fell in with Cape Mensurado or

Mesurado, which bore S.E. 2 leagues distant. This cape may be easily

known, as it rises into a hummock like the head of a porpoise. Also

towards the S.E. there are three trees, the eastmost being the highest,

the middle one resembling a hay-stack, and that to the southward like a

gibbet. Likewise on the main there are four or five high hills, one

after the other, like round hummocks. The south-east of the three trees

is _brandiernaure?_ and all the coast is a white sand. The said cape

stands within a little of six degrees [lat. 6° 20' N. long. 10° 30' W.]

The 22d we came to the river Sesto or Sesters, where we remained till

the 29th, and we thought it best to send our pinnace before us to the

Rio Dulce, that they might begin the market before the arrival of the

John Evangelist. At the river Sesto, which is in six degrees less one

terce, or 5° 40', we got a ton of grains[205]. From Rio Sesto to Rio

Dulce the distance is 25 leagues, Rio Dulce being in 5° 30' N. The Rio

Sesto is easily known by a ledge of rocks to the S.E. of the road[206],

and at the mouth of the river are five or six trees without leaves. It

is a good harbour, but the entrance of the river is very narrow, and has

a rock right in the mouth. All that coast, between Cape Mount and Cape

Palmas, lies S.E. by E. and N.W. by N. being three leagues

offshore[207], and there are rocks in some places two leagues off,

especially between the river Sesto and Cape Palmas.

[Footnote 202: The real distance is 84 marine leagues, 20 to the

degree.--E.]

[Footnote 203: The parallel of lat. 28° N. goes through the centre of

Grand Canarea, touching the southern point of Teneriffe, and just

keeping free of the S.W. point of Fuertaventura.--E.]

[204][Footnote 204: 7 Cape Blanco is in lat. 20° 50' N. 25 leagues to

the north, would only reach to lat. 22° 5'; exactly almost in 22° is the

small island of Pedro de Agale.--E.]

[Footnote 205: In the preceding voyage grains have been explained as

Guinea pepper, a species of capsicum.--E.]

[Footnote 206: Rock Sesters is in long. 9° 20' W.]

[Footnote 207: This is not intelligible, unless meant that ships may

anchor for three leagues from the shore.--E.]

Between the river Sesto and the river Dulce are 25 leagues. Between them

and 8 leagues from Sesto river is a high land called _Cakeado_, and S.E.

from it a place called _Shawgro_, and another called _Shyawe_ or

_Shavo_, where fresh water may be had. Off Shyawe lies a ledge of rocks,

and to the S.E. is a headland named _Croke_, which is 9 or 10 leagues

from Cakeado. To the S.E. is a harbour called St Vincent, right over

against which is a rock under water, two and a half leagues from shore.

To the S.E. of this rock is an island 3 or 4 leagues off, and not above

a league from shore, and to the S.E. of the island is a rock above

water, and past that rock is the entrance of the river Dulce, which may

be known by that rock. The N.W. side of the haven is flat sand, and the

S.E. side is like an island, being a bare spot without any trees, which

is not the case in any other place. In the road ships ride in 13 or 14

fathoms, the bottom good ouse and sand. The marks for entering this road

are to bring the island and the north-east land in one. We anchored

there on the last day of December 1554, and on the 3d of January 1555 we

came from the Rio Dulce. _Cape Palmas_ is a fair high land, some low

parts of which by the waterside seem red cliffs, with white streaks like

highways, a cables length each, which is on the east side of the Cape.

This is the most southerly land on the coast of Guinea, and is in lat.

4° 25' N. From Cape Palmas to Cape _Three-points_ or _Tres puntas_, the

whole coast is perfectly safe and clear, without rock or other danger.

About 25 leagues to the eastward of Cape Palmas the land is higher than

in any other place till we come to Cape Three-points, and about ten

leagues westward from that Cape the land begins to rise, and grows

higher all the way to the point. Also about 5 leagues west from that

Cape there is some broken ground with two great rocks, within which, in

the bight of a bay, there is a castle called _Arra_ belonging to the

king of Portugal, which is readily known by these rocks, as there are

none other between Cape Palmas and Cape Three-points. The coast trends

E. by N. and W. by S. From Cape Palmas to Arra castle is 95 leagues, and

from thence to the western point of Cape Three-points it is S.E. by S.

and N.W. by N. This western point of Cape Three-points is low land,

stretching half a mile out to sea, and on the neck nearest the land is a

tuft of trees.

We arrived at Cape Three-points on the 11th January, and came next day

to a town called _Samma_ or _Samua_, 8 leagues beyond, towards E.N.E.

there being a great ledge of rocks a great way out to sea between Cape

Three-points and that town. We remained four days off that town, the

captain of which desired to have a pledge on shore, but on receiving one

he kept him, and refused to continue trade, even shooting his ordnance

at us, of which he only had two or three pieces[208]. On the 16th of the

month we came to a place called Cape _Corea_[209], where dwelt Don John,

and where we were well received by his people. This Cape Corea is 4

leagues eastward from the castle of _Mina_. We arrived there on the 18th

of the month, making sale of all our cloth except two or three packs. On

the 26th we weighed anchor and went to join the Trinity, which was 7

leagues to the eastwards of us, and had sold most of her wares. Then the

people of the Trinity willed us to go 8 or 9 leagues farther to the

east, to sell part of their wares at a place called _Perecow_, and

another called _Perecow-grande_, still farther east, which is known by a

great hill near it called _Monte Rodondo_ lying to the westwards, and

many palm trees by the water side. From thence we began our voyage

homewards on the 13th of February, and plied along the coast till we

came within 7 or 8 leagues of Cape Three-points. About 8 in the

afternoon of the 15th we cast about to seawards. Whoever shall come from

the coast of Mina homewards, ought to beware of the currents, and should

be sure of making his way good as far west as Cape Palmas, where the

current sets always to the eastwards. About 20 leagues east of Cape

Palmas is a river called _De los Potos_, where abundance of fresh water

and ballast may be had, and plenty of ivory or elephants teeth, which

river is in four degrees and almost two terces, or 4° 40' N. When you

reckon to be as far west as Cape Palmas, being in lat. 1° or 1° 30' N.

you may then stand W. or W. by N. till in lat. 3° N. Then you may go W.

or N.W. by W. till in lat. 5° N. and then N.W. In lat. 6° N. we met

northerly winds and great ruffling tides, and as far as we could judge

the current set N.N.W. Likewise between Cape Mount and Cape Verd there

are great currents, which are very apt to deceive.

[Footnote 208: The pledge was nephew to Sir John Yorke.--_Eden_.]

[Footnote 209: From the context, this seems to have been the place now

called Cape Coast.--E.]

On the 22d of April we were in lat. 8° 40' N. and continued our course

to the north-west, having the wind at N.E. and E.N.E. sometimes at E.

till the first of May, when we were in lat. 18° 20' N. Thence we had the

wind at E. and E.N.E. sometimes E.S.E. when we reckoned the Cape Verd

islands E.S.E. from us, and by estimation 48 leagues distant. In 20° and

21° N. we had the wind more to the east and south than before; and so we

ran N.W. and N.N.W. sometimes N. by W. and N. till we came into lat. 31°

N. when we reckoned ourselves 180 leagues S.W. by S. of the island of

Flores. Here we had the wind S.S.E. and shaped our course N.E. In 23° we

had the wind at S. and S.W. and made our course N.N.E. in which

direction we went to 40°, and then set our course N.E. having the wind

at S.W. and the isle of Flores E. of us, 17 leagues distant. In 41° we

had the wind N.E. and lay a course N.W. Then we met the wind at W.N.W.

and at W. within 6 leagues, when we went N.W. We then altered to N.E.

till in 42° where we shaped our course E.N.E. judging the isle of

_Corvo_ to be W. of us, 36 leagues distant. On the 21st of May we

communed with John Rafe who judged us to be in lat. 39° 30' N. 25

leagues E. of Flora, and recommended to steer N.E.

It is to be noted that in lat. 9° N. on the 4th of September, we lost

sight of the north star. In lat. 45° N. the compass varied 8° to the W.

of N. In 40° N. it varied 15°. And in 30° 30' N. its variation was 5° W.

It is also to be noted that two or three days before we came to Cape

Three-points, the pinnace went along shore endeavouring to sell some of

our wares, and then we came to anchor three or four leagues west by

south of that cape, where we left the Trinity. Then our pinnace came on

board and took in more wares, telling us that they would go to a place

where the Primrose[210] was, and had received much gold in the first

voyage to these parts; but being in fear of a brigantine that was then

on the coast, we weighed anchor and followed them, leaving the Trinity

about four leagues from us. We accordingly rode at anchor opposite that

town, where Martine, by his own desire and with the assent of some of

the commissioners in the pinnace, went on shore to the town, and thence

John Berin went to trade at another town three miles father on. The town

is called Samma or Samua, which and Sammaterra are the two first towns

to the N.E. of Cape Three-points, where we traded for gold.

[Footnote 210: This was one of the ships in the former voyage under

Windham.--E.]

Having continued the course of the voyage as described by the

before-mentioned pilot, I will now say something of the country and

people, and of such things as are brought from thence[211].

[Footnote 211: These subsequent notices seem subjoined by Richard Eden,

the original publisher.--E.]

They brought home in this voyage, 400 pounds weight and odd of

gold[212], twenty-two carats and one grain fine. Also 36 buts of

_grains_, or Guinea pepper, and about 250 elephants teeth of different

sizes. Some of these I saw and measured, which were nine spans in length

measured along the crook, and some were as thick as a mans thigh above

the knee, weighing 90 pounds each, though some are said to have been

seen weighing 125 pounds. There were some called the teeth of calves, of

one, two, or three years old, measuring one and a-half, two, or three

feet, according to the age of the beast. These great teeth or tusks

grow in the upper jaw downwards, and not upwards from the lower jaw, as

erroneously represented by some painters and _arras_ workers. In this

voyage they brought home the head of an elephant of such huge bigness

that the bones or cranium only, without the tusks or lower jaw, weighed

about two hundred pounds, and was as much as I could well lift from the

ground. So that, considering also the weight of the two great tusks and

the under jaw, with the lesser teeth, the tongue, the great hanging

ears, the long big snout or trunk, with all the flesh, brains, and skin,

and other parts belonging to the head, it could not in my opinion weigh

less than five hundred weight. This head has been seen by many in the

house of the worthy merchant Sir Andrew Judde, where I saw it with my

bodily eyes, and contemplated with those of my mind, admiring the

cunning and wisdom of the work-master, without which consideration such

strange and wonderful things are only curiosities, not profitable

subjects of contemplation.

[Footnote 212: Or 4800 ounces, worth, L.18,600 sterling at the old price

of L.3 17s. 6d. per ounce; and perhaps worth in those days as much as

ninety or an hundred thousand pounds in the present day.--E.]

The elephant, by some called oliphant, is the largest of all four-footed

beasts. The fore-legs are longer than those behind; in the lower part or

ancles of which he has joints. The feet have each five toes, but

undivided. The trunk or snout is so long and of such form that it serves

him as a hand, for he both eats and drinks by bringing his food and

drink to his mouth by its means, and by it he helps up his master or

keeper, and also overturns trees by its strength. Besides his two great

tusks, he has four teeth on each side of his mouth, by which he eats or

grinds his food, each of these teeth being almost a span long, as they

lie along the jaw, by two inches high and about as much in breadth. The

tusks of the male are larger than those of the female. The tongue is

very small, and so far within the mouth that it cannot be seen. This is

the gentlest and most tractable of all beasts, and understands and is

taught many things, so that it is even taught to do reverence to kings,

being of acute sense and great judgment. When the female is once

seasoned, the male never touches her afterwards. The male lives two

hundred years, or at least 120, and the female almost as long; but the

flower of their age is reckoned 60 years. They cannot endure our winter

or cold weather; but they love to go into rivers, in which they will

often wade up to their trunk, snuffing and blowing the water about in

sport; but they cannot swim, owing to the weight of their bodies. If

they happen to meet a man wandering in the wilderness, they will go

gently before him and lead him into the right way. In battle they pay

much respect to those who are wounded, bringing such as are hurt or

weary into the middle of the army where they may be defended. They are

made tame by drinking the juice of barley[213].

[Footnote 213: The meaning of this expression is by no means obvious. It

is known that in India, arrack, or a spirituous liquor distilled from

rice, is given regularly to elephants, which may be here alluded

to.--E.]

They have continual war with dragons, which desire their blood because

it is very cold; wherefore the dragon lies in wait for the passing of an

elephant, winding its tail of vast length round the hind legs of the

elephant, then thrusts his head into his trunk and sucks out his breath,

or bites him in the ears where he cannot reach with his trunk. When the

elephant becomes faint with the loss of blood, he falls down upon the

serpent, now gorged with blood, and with the weight of his body crushes

the dragon to death. Thus his own blood and that of the elephant run out

of the serpent now mingled together, which cooling is congealed into

that substance which the apothecaries call _sanguis draconis_ or

cinnabar[214]. But there are other kinds of cinnabar, commonly called

_cinoper_ or vermillion, which the painters use in certain colours.

[Footnote 214: It is surely needless to say that this is a mere

fable.--E.]

There are three kinds of elephants, as of the marshes, the plains, and

the mountains, differing essentially from each other. Philostratus

writes, that by how much the elephants of Lybia exceed in bigness the

horses of Nysea, so much do the elephants of India exceed those of

Lybia, for some of the elephants of India have been seen nine cubits

high; and these are so greatly feared by the others, that they dare not

abide to look upon them. Only the males among the Indian elephants have

tusks; but in Ethiopia and Lybia, both males and females are provided

with them. They are of divers heights, as of 12, 13, or 14 _dodrants_,

the dodrant being a measure of 9 inches; and some say that an elephant

is bigger than three wild oxen or buffaloes. Those of India are black,

or mouse-coloured; but those of Ethiopia or Guinea are brown. The hide

or skin of them all is very hard, and without hair or bristles. Their

ears are two dodrants, or 18 inches in breadth, and their eyes are very

small. Our men saw one drinking at a river in Guinea as they sailed

along the coast. Those who wish to know more of the properties of the

elephant, as of their wonderful docility, of their use in war, of their

chastity and generation, when they were first seen in the triumphs and

amphitheatres of the Romans, how they are taken and tamed, when they

cast their tusks, and of their use in medicine, and many other

particulars, will find all these things described in the eighth book of

Natural History, as written by Pliny. He also says in his twelfth book,

that the ancients made many goodly works of ivory or elephants teeth;

such as tables, tressels or couches, posts of houses, rails, lattices

for windows, idols of their gods, and many other things of ivory, either

coloured or uncoloured, and intermixed with various kinds of precious

woods; in which manner at this day are made chairs, lutes, virginals,

and the like. They had such plenty of it in ancient times, that one of

the gates of Jerusalem was called the ivory gate, as Josephus reports.

The whiteness of ivory was so much admired, that it was anciently

thought to represent the fairness of the human skin; insomuch that those

who endeavoured to improve, or rather to corrupt, the natural beauty by

painting, were said reproachfully, _ebur atramento candefacere_, to

whiten ivory with ink. Poets also, in describing the fair necks of

beautiful virgins, call them _eburnea colla_, or ivory necks. Thus much

may suffice of elephants and ivory, and I shall now say somewhat of the

people, and their manners, and mode of living, with another brief

description of Africa.

The people who now inhabit the regions of the coast of Guinea and the

middle parts of Africa, as inner Lybia, Nubia, and various other

extensive regions in that quarter, were anciently called Ethiopians and

_Nigritae_, which we now call Moors, Moorens, or Negroes; a beastly

living people, without God, law, religion, or government, and so

scorched by the heat of the sun, that in many places they curse it when

it rises. Of the people about Lybia interior, Gemma Phrysius thus

writes: Libia interior is large and desolate, containing many horrible

wildernesses, replenished with various kinds of monstrous beasts and

serpents. To the south of Mauritania or Barbary is Getulia, a rough and

savage region, inhabited by a wild and wandering people. After these

follow the _Melanogetuli_, or black Getulians, and Phransii, who wander

in the wilderness, carrying with them great gourds filled with water.

Then the Ethiopians, called Nigritae, occupy a great part of Africa,

extending to the western ocean or Atlantic. Southwards also they reach

to the river Nigritis or Niger, which agrees in its nature with the

Nile, as it increases and diminishes like the Nile, and contains

crocodiles. Therefore, I believe this to be the river called the Senegal

by the Portuguese. It is farther said of the Niger, that the inhabitants

on one side were all black and of goodly stature, while on the other

side they were brown or tawny and of low stature, which also is the case

with the Senegal.[215] There are other people of Lybia, called

_Garamantes_, whose women are in common, having no marriages or any

respect to chastity. After these are the nations called _Pyrei,

Sathiodaphintae, Odrangi, Mimaces, Lynxamator, Dolones, Agangince, Leuci

Ethiopes, Xilicei Ethiopes, Calcei Ethiopes_, and _Nubi_. These last

have the same situation in Ptolemy, which is now given to the kingdom of

Nubia, where there are certain Christians under the dominion of the

great emperor of Ethiopia, called Prester John. From these towards the

west was a great nation called _Aphricerones_, inhabiting, as far as we

can conjecture, what is now called the _Regnum Orguene_, bordering on

the eastern or interior parts of Guinea. From hence westwards and

towards the north, are the kingdoms of _Gambra_ and _Budamel_, not far

from the river Senegal; and from thence toward the inland region and

along the coast are the regions of _Ginoia_ or Guinea. On the west side

of this region is Cabo Verde, _caput viride_, Cap Verd, or the Green

Cape, to which the Portuguese first direct their course when they sail

to the land of Brazil in America, on which occasion they turn to the

right hand towards the quarter of the wind called _Garbino_, which is

between the west and south.

[Footnote 215: It may be proper to mention in this place, that the Niger

and the Senegal, though agreeing in these particulars, are totally

different rivers in the same parallel. The Senegal runs into the sea

from the east; while the Niger running to the east, loses itself in an

interior lake, as the Wolga does in the Caspian, having no connection

whatever with the ocean. According to some accounts, this lake only

exists as such during the rainy season, drying up in the other part of

the year, probably however leaving an extensive marsh, called the

_Wangara_. If so, the environs of that lake and marsh must be unhealthy

in the utmost extreme.--E.]

To speak somewhat more of Ethiopia, although there are many nations

called Ethiopians, yet is Ethiopia chiefly divided into two parts, one

of which being a great and rich region, is called _Ethiopia sub Egypto_,

or Ethiopia to the south of Egypt. To this belongs the island of Meroe,

which is environed by the streams of the Nile. In this island women

reigned in ancient times, and, according to Josephus, it was some time

called _Sabea_, whence the queen of Saba went to Jerusalem to listen to

the wisdom of Solomon. From thence, towards the east and south, reigneth

the Christian emperor called Prester John, by some named Papa Johannes,

or as others say _Pean Juan_, signifying Great John, whose empire

reaches far beyond the Nile, and extends to the coasts of the Red Sea

and of the Indian ocean. The middle of this region is almost in 66

degrees of E. longitude, and 12 degrees of N. lat.[216] About this

region dwell the people called _Clodi, Risophagi, Axiuntiae, Babylonii,

Molili_, and _Molibae_. After these is the region called _Trogloditica_,

the inhabitants of which dwell in caves and dens, instead of houses, and

feed upon the flesh of serpents, as is reported by Pliny and Diodorus

Siculus, who allege, that instead of language, they have only a kind of

grinning and chattering. There are also people without heads, called

_Blemines_, having their eyes and mouths in their breast. Likewise

_Strucophagi_, and naked _Gamphasantes_; _satyrs_ also, who have nothing

of human nature except the shape. _Oripei_ likewise, who are great

hunters, and _Mennones_. Here also is _Smyrnophora_, or the region of

myrrh; after which is _Azania_, producing many elephants.[217] A great

portion of the eastern part of Africa beyond the equinoctial line is in

the kingdom of _Melinda_, the inhabitants of which have long been in use

to trade with the nations of Arabia, and whose king is now allied to the

king of Portugal, and pays tribute to Prester John.

[Footnote 216: Reckoning the longitude from the island of Ferro, the

middle of Abyssinia is only in about 52° 30' E. and as Ferro is 18° W.

from Greenwich, that coincides with 34° 30' E. as the longitude is now

reckoned by British geographers.--E.]

[Footnote 217: It is impossible, in the compass of a note, to enter into

any commentary on this slight sketch of the ancient geography of eastern

Africa.--E.]

The other, or interior Ethiopia, being a region of vast extent, is now

only somewhat known upon the sea-coast, but may be described as follows.

In the first place, towards the south of the equator, is a great region

of Ethiopians, in which are white elephants, _tigers_, (lions) and

rhinoceroses. Also a region producing plenty of cinnamon, which lies

between the branches of the Nile. Also the kingdom of Habesch or

Habasia,[218] a region inhabited by Christians, on both sides of the

Nile. Likewise those Ethiopians called _Ichthyophagi_, or who live only

on fish, who were subdued in the wars of Alexander the Great[219]. Also

the Ethiopians called _Rapsii_ and _Anthropophagi_, who are in use to

eat human flesh, and inhabit the regions near the mountains of the moon.

_Gazatia_ is under the tropic of Capricorn; after which comes the

_front_ of Africa, and the Cape of Good Hope, past which they sail from

Lisbon to Calicut: But as the capes and gulfs, with their names, are to

be found on every globe and chart, it were superfluous to enumerate them

here.

[Footnote 218: It is strange that Habasia or Abyssinia, inhabited by

Christians, should thus be divided from the empire of Prester John.--E.]

[Footnote 219: The Icthyophagi of Alexander dwelt on the oceanic coast

of Persia, now Mekran, between the river Indus and the Persian gulf, not

in Ethiopia.--E.]

Some allege that Africa was so named by the Greeks, as being without

cold; the Greek letter _alpha_ signifying privation, void of, or

without, and _phrice_ signifying cold; as, although it has a cloudy and

tempestuous season instead of winter, it is yet never cold, but rather

smothering hot, with hot showers, and such scorching winds, that at

certain times the inhabitants seem as if living in furnaces, and in a

manner half ready for purgatory or hell. According to Gemma Phrisius, in

certain parts of Africa, as in the greater Atlas, the air in the night

is seen shining with many strange fires and flames, rising as it were as

high as the moon, and strange noises are heard in the air, as of pipes,

trumpets, and drums, which are caused perhaps by the vehement motions of

these fiery exhalations, as we see in many experiments wrought by fire,

air, and wind. The hollowness also, and various reflections and

breakings of the clouds, may be great causes thereof, besides the great

coldness of the middle region of the air, by which these fiery

exhalations, when they ascend there, are suddenly driven back with great

force. Daily experience teaches us, by the whizzing of a burning torch,

what a noise fire occasions in the air, and much more so when it strives

and is inclosed with air, as seen in guns; and even when air alone is

inclosed, as in organ pipes and other wind instruments: For wind,

according to philosophers, is nothing but air vehemently moved, as when

propelled by a pair of bellows, and the like.

Some credible persons affirm that, in this voyage to Guinea, they felt a

sensible heat in the night from the beams of the moon; which, though it

seem strange to us who inhabit a cold region, may yet reasonably have

been the case, as Pliny writes that the nature of stars and planets

consists of fire, containing a spirit of life, and cannot therefore be

without heat. That the moon gives heat to the earth seems confirmed by

David, in the 121st psalm, where, speaking of such men as are defended

from evils by the protection of God, he says, "The sun shall not burn

thee by day, neither the moon by night[220]." They said likewise, that

in some parts of the sea they saw streams of water, which they call

_spouts_, falling out of the air into the sea, some of them being as

large as the pillars of churches; insomuch that, when these fall into

ships, they are in great danger of being sunk. Some allege these to be

the cataracts of heaven, which were all opened at Noah's flood: But I

rather consider them to be those fluxions and eruptions said by

Aristotle, in his book de Mundo, to happen in the sea. For, speaking of

such strange things as are often seen in the sea, he writes thus:

"Oftentimes also, even in the sea are seen evaporations of fire, and

such eruptions and breaking forth of springs, that the mouths of rivers

are opened. Whirlpools and fluxions are caused of such other vehement

motions, not only in the midst of the sea, but also in creeks and

straits. At certain times also, a great quantity of water is suddenly

lifted up and carried about by the moon," &c. From these words of

Aristotle it appears, that such waters are lifted up at one time in one

place, and suddenly fall down again in another place at another time. To

this also may be referred what Richard Chancellor told me, as having

heard from Sebastian Cabot, as far as I remember, either on the coast of

Brazil or of the Rio de la Plata, that his ship or pinnace was suddenly

lifted from the sea and cast upon the land, I know not how far. Which,

and other strange and wonderful works of nature considered, and calling

to remembrance the narrowness of human knowledge and understanding,

compared with her mighty power, I can never cease to wonder, and to

confess with Pliny, that nothing is impossible to nature, whose smallest

power is still unknown to man.

[Footnote 220: In our present version the word _smite_ is used instead

of burn. But the quotation in the text is a literal translation from the

Latin vulgate, and agrees with the older English version, still used in

the Book of Common Prayer.--E.]

Our people saw and considered many things in this voyage that are

worthy of notice, and some of which I have thought fit to record, that

the reader may take pleasure, both in the variety of these things, and

in the narrative of the voyage. Among other matters respecting the

manners and customs of these people, this may seem strange, that their

princes and nobles are in use to pierce and wound their skins in such

way as to form curious figures upon it, like flowered damask, which they

consider as very ornamental[221]. Although they go in a manner naked,

yet many of them, and the women especially, are almost loaded with

collars, bracelets, rings, and chains, of gold, copper, or ivory. I have

seen one of their ivory armlets weighing 38 ounces, which was worn by

one of their women on her arm. It was made of one piece of the largest

part of an elephant's tooth, turned and somewhat carved, having a hole

through which to pass the hand. Some have one on each arm and one on

each leg, and though often so galled by them as to be almost lame, they

still persist to use them. Some wear great shackles on their legs of

bright copper, and they wear collars, bracelets, garlands, and girdles

of certain blue stones, resembling beads. Some also of their women wear

upon their arms a kind of _fore-sleeves_[222], made of plates of beaten

gold. They wear likewise rings on their fingers made of gold wire,

having a knot or wreath, like those which children make on rush rings.

Among other golden articles bought by our men, were some dog-collars and

chains.

[Footnote 221: Now well known under the name of tatooing.--E.]

[Footnote 222: Sleeves for the fore-arms, or from the elbow to the

wrist.--E.]

These natives of Guinea are very wary in driving bargains, and will not

willingly lose the smallest particle of their gold, using weights and

measures for the same with great circumspection. In dealing with them,

it is necessary to behave with civility and gentleness, as they will not

trade with any who use them ill. During the first voyage of our people

to that country, on departing from the place where they had first

traded, one of them either stole a musk-cat or took her away by force,

not suspecting that this could have any effect to prevent trading at the

next station: But although they went there in full sail, the news had

got there before them, and the people refused to deal with them until

the cat were either restored or paid for at a fixed price. Their houses

are made of four posts or trees set in the ground, and are covered with

boughs; and their ordinary food is roots, with such fish as they take,

which are in great plenty. Among these are flying fishes, similar to

those seen in the West India seas. Our people endeavoured to salt some

of the fish which they caught on the coast of Africa, but some said that

they would not take salt, and must therefore be eaten immediately; while

others alleged that, if salted immediately when taken, they would keep

good for ten or twelve days. Part of the salt meat taken by our people

from England became putrid while on the coast of Africa, yet turned

sweet again after their return to a temperate region. They have a

strange method of making bread, which is as follows: They grind, with

their hands, between two stones, as much corn into meal as they think

may suffice the family, and making this flour into a paste with water,

they knead it into thin cakes, which are stuck upon the posts of their

houses and baked or dried by the heat of the sun; so that when the

master of the house or any of the family are in want of bread, they take

it down from the post and eat.

They have very fair wheat, the ear of which is two hand-breadths long

and as big as a great bulrush, the stem or straw being almost as thick

as a man's little finger. The grains are white and round, shining like

pearls that have lost their lustre, and about the size of our pease.

Almost their whole substance turns to flour, leaving very little bran.

The ear is inclosed in three blades, each about two inches broad, and

longer than the ear; and in one of them I counted 260 grains of corn. By

this fruitfulness, the sun seems in some measure to compensate for the

trouble and distress produced by its excessive heat. Their drink is

either water, or the juice which drops from cut branches of the palmito,

a barren palm or date tree; to collect which they hang great gourds to

the cut branches every evening, or set them on the ground under the

trees, to receive the juice which issues during the night. Our people

said that this juice tasted like whey, but sweeter and more pleasant.

The branches of the palmito are cut every evening to obtain this juice,

as the heat of the sun during the day dries up and sears over the wound.

They have likewise large beans, as big as chesnuts, and very hard,

having shells instead of husks or pods. While formerly describing the

fruit containing the _grains_ or Guinea pepper, called by the physicians

_grana paradisi_, I remarked that they have holes through them, as in

effect they have when brought to us; but I have been since informed,

that these holes are made on purpose to put strings or twigs through,

for hanging up the fruit to dry in the sun. This fruit grows on a plant

which does not rise above eighteen inches or two feet above the ground.

At their coming home, the keels and bottoms of the ships were strangely

overgrown with certain shells, two inches or more in length, as thick as

they could stand, and so large that a man might put his thumb into their

mouths. It is affirmed that a certain slimy substance grows in these

shells, which falls afterwards into the sea, and is changed into the

bird called barnacles[223]. Similar shells have been seen on ships

coming from Ireland, but these Irish barnacles do not exceed half an

inch long. I saw the Primrose in dock, after her return from Guinea,

having her bottom entirely covered over with these shells, which in my

judgment must have greatly impeded her sailing. Their ships also were in

many places eaten into by the worms called _Bromas_ or _Bissas_, which

are mentioned in the Decades[224]. These worms creep between the planks,

which they eat through in many places.

[Footnote 223: This is an old fable not worth confuting. The Barnacle

goose or clakis of Willoughby, anas erythropus of Linnaeus, called

likewise tree-goose, anciently supposed to be generated from drift wood,

or rather from the _lepas anatifera_ or multivalve shell, called

barnacle, which is often found on the bottoms of ships.--See Pennant's

Brit. Zool. 4to. 1776. V. II. 488, and Vol. IV. 64.--E.]

[Footnote 224: Meaning the Decades of Peter Martyr, part of which book

was translated and published by Richard Eden.--Astl I. 149. b.]

In this voyage, though they sailed to Guinea in seven weeks, they took

twenty to return; owing to this cause, as they reported, that about the

coast at Cape Verd the wind was continually east, so that they were

obliged to stand far out into the ocean, in search of a western wind to

bring them home. In this last voyage about twenty-four of the men died,

many of them between the Azores and England, after their return into the

cold or temperate region. They brought with them several black

slaves[225], some of whom were tall strong men, who could well agree

with our meats and drinks. The cold and moist air of England somewhat

offended them; yet men who are born in hot regions can much better

endure cold, than those of cold regions can bear heat; because violent

heat dissolves the radical moisture of the human body, while cold

concentrates and preserves it. It is to be considered as among the

secrets of nature, that while all parts of Africa under the equator, and

for some way on both sides, are excessively hot, and inhabited by black

people, such regions in the West Indies [America], under the same

parallels, are very temperate, and the natives are neither black, nor

have they short curled wool on their heads like the Africans; but are of

an olive colour, with long black hair. The cause of this difference is

explained in various places of the _Decades_. Some of those who were

upon this voyage told me that on the 14th of March they had the sun to

the north of them at noon.

[Footnote 225: In a side note, _five blacke moors_.--E.]

SECTION IV.

_Voyage to Guinea in 1555, by William Towerson, Merchant of

London_[226].

On Monday the 30th of September 1555, we sailed from the harbour of

Newport, in the Isle of Wight, with two good ships, the Hart and the

Hind, both belonging to London, of which John Ralph and William Carters

were masters, bound on a voyage for the river Sestos, in Guinea, and

other harbours in that neighbourhood. Owing to variable winds, we could

not reach Dartmouth before the 14th of October; and having continued

there till the 20th of that month, we warpt out of the harbour, and set

sail to the S.W. and by next morning had run 30 leagues. On the 1st

November, by the reckoning of our master, we were in lat. 31° N. and

that day we ran 40 leagues. The 2d we ran 36 leagues; and on the 3d we

had sight of Porto Santo, a small island about three leagues long and

one and a-half broad, belonging to the Portuguese, and lying in the

ocean. As we came towards it from the N.N.W. it seemed like two small

hills near each other. The east end of the island is a high land like a

saddle, having a valley which gives it that appearance; while the west

end is lower, with several small round hillocks[227]. Porto Santo is in

about lat. 33° N. The same day at 11 o'clock A.M. we raised the island

of Madeira, which is 12 leagues S.W. from Porto Santo. Madeira is a fine

and fertile island belonging to the Portuguese, and rises from afar like

one great high mountain. By 3 P.M. being athwart of Porto Santo, we set

our course to the S.W. leaving both Madeira and Porto Santo to the

eastwards, being the first land we had seen after leaving England. About

three next morning we were abreast of Madeira, within three leagues of

its west end, and were becalmed under its high land. We estimated having

run 30 leagues in the past day and night. The 4th we remained becalmed

under the west end of Madeira till 1 P.M. when the wind sprung up at

east, and we continued our course S.W. making in the rest of that day 15

leagues. The 5th we ran 15 leagues.

[Footnote 226: Hakluyt, II. 480, Astl. I. 150.--From several passages in

this journal it appears that Towerson had been on the former voyage to

Guinea with Captain Lock; but in the present voyage he appears to have

acted as captain or chief director, and seems to have been the author of

the journal here adopted from Hakluyt.--Astl. I. 150, 2.]

[Footnote 227: The saddle-backed hills of old navigators, are to be

considered in reference to the old demipique or war-saddle, having high

abrupt peaks, or hummocks, at each end, with a flattish hollow

between.--E.]

The 6th in the morning we got sight of _Teneriffe_, otherwise called the

Peak, being very high land, with a peak on the top like a sugar loaf;

and the same night we got sight of _Palma_, which also is high land and

W. from Teneriffe [W.N.W.] The 7th we saw _Gomera_, an island about 12

leagues S.E. from Palma, and eight W.S.W. from Teneriffe; and lest we

might have been becalmed under Teneriffe, we left both it and Gomera to

the east, and passed between Palma and Gomera. This day and night our

course was 30 leagues. These islands, called the Canaries, are 60

leagues from Madeira, and there are other three islands in the group to

the eastward of Teneriffe, named _Gran Canarea_, _Fuertaventura_, and

_Lancerota_, none of which we saw. All these islands are inhabited by

Spaniards. On this day likewise we got sight of the Isle of _Ferro_,

which is 13 leagues south from Gomera, and belongs to the Spaniards like

the others. We were unable all this day or the following night to get

beyond Ferro, unless we had chosen to go to the westwards, which had

been much out of our proper course; wherefore we put about, and stood

back five hours E.N.E. in hope of being able to clear it next tack, the

wind keeping always S.E. which is not often met with in that latitude by

navigators, as it generally keeps in the N.E. and E.N.E. Next morning,

being on the other tack, we were nearly close in with the island, but

had room enough to get clear past.

The 8th, our due course to fetch the Barbary coast being S.E. by E. we

were unable to keep it by reason of the wind being scant, but lay as

near it as we could, running that day and night 25 leagues. The 9th we

ran 30 leagues; the 10th 25; and 11th, 24 leagues. The 12th we saw a

sail under our lee, which we thought to be a fishing bark, and stood

down to speak with her; but in an hour there came on so thick a fog that

we could neither see that vessel nor our consort the Hind. We

accordingly shot off several guns to give notice to the Hind of our

situation, but she did not hear or answer us. In the afternoon the Hind

fired a gun, which we heard and answered with another gun. About half an

hour afterwards the fog cleared away, and we were within four leagues of

the Barbary coast, when sounding we had 14 fathoms water. The bark also

had come _room_[228] with us, and anchored here likewise, the wind being

contrary for going down the coast, or to the southwards. On falling in

with the land, we could not judge precisely whereabout we were, most of

that coast being low, the forepart of the coast being white like chalk

or sand, _and very deep unto the hard shore_[229]. Immediately on coming

to anchor we began to fish, and got abundance of that kind which the

Portuguese call _Pergosses_, the French _saders_, and our men salt-water

_breams_. Before the fog entirely cleared away, the vessel we had

followed shaped such a course that we lost sight of her, chiefly because

we had bore up to find the Hind again. Our pilot reckoned that we were

upon that part of the coast which is 16 leagues eastwards[230] from the

Rio del Oro.

[Footnote 228: This antiquated nautical word, which occurred before in

the journal of Don Juan de Castro, is here obviously going down the

wind, large, or to leeward.--E.]

[Footnote 229: The meaning of this passage is not obvious, and seems to

want some words to make out the meaning: It may be that the shore is

very steep, or that the water continues deep close to the shore.--E.]

[Footnote 230: Eastwards from Rio del Oro is directly into the land; so

that they must either have been N.N.E. or S.S.W. probably the

former.--E.]

In the afternoon of the 13th we spied a sail coming towards us, which we

judged to be that we had seen the day before, and we immediately caused

the Hind to weigh anchor and go towards her, manning likewise our own

skiff, to lay her on board or to learn what she was, and within half an

hour we weighed also. When the vessel noticed us, she put about and

sailed from us; and soon after there came on so heavy a fog that we

could not see her, and as the fog continued the whole night we had to

quit the chase. In the afternoon the wind came about fair, so that we

were able to shape a course S.W. by W. to keep clear of the coast, and

ran that night 16 leagues. The 14th in the morning was very foggy, but

the fog cleared away about noon, when we espied a caravel of 60 tons

fishing, and sent our skiff on board with five men unarmed. For haste

the caravel slipped her anchors and set sail, yet our unarmed boat

overtook her and made her strike sail, and brought her away, though she

had fourteen or fifteen men on board, all armed, but they had not the

heart to resist. On coming to us they anchored, as we were likewise,

because the wind had become foul; on which I made our skiff come for me,

and I went on board the caravel, to take care that no harm was offered,

and to see if they would spare us any thing for our money. Accordingly

we got from them three _tapnets_ of figs, two small jars of oil, two

pipes of water, and four hogsheads of salt fish, which they had taken on

the coast, besides some fresh fish, which they held of no value, as they

are so plentiful on that coast that one man may often take as many in an

hour or less as will serve twenty men a whole day. For these things,

some wine we drank while on board their ship, and three or four great

cans which they sent on board our ships, I paid them 27 pistoles, being

twice as much as they would willingly have taken. We then let them go to

their anchor and cable which they had slipped, and assisted them to

recover. After this we made sail, but the wind obliged us to come to

anchor again about 12 leagues from the Rio del Oro, as we were informed

by the Portuguese. There were five other caravels in this place, but

immediately on our appearance they all made away for fear of us.

The 15th we continued at anchor, as the wind was still foul. The 16th we

set sail and run our course 40 leagues, being this day, according to our

pilots, right under the Tropic of Cancer, in lat. 23° 30' N. The 17th we

ran 25 leagues, mostly in sight of the coast of Barbary. The 18th we ran

30 leagues, and at noon, by the reckoning of our pilots, were abreast of

Cape Blanco. The 22d they reckoned we were abreast of Cape Verd. The

12th of December we got sight of the coast of Guinea, towards which we

immediately hauled, standing to the N.E. and about 12 at night, being

less than two leagues from the shore, we lay to and sounded, finding 18

fathoms water. We soon afterwards saw a light between us and the shore,

which we thought might have been a ship, from which circumstance we

judged ourselves off the river Sestro, and we immediately came to

anchor, armed our tops, and made all clear for action, suspecting it

might be some Portuguese or French ship. In the morning we saw no ship

whatever, but espied four rocks about two English miles from us, one

being a large rock and the other three small; whence we concluded that

the light seen during the night had been on shore. We then weighed and

stood E.S.E. along shore, because the master did not rightly know the

place, but thought we were still to the westward of Sestro river. All

along this coast the land is low, and full of high trees close to the

shore, so that no one can know what place he falls in with, except by

means of the latitude. I think we ran 16 leagues that day, as we had all

night a stiff gale, with much thunder and lightning.