The opening of the Reichsrat in May, 1917, was intended to give Austria the
appearance of a "democratic" country in which diverse nationalities live in
peace and happiness. Democratic indeed! A parliament, subject to
censorship, lacking the freedom of speech and all influence on the
government, with 463 members instead of 516, many of whom were still in
prison and in exile! And if there was still any person in the Allied
countries having any doubts concerning the attitude of the Czechs and
Yugoslavs, these doubts were certainly dispelled after the courageous
indictment against Austria made by the Slav deputies, representing
practically all the Czech and Yugoslav political parties. The declaration
of the Poles in favour of a united and independent Poland, the statement of
Messrs. Stanek and Korosec in the name of _all_ Czechs and Yugoslavs in
favour of a Czecho-Slovak and Yugoslav State, the speech of deputy Kalina
denying all responsibility of the Czechs for the war, and expressing Czech
sympathies with the Entente Powers, and the terrible story of persecutions
which the Czechs had to suffer from Austria during the war, told by deputy
Stríbrný, formed a veritable "Mene Tekel," a death sentence pronounced by
the Austrian Slavs on their tyrants in Vienna and Budapest.
The revelation in the Reichsrat of the hopeless state of decay prevailing
in Austria-Hungary was, of course, due to the Russian Revolution. If it was
not for the Russian Revolution, the Austrian Emperor and Clam-Martinic
would perhaps have continued their reign of absolutism by way of imperial
decrees, and they would never have dreamt of convoking the Reichsrat.
However, the desperate economic and political situation forced Austria to
find some way out of her difficulties, and to plead for peace as she began
to realise that otherwise she was doomed. The change of order and the
situation in Russia and the uncertain attitude of some Allied statesmen
seemed favourable for the Austrian calculations respecting a separate
peace. But Austria could not possibly hope to deceive free Russia or the
Allies and lure them into concluding a premature peace if the reign of
terrorism and absolutism still prevailed in the Dual Monarchy. For this
reason Tisza, with his sinister reputation, was forced to go, and the
Reichsrat was convened. Austria based her plans on the ignorance of some
Allied politicians who really believed in the "new orientation" of the
Vienna Government because of the Bohemian _names_ (not sympathies) of
Clam-Martinic and Czernin. In the same way Austria wanted to make outsiders
believe that a change in the name of the Hungarian Premier meant a change
of system, and that the convocation of the Reichsrat meant a new era of
"democracy" in Austria.
Neither of these assumptions was, of course, correct. If the Magyars talk
of introducing universal suffrage, they want to extend it to Magyar
electors, and on one condition only, viz. that all the candidates shall be
of _Magyar_ nationality, or, as the Hungarian Premier, Count Esterhazy, put
it, "democracy in Hungary can only be a Magyar democracy"--that is, a
system utterly at variance with the principles of justice.
But far from averting the doom of Austria and bringing her peace and
consolation, the opening of the Reichsrat only hastened Austria's downfall,
for it enabled the Austrian Slavs, who now felt that the moment had come
for them to speak, to declare before the whole world their aspirations, and
their determination to destroy the monarchy.
_(a) The Czech Declaration of May_ 30, 1917
Before entering the Reichsrat, the Czechs made it clear that they no longer
desired any compromise with Austria. In a manifesto signed by 150 Czech
authors and subsequently endorsed by professors, teachers and various
societies and corporations, the Czech deputies were reminded that the fate
of their nation was at stake:
"The doors of the Austrian Parliament are opening and the political
representatives of the nations have for the first time the opportunity
of speaking and acting freely. Whatever they may say and decide will be
heard not only at home, but also throughout Europe and overseas.... The
programme of our nation is founded on its history and racial unity, on
its modern political life and rights. The present time emphasises the
necessity for carrying out this programme completely.... To-day you are
forced to develop this programme, to defend it to the last breath
before the forum of Europe, and to demand its realisation without
limitations.... Democratic Europe, the Europe of free and independent
nations, is the Europe of the future. The nation asks you to be equal
to this historic occasion, to devote to it all your abilities and to
sacrifice to it all other considerations...."
And to this appeal of their nation the Czech, deputies did not turn a deaf
ear.
On entering the Reichsrat on May 30, 1917, Mr. Stanek, president of the
Union of Czech Deputies, made the following memorable declaration in the
name of all the Czech deputies:
"While taking our stand at this historic moment on the natural right of
peoples to self-determination and free development--a right which in
our case is further strengthened by inalienable historic rights fully
recognised by this state--we shall, at the head of our people, work for
_the union of all branches of the Czecho-Slovak nation in a single
democratic Bohemian State_, comprising also the Slovak branch of our
nation which lives in the lands adjoining our Bohemian Fatherland."
Both the Yugoslav and the Polish press greeted this declaration with
undisguised joy and sympathy.
The _Glos Naroda_ welcomed the Czech declaration, and added: "Those who
to-day are asking for an independent national existence do not claim
anything but the minimum of their rights. Nothing less could satisfy them
(_i.e._ the Czechs and Yugo-slavs), seeing that even smaller and less
historic nations claim the same." The _Nowa Reforma_ also said that the
Czechs were quite right to ask for full independence. "They are entitled to
it by their position in which they can lose nothing more than they have
lost already, but gain a great deal. Among the Entente Powers there is
nobody who would have an open or disguised interest in opposing even the
boldest claims of the Czecho-Slovak nation."
The declaration of deputy Stanek was completed by a statement of deputy
Kalina who made it quite clear that the Czechs refuse responsibility for
the war, and that their sympathies are with the Entente. Kalina, a
prominent leader of the State Right Party, said:
"As deputies elected by the Czech nation, _we absolutely reject every
responsibility for this war_.
"After three years, the government has summoned the _Reichsrat, which
the Czechs never recognised_, and against which, as well as against the
so-called constitution, they again make a formal protest. The great
Russian Revolution forced the government to a plausible restoration of
constitutional life.
"_The Czech nation hails with unbounded joy and enthusiasm the
liberation of Eastern Europe_. The main principles of that memorable
Revolution are closely related to our own traditions, _i.e._ to the
principle of _liberty, equality and fraternity of all nations_. Bohemia
is a free country. Never in her history did she accept laws from
aliens, not even from her powerful neighbours in Europe. Liberty of
individuals, liberty of nations is again our motto which the nation of
Hussites is bringing before the world. In these historic moments, when
from the blood-deluged battlefields a new Europe is arising, and the
idea of the sovereignty of nations and nationalities is triumphantly
marching throughout the Continent, _the Czech nation solemnly declares
before the world its firm will for liberty and independence_ on the
ground of the ancient historic rights of the Bohemian Crown. In
demanding independence, the Czech nation asks, in the sense of the new
democracy, for the extension of the right of self-determination to the
whole Czecho-Slovak nation."
_(b) Courageous Speeches delivered by Czech Deputies in the Reichsrat_
During the subsequent session of the Reichsrat, various Czech deputies,
representing all the Czech parties, made declarations, some of which we
will quote in order to show the remarkable unanimity of the Czechs in their
opposition to Austria and in their demand for independence. _It was chiefly
this unanimity of all Czech parties and classes in Bohemia and the absolute
harmony between their action and the Czecho-Slovak action abroad which
formed the real strength of the movement_.
_Dr. Stránský_, leader of the Moravian People's Party, delivered a long
speech in the Reichsrat on June 12, 1917, from which we quote the following
significant passages:
"The Germans say that germanisation is not carried out except where it
is in the interests of the state. We do not think that the interests of
the state should go first. If the interests of a state are not
identical with the liberties and interests of a nation, then _such a
state has for that nation no right to exist_.
"If Clam-Martinic thinks that we will enter the Reichsrat which the
Polish deputies would not attend in their present strength, then he is
greatly mistaken. We heartily wish the Poles to achieve their national
independence, but should we be denied an equal right, then it would
mean an end to this Reichsrat. We want to enjoy the same happiness as
the rest, _we want to be free from all oppression, from all foreign
domination. We want to decide for ourselves the form of our political
existence_. We want to choose our own laws, we want to govern
ourselves. _We claim the restitution of our political independence and
of the supreme historic right of the Czech nation in the lands of the
Bohemian Crown. The time is ripe also when the Austrian fortresses of
St. Peter and St. Paul will open, and when their prisoners will change
places with their persecutors. The state and dynasty have lately taken
away the rights and liberties of our nation and trampled them
underfoot_."
On June 15, the National Socialist deputy _Stríbrný_, openly demanded the
creation of a Czecho-Slovak Republic:
"The German annexationist plans are doomed. The Czechs greet with joy
the new era of equality and fraternity, an era in which a _democratic
republic_ is considered as the best form of government. The Czechs
demand the creation of a Bohemia in which they will possess their own
independent government. _Too long have they been oppressed by Austria,
and now they are determined to achieve their national liberty_."
On June 26, _Dr. Soukup_, the leader of the Czecho-Slav Social Democratic
Party, made an equally remarkable statement:
"As a Social Democrat I say that we, the Czecho-Slovak nation, have
also a right to a place in the sun, and we want to be seen. Do you
consider that a nation numbering over ten million and boasting of a
highly developed civilisation can continue to breathe under such
oppressive conditions, seeing what an important role is being played by
four million Bulgars, two million Greeks, two million Danes and other
small nations? _We welcome the resurrection of the great and united
Polish State, we witness the great Yugoslav nation shaping its
boundaries along the Adriatic, and we also see Ukrainia arising. At
such moments we want to live as well, and we will live_!"
_(c) After the Amnesty_
The political amnesty of July, 1917, intended to appease the Slavs, had
just the opposite effect: it only strengthened the Slav resistance which
acquired fresh strength and impetus by the return of the old leaders.
Kramár was hailed like a sovereign when he entered Prague again. He now
became the recognised leader of the whole nation. The _Národní Listy_
became the mouthpiece of all the most eminent leaders of the nation without
party distinction. Its issue of October 31, 1917, contained a map of the
future independent Czecho-Slovak State and a series of articles. We will
quote only a few passages from an article written by deputy Rasín which
read as follows:
"The war has brought our problem home not only to us but to the whole
world. Nothing could have better expressed our situation than the
propaganda of Mitteleuropa. Austria-Hungary and Bulgaria had to form a
bridge for the imperialistic march of Germany to the Persian Gulf _via_
Constantinople and Bagdad. The Czechs and Yugoslavs were to be crushed
and become the victims of those plans. This was the ideal that the
German nation considered as its war aim and as a war aim of
Austria-Hungary. They could not have obtained a better reply than was
given to them by the Czechs and Yugoslavs in their demand for their own
independent states, which would be able to form a permanent bulwark
against the _Drang nach Osten_ as planned by the Germans and Magyars.
Even if Herr Naumann ceases to promote the idea of Central Europe, in
reality _a new programme which would do away with the old evils and
assign a new mission to Austria-Hungary is inconceivable_. All the
declarations of the government are only destined to conceal their real
intentions. The German-Magyar hegemony is as strong as ever, and the
Polish question is to be solved only according to the Pan-German
programme. During this war Austria's real face has been unmasked before
the whole world by her persecutions, arbitrary decrees and the
Pan-German propaganda.
"The Czechs, who in their policy always went hand in hand with the
Yugoslavs, saw all this, and consequently the only thing left for them
to do is to insist on their attitude, constantly to reveal Austria's
insincerity, to reject all pretty phrases without any meaning in them,
and all compromises, which we know would never be kept. _We also must
reject a compromise peace which would lead to fresh wars_.
"_The policy of the Czechs cannot but aim at the absolute independence
of the whole Czecho-Slovak nation_, and all our action at home and
abroad must tend towards persuading the world that only thus can a
stable peace in Europe be achieved."
It was about this time also when Seidler made desperate attempts to induce
the Slav leaders to participate in a special commission for the revision of
the Austrian Constitution. Dr. Stránský, speaking in the name of the
Czechs, openly refused the proposal, declaring that the Czech problem could
not be solved by Austria, but only by the Peace Conference, that is after
the victory of the Entente. A joint committee of representatives of the
Young Czech, National Socialist, Progressive Independence and Moravian
Progressive Parties issued a proclamation protesting against any
participation of Czechs in Austrian politics, and declaring that since the
Czech question is an international one and can therefore be decided only at
the Peace Conference, the duty of the Czech deputies is not to assist in
the revision of the Austrian Constitution, but to insist upon the creation
of an "_independent Czecho-Slovak State with all the attributes of
sovereignty_."
Simultaneously also the Czech Agrarian deputy, _Zahradník_, made the
following remarkable declaration in the Reichsrat on September 26:
"In view of the prevailing policy directed against the Czech people,
can any one wonder that _they have lost all confidence in Vienna_ and
that they refuse to let this parliament decide their fate? _It is
necessary to secure for all peoples, great or small, the right to
decide their own destinies_. This applies also to the ten million
Czecho-Slovaks who, moreover, cannot rightly be considered merely as a
'small' nation: the Czechs, too, do not desire anything more than
peace, but it must not be forgotten _that our men did not shed their
blood merely for imperialism or for Pan-Germanism. We do not want
anything but an honourable peace which would bring equality to all
peoples_, a peace assuring liberty and equality to all, and not a peace
which would leave our fetters unbroken. We regret that the Pope omitted
to mention the Czechs in his peace offer although he mentioned the
Poles. _But we shall obtain our right without alien support. The Czechs
will never swerve from their demand for an independent Slovak State
with all the attributes of sovereignty. The Czechs are convinced that
the question of Bohemia is too great to be solved in Vienna. It must be
decided at the Peace Conference_."
On November 9, deputy Stanek made it clear that the Czecho-Slovaks expect
the resurrection of their independence only from the break-up of Austria:
"We cannot conceive of peace or of the transformation of Europe except
when _on the ruins of the Dual Monarchy_ new national states shall
arise. The German-Magyar misrule must be destroyed."
And when on November 21 Seidler talked about the peace conditions of the
"enemy," Dr. Stránský interrupted him by exclaiming, "Our enemies are here,
in Vienna and in Budapest!"
_(d) During Peace Negotiations with Russia_
When peace negotiations were opened with the Bolsheviks, the
Austro-Hungarian delegations were also summoned, for the first time during
the war, on December 3, 1917. During the speech from the throne the Czechs
demonstratively left the hall. On the same day the Bohemian Union, the
Yugoslav Club and the Ruthenes issued a protest against the government
having published a distorted version of the Russian peace offer. In this
protest the Slav deputies asked:
"How can the government answer for having purposely distorted such a
highly important document as the Russian Note of November 28, and why
did the government suppress just the paragraph out of it containing
guarantees for national self-determination?"
Their declaration naturally exasperated the Germans and the government. The
organ of the Austrian Foreign Office, the _Fremdenblatt_, expressed regret
that the Slav parties in the Reichsrat "place obstacles in the way of
peace." It also regretted that "some parties in the Austrian Parliament
should take up an attitude incompatible with our state's
self-preservation." On the next day, M. Stanek made a declaration in the
delegations in the name of Czechs and Yugoslavs, saying:
"We Czech and Yugoslav delegates declare that it is our deep conviction
as well as the firm will of our respective nations that a lasting peace
is possible only on the ground of the full right of self-determination.
_The Imperial Government deliberately and wilfully distorted the most
important part of the Russian peace offer_, viz. the demand for the
self-determination of nations. It is still more surprising that the
prime ministers in both halves of the monarchy should try to deceive
the public opinion of the world by a false interpretation of the right
of self-determination. The Austrian Premier, Dr. Seidler, declared that
the Viennese Parliament is a forum through which the nations could
obtain self-determination, while the _Hungarian Premier had the
impudence to describe the conditions in Hungary, which are a mockery of
all civilisation, as the ideal of national liberty._ We, therefore,
declare in regard to any peace negotiations: _Our national development
can only then be secured when the right of self-determination of all
nations shall be fully, clearly and unreservedly recognised_ with
binding guarantees of its immediate realisation."
At the same time the Slavs made a proposal in the Austro-Hungarian
Delegations, insisting that the peace negotiations with Russia should be
conducted by a committee selected from both parliaments on the basis of
nationality, and consisting of twelve Germans, ten Magyars, ten
Czecho-Slovaks, seven Yugoslavs, five Poles, four Ruthenes, three Rumanians
and one Italian.
Finally, on December 5, the Czech Socialist deputy Tusar declared in the
Reichsrat:
"We want to be our own masters, and if it is high treason to ask for
liberty and independence, then let us say at once that _each of us is a
traitor, but such high treason is an honour, and not a dishonour_. As
regards the negotiations with Russia, we declare that _Count Czernin
does not represent the nations of Austria_ and has no right to speak in
our name; he is merely the plenipotentiary of the dynasty. _The old
Austria, based on police, bureaucracy, militarism and racial tyranny,
cannot survive this war_. We also want peace, but it must be a just
peace. The Czecho-Slovaks will under all circumstances defend their
rights."
In conjunction with this declaration we may quote two other Czech
Socialists showing the opinion of the Czechs on the Russian Revolution.
On November 29, deputy Modrácek declared in the Reichsrat:
"The Revolution of the Bolsheviks is a misfortune for the Russian
Revolution, the Russian Republic and all the oppressed nations of
Europe. _So long as the German Social Democracy permits the working
masses to be brought to the battlefield in the interests of
Imperialism, the action of the Bolsheviks is not the work for Socialism
but for German Tsarism_. I do not undervalue the significance and the
greatness of the Russian Revolution: it is the German Social Democrats
who fail to perform their moral duty in this war and do not comprehend
the Russian Revolution."
Still more outspoken is the declaration of deputy Winter, who said in the
Reichsrat on February 21, 1918:
"The workers of the whole world will never forget that the Russian
Revolution was the first social revolution on a large scale. And on
this revolutionary movement Germany has directly and Austria-Hungary
indirectly declared war. _Perhaps Austria-Hungary wants to repay the
Romanoffs in_ 1918 _for the aid which they rendered to the Habsburgs
in_ 1848.... Austria-Hungary once before engaged in the European
reaction by crushing revolution in Italy. She gathered the fruits of
this act in 1848, 1859, 1866, and in the present war. Formerly France
and Russia participated in the Holy Alliance, but _to-day the Central
Powers are the only refuge of reaction in Europe_."
_(e) The Constituent Assembly of Prague on January_ 6, 1918
The most important manifestation of Czecho-Slovak national will took place
in Prague on January 6, 1918, when all the Czech deputies assembled in
order to give expression to their deep gratitude for the French recognition
of the constitution of a Czecho-Slovak army on the side of the Entente. At
the same time it was a protest against Austria-Hungary and a demand for
representation at the Peace Conference.
As to the resolution unanimously adopted by this constituent assembly,
there is no doubt about its meaning: in it the Czecho-Slovaks no more act
with Austria but demand full liberty. This even the Austrian Premier, Dr.
Seidler, had to admit, when he declared in the Reichsrat on January 22:
"This resolution, in which we in vain look for a distant echo of
dynastic or state allegiance, adopts to a certain extent an
international standpoint, and shows that this people is ready, at any
rate on the conclusion of peace, to accept international support with a
view to obtaining the recognition of foreign states. Such a standpoint
is calculated to encourage our enemies and to prolong the war.
"The resolution demands the right of self-determination in order to
dissolve the existing unity of the state, and to assure full
independence and sovereignty. _The resolution gives the impression of
having been conceived in a sense absolutely hostile to the state_, and
must be indignantly rejected by every Austrian and resisted by every
Austrian Government with all the means in its power."
The Czech declaration of January 6, which is the most important of all
declarations of the Czechs and which has been suppressed in the Austrian
press, reads as follows:
"In the fourth year of this terrible war, which has already cost the
nations numberless sacrifices in blood and treasure, the first peace
efforts have been inaugurated. We Czech deputies recognise the
declarations in the Reichsrat, and deem it our duty emphatically to
declare, in the name of the Czech nation and of its oppressed and
forcibly-silenced Slovak branch of Hungary, our attitude towards the
reconstruction of the international situation.
"When the Czech deputies of our regenerated nation expressed
themselves, during the Franco-Prussian War, on the international
European problems, they solemnly declared in the memorandum of December
8, 1870, that 'only from the recognition of the equality of all nations
and from natural respect of the right of self-determination could come
true equality and fraternity, a general peace and true humanity.'
"We, deputies of the Czech nation, true even to-day to these principles
of our ancestors, have therefore greeted with joy the fact that all
states, based upon democratic principles, whether belligerent or
neutral, now accept with us the right of nations to free
self-determination as a guarantee of a general and lasting peace.
"The new Russia also accepted the principle of self-determination of
nations during its attempts for a general settlement and as a
fundamental condition of peace. The nations were freely to determine
their fate and decide whether they want to live in an independent state
of their own or whether they choose to form one state in common with
other nations.
"On the other hand, the Austro-Hungarian delegate declared, in the name
of the Quadruple Alliance, that the question of the self-determination
of those nations which have not hitherto enjoyed political independence
should be solved in a constitutional manner within the existing state.
This point of view of the Austro-Hungarian representative is not our
point of view, because we know, from our own numberless bitter
experiences, that it means nothing but the negation of the principle of
self-determination. We indignantly express our regret that our nation
was deprived of its political independence and of the right of
self-determination, and that by means of artificial electoral statutes
we were left to the mercy of the German minority and of the government
of the centralised German bureaucracy.
"Our brother Slovaks became the victims of Magyar brutality and of
unspeakable violence in a state which, notwithstanding all its apparent
constitutional liberties, remains the darkest corner of Europe, and in
which the non-Magyars who form the majority of the population are
ruthlessly oppressed by the ruling minority, extirpated, and
denationalised from childhood, unrepresented in parliament and the
civil service, and deprived of public schools as well as of all private
educational institutions.
"The constitution to which the Austro-Hungarian representative refers,
nullified even the right of general suffrage by an artificial creation
of an over-representation of the German minority in the Reichsrat, and
its utter uselessness for the liberty of nations was clearly
demonstrated during the three years of unscrupulous military absolutism
during this war. Every reference to this constitution, therefore, means
in reality only a repudiation of the right of self-determination for
the non-German nations of Austria who are at the mercy of the Germans:
and it means an especially cruel insult and injury to the non-Magyar
nations _in Hungary, where the constitution is nothing but a means of
shameful domination by the oligarchy of a few Magyar aristocratic
families_, as was again proved by the recent electoral reform proposal.
"Our nation longs with all the democracies of the world for a general
and lasting peace. But our nation is fully aware that _no peace can be
permanent except a peace which will abolish old injustice_, brutal
force and the predominance of arms, as well as the predominance of
states and nations over other nations, which will assure a free
development to all nations, great or small, and which will liberate
especially those nations which are still suffering under foreign
domination. That is why it is necessary that this right of free
national development and of self-determination of nations, great or
small, to whatever state they may belong, should become the foundation
of future international rights, a guarantee of peace, and of a friendly
co-operation of nations, as well as a great ideal which will liberate
humanity from the terrible horrors of a world war.
"_We deputies of the Czech nation declare that a peace which would not
bring our nation full liberty could not be and would not mean a peace
to us_, but would only be the beginning of a new, desperate and
continuous struggle for our political independence, in which our nation
would strain to the utmost its material and moral forces. And in that
uncompromising struggle it would never relax until its aim had been
achieved. _Our nation asks for independence_ on the ground of its
historic rights, and is imbued with the fervent desire to contribute
towards the new development of humanity on the basis of liberty and
fraternity in a free competition with other free nations, which our
nation hopes to accomplish in a sovereign, equal, democratic and
socially just state of its own, built upon the equality of all its
citizens within the historic boundaries of the Bohemian lands and of
Slovakia, guaranteeing full and equal national rights to all
minorities.
"Guided by these principles, we solemnly protest against the rejection
of the right of self-determination at the peace negotiations, and
_demand that, in the sense of this right, all nations, including,
therefore, also the Czecho-Slovaks, be guaranteed participation and
full freedom of defending their rights at the Peace Conference_."
_(f) The Oath of the Czecho-Slovak Nation_
It will be remembered that Count Czernin delivered a speech to the Vienna
Municipal Council on April 2, 1918, which caused his downfall. In this
pronouncement he also attacked Czech leaders and blamed them for the
failure of his peace efforts. This interesting passage of his speech reads
as follows:
"What terrible irony it is that, while our brothers and sons are
fighting like lions on the battlefield and millions of men and women at
home are heroically bearing their losses and are sending up urgent
prayers to the Almighty for the speedy termination of the war, certain
leaders of the people and the people's representatives agitate against
the German Alliance, which has so splendidly stood the test, _pass
resolutions which no longer have the slightest connection with the
state idea, find no word of blame for the Czech troops which criminally
fight against their own country_ and their brothers-in-arms, would tear
parts out of the Hungarian State, under the protection of their
parliamentary immunity _make speeches which cannot be considered
otherwise than as a call to enemy countries to continue the struggle_
solely in order to support their own political efforts, and ever anew
kindle the expiring war spirit in London, Rome and Paris. _The wretched
and miserable Masaryk is not the only one of his kind. There are also
Masaryks within the borders of the monarchy._ I would much rather have
spoken on this sad matter in the delegations, but, as I have already
mentioned, the convoking of the committee has at present proved to be
impossible and I cannot wait."
Thereupon he attempted to absolve the Czech "people" from the charge of
high treason.
The Czech leaders did not resent his charge that they were "traitors" like
Masaryk. Indeed, the _Lidové Noviny_ openly declared: "We are proud to be
called traitors." But they resented his subsequent allegation that the
Czech people do not stand behind their leaders. In order to refute this
allegation and to assure the Czech soldiers fighting on the side of the
Entente of their solidarity, the Czechs summoned a meeting at Prague in
which some 6000 _delegates of all Czech parties and classes took part_, as
well as twenty-three delegates of the Yugoslavs. The meeting was most
solemn and impressive. It was a new manifestation by the whole nation of
its unanimity in the struggle for independence. The Czecho-Yugoslav
solidarity was again emphasised. Finally, a solemn oath was unanimously
taken by the whole assembly. The following are some of its passages:
"To the Czecho-Slovak Nation!
"The terrible world war is approaching its culmination. In awe and
sorrow a great number of Czecho-Slovak men and women are standing here.
"The Czecho-Slovak blood has been and is still being shed in torrents.
"Unbroken, united in suffering, our nation believed and believes that
the storm of the world war will ultimately result in a better future
and that its humanitarian ideals will be sanctioned by a universal
peace which will forever guard humanity against a repetition of the
present catastrophe.
"We never asked for anything but to be able to live a free life, to
govern our own destinies free from foreign domination, and to erect our
own state after the manner of all other civilised nations. That is our
sacred right. It is the national and international right of a nation
which has done great service to civilisation and can proudly range
itself among the most civilised and democratic nations of Europe.
"This is the firm and unanimous will of the nation:
"_We have assembled here to-day as the legitimate representatives of
the Czecho-Slovak nation in order to manifest unmistakably that the
whole nation is united as it never was before, and that it stands like
a rock behind the memorable and historic declarations of its deputies_.
"_So we are standing here, firmly convinced of the ultimate victory of
Justice, of the victory of Right over Might, of Liberty over Tyranny,
of Democracy over Privilege and of Truth over Falsehood and Deceit_.
"At the cross-roads of history, we swear by the glorious memory of our
ancestors, before the eyes of the sorrow-stricken nation, over the
graves of those who have fallen for the cause of liberty, to-day and
for all eternity:
"_We will hold on and will never give way!_
"_We will be faithful in all our work, struggles and sufferings,
faithful unto death!_
"_We will hold on unto victory!_
"_We will hold on until our nation obtains independence_.
"_Long live the Czecho-Slovak nation!_
"Let our nation grow and flourish freely in the great family of
nations, for its own welfare as well as for the welfare of the future
liberated humanity!"
_(g) The Slovaks' Attitude_
The appalling terrorism prevailing in Hungary made it impossible for the
Slovaks to manifest their feelings as they would have liked to do. The
Slovaks abroad, of course, work hand in hand with the Czechs for their
common cause.
Nevertheless, even in Hungary the Slovaks showed their unanimity with the
Czechs.
According to the _Národní Listy_ of July 24, 1917, the Slovak political
leaders, especially their two deputies, Father P. Juriga and Dr. P. Blaho,
and the veteran leader of the Slovak National Party, M. Dula, have been
subjected to all sorts of persuasions and threats on the part of the
Magyars who were anxious that the Slovaks should disavow the declaration of
the Bohemian Club in favour of the union of all Czechs and Slovaks in an
independent state. The Slovak leaders, however, refused to become the dupes
of the Magyar Government.
According to the _Národní Listy_ of May 5, 1918, a great manifestation was
arranged by Slovak Socialists in St. Miklos on May 1 in favour of the union
of the Hungarian Slovaks with the Czechs of Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia.
Several thousand Slovaks took part in the manifestation despite the
obstacles put in the way by the Magyar gendarmerie and police spies. A
resolution was carried unanimously demanding amongst other things a just
and lasting peace which would prevent the outbreak of fresh conflagrations
and assure liberty to all nations in Europe, and "_self-determination for
all nations_, including also that branch of the Czecho-Slovak nation which
lives in Hungary." Besides this manifestation, the Slovaks sent
representative delegates to the National Theatre celebrations in Prague,
with which we deal in our next chapter.
_(h) The Czecho-Slovak National Council in Prague_
On July 13, 1918, an important event took place in Prague. The
Czecho-Slovaks established an inter-party council which may well be
described as part of the _Provisional Government of Bohemia_, whose
programme is identical with that of the Czecho-Slovak Provisional
Government in Paris.
The inaugural meeting of the council in Prague was opened by the president
of the Agrarian Party, Mr. Svehla, who gave a report about the preparatory
work and principles which led to the constitution of the council. On the
proposal of M. Stanek, president of the Union of Czech Deputies, _Dr. Karel
Kramár_, the leader of the Independent Democratic Party, was elected
president of the council, _M. Klofác_, leader of the National Socialists,
and _M. Svehla_ vice-presidents, and _Dr. Soukup_, leader of the
Socialists, secretary. Dr. Kramár greeted the assembly in the name of the
presidency. Afterwards deputy Klofác delivered a speech in the name of the
Socialists, and the vice-president of the Czech Union, supported by deputy
Habermann, proposed that the presidency should itself select members of the
council. The proposal was unanimously accepted. Deputy Stanek greeted the
National Council in the name of the Czech Union as the supreme
representative of the whole Czecho-Slovak nation, of all its classes and
parties. Thereupon Dr. Soukup proposed a resolution which was carried
unanimously and the chief passages of which read as follows:
"To the Czecho-Slovak Nation!
"On the decision of all political parties, representing the united will
of our whole nation, the Czecho-Slovak National Council has been formed
to-day. The immense gravity of the present times and our common concern
for the future fate of the Czecho-Slovak nation have united us in a
national organisation.
"The ultimate aim of the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Prague is
postulated by the demand of these times: _to enlist for systematic
work, to organise and lead the great spiritual, moral and national
resources of the nation_ to that end which is the most sacred and
inalienable right of every nation and which cannot and will not be
denied also to our nation:
"_The right of self-determination in a fully independent Czecho-Slovak
State with its own administration within its own borders and under its
own sovereignty_.
"The Czecho-Slovak National Council wish to interpret this will of the
nation and to be the executive organ of all the common declarations of
its delegates which culminated in the solemn oath of April 13, 1918.
"Our work will not be easy. We shall have to suffer much more
opposition and _we shall have to undergo another great test._ But no
obstacles are able to arrest our nation's progress. In full mutual
agreement with our delegates and with the whole cultural and economic
Czech world, the Czecho-Slovak National Council will faithfully fulfil
its difficult and responsible task, so that it may be truly said before
the conscience of the nation that we did everything that was in our
human power.
"_We know that our whole nation stands behind the Czecho-Slovak
National Council_ as one united rampart. Full of joy at the great
political act which the constitution of the National Council
represents, and full of confidence in the victory of our common cause,
we address to-day to the whole Czecho-Slovak nation an urgent appeal to
support our work with all its strength, to obey all orders of common
discipline and to follow firmly our common national aim."
It is significant that the presidency of this council is composed of four
of the most eminent leaders of the four greatest parties in Bohemia: Dr.
Kramár, Klofác, Svehla and Soukup. All of these have been in prison during
this war, as well as the following members of the council: Dr. Rasín and
Cervinka, friends of Kramár; Cyril Dusek, former editor of Masaryk's organ
_The Times_; Dr. Scheiner, president of the "Sokol" Gymnastic Association;
and Machar, the eminent Czech poet. Besides these the members of the
council include: the Socialist leaders Bechyne, Habermann, Krejcí, Nemec,
Stivín, Meissner, Tusar and Vanek; the Clerical leaders Hruban, Srámek and
Kordác; the author Jirásek; Agrarians Stanek (president of the Czech
Union), Udrzal and Zahradník, Dr. Herben, of Professor Masaryk's party, and
others. _All Czech parties are represented on the council without
exception,_ from the Socialists on the extreme Left to the Clericals on the
extreme Right.
The council is the supreme organ of the Czecho-Slovak nation, and
represents all its classes and parties. It is a national organ and its sole
aim is to work for the welfare of Bohemia, without any regard to Austria.
It stands above all party politics and is the supreme organ to which all
disputes are referred that may arise affecting Czecho-Slovak national
interests. Its aim is, in the words of its proclamation, "to enlist for
systematic work, to organise and lead the great spiritual, moral and
national resources of the Czecho-Slovak nation." Its ultimate object is to
realise "the right of self-determination in a fully independent
Czecho-Slovak State with its own administration within its own borders and
under its own sovereignty." Its aims are obviously identical with those of
the Czecho-Slovak Government in Paris, who alone, of course, are able to
exercise the executive power as a government, especially to organise armies
fighting on the side of the Entente. On the other hand, the National
Council in Prague is organising the nation for the final blow which the
Slavs will, no doubt at an opportune moment, strike at the Dual Monarchy.
Immediately after this important event most significant declarations were
made by Czech deputies in the Reichsrat of Vienna. The Czech deputy _Tusar_
declared that "_the war must end with the creation of a Czecho-Slovak
State_, with the victory of democratic ideas and with the defeat of
militarism and despotism. We will obtain freedom, cost what it may."
Thereupon the Czech deputies sang the Czech national anthem.
The next day deputy _Stríbrný_ delivered a speech which we have quoted in a
previous chapter.
The most significant speech, however, was that of _Dr. Stránský_ in the
Austrian Reichsrat on July 23, which surpasses any of those we have quoted
hitherto in its frank anti-Austrian spirit and expression:
"We want to expose and show up before the whole world the _intolerable
state of foreign domination over us_. You cannot prevent us, not only
before a helpless curtailed parliament, not only before an illusory
high court, but before the whole world, raising our voice against the
Premier who is a typical representative of that _Austria whose mere
existence is a constant and automatic prolongation of the war. One of
the obstacles to peace is the oppression of nationalities in Austria_
and their domination by the Germans. _In this war the Germans, even if
they do not openly admit it, have come to the conclusion that the
German hegemony in Central Europe, and especially in Austria, is
standing on its last legs_. Since they see that their predominance can
no longer be maintained, they endeavour to translate all that they have
acquired into reality, so as to secure the spoils for themselves. Thus
the Germans conceived the idea of establishing a province
'Deutschböhmen' which must be prepared by the establishment of district
governments. From this a very interesting conclusion may be
drawn--_that the Germans themselves lost faith in the further existence
of Austria_, otherwise they would not be in a hurry to save their
province Deutschböhmen in the present Austria. Because they rather wish
for no Austria than for an Austria where they would not be able to
rule, _they are already counting upon the break-up of Austria:_ since
the Germans do not want to accept the solution of a free Danubian
confederation of nations, they prepare already their union with the
Hohenzollerns.
"But then we must ask the Germans to take nothing with them that does
not belong to them. It is more than questionable whether Deutschböhmen
really is German.
"There is another reason which speaks against the creation of a
Deutschböhmen. I am convinced that _if a plebiscite were carried out
among German people in Northern Bohemia, they would declare against
separation from Bohemia_. Why? Because the Germans are too clever not
to know that Bohemia forms not only a historical and geographical
unity, but that this unity has besides a historical basis, also a
practical foundation. The relation between the Czech part of Bohemia
and Northern Bohemia is to a large degree the relation of the consumer
and the producer. Where do you want to export your articles if not to
your Czech hinterland? How could the German manufacturers otherwise
exist? When after the war a Czecho-Slovak State is erected, _the
Germans of Bohemia will much rather remain in Bohemia and live on good
terms with the Czech peasant than be identified with Germany,
boycotted, opposed and hated by the whole world_, especially if we
guarantee, not only by promises, but by deeds and laws, full autonomy
to the German population within the Bohemian State.
"_The real question which puzzles us to-day is: How can Austria exist
at all?_ That is the question. And I again repeat solemnly Palacký's
word that _Austria may exist only so long as her nations wish for it_,
and that _she will cease to exist_ as soon as her nations do not want
her to exist. The Slav nations of Austria declared clearly and
emphatically their wishes and desires in their proclamations. If
instead of working for the conversion of the ruling factor in favour of
these wishes Dr. Seidler shows us Gessler's hat of Austria with a
German head and backbone, then let him remember that _we shall hate
this Austria for all eternity_ (loud cheers and applause) _and we shall
fight her, and God willing, we shall in the end smash her to pieces so
completely that nothing will remain of her_."
_The President:_ "I cannot admit such an expression about this state
and I call the deputy to order."
_Dr. Stránský_: "Excellency, I really do not deserve such a rebuke. It
would be sad if we could not speak freely and with proper emphasis
against a state form which has been imposed upon us.
"Let Dr. Seidler remember that _we regard Austria, whose integrity
according to him must not be questioned, as a centuries-old crime on
the liberties of humanity. Let him remember that it is not only our
political intention, not only our instinct of self-preservation, but
our highest duty and--do not hesitate to say so--our national religion
and our greatest moral mission to damage Austria wherever and whenever
possible, and that our loyalty to our own nation, to our native
country, to our history, to our future and to the Bohemian Crown,
prompts us to betray Austria which is backed up by Germany. We are
therefore determined faithfully to betray her whenever and wherever we
can_. I tell you further, gentlemen, that this state, this Austria
which Seidler talks about, is not a state at all. _It is a hideous,
centuries-old dream, a nightmare, a beast, and nothing else_. It is a
state without a name, it is _a constitutional monarchy without a crown
and without a constitution_. For what kind of a constitution is it if
it has not the necessary confirmation by oath and won the general
approval of nations because it was found to be untenable? _It is a
state without patriots and without patriotism_, it is a state which
arose by the amalgamation of eight irredents--the German one
included--it is a state which had no future and in which the dynasty
... (suppressed) ... in a word, it is a state which is no state at all.
_As a matter of fact, Austria no longer exists_, it is an absurdity and
an impossibility. If I spoke about Czech regiments which went to
embrace their 'enemies,' I must admit that personally I know nothing
about them except what I heard from my German colleagues who persist in
making complaints against us. We believe every word of what they say to
be true, but ... (suppressed by censor). Did you ever hear that a
husband conscious of his honour and respectability told the whole world
about the infidelity of his wife who left him because he ill-treated
her? No, because the husband knows that it is his shame and not hers.
_And if Czecho-Slovak brigades are to-day fighting against
Austria-Hungary it is only a proof that there is something very wrong
with Austria, that Austria is more rotten than Shakespeare's Denmark._
For what other state has soldiers who ran over voluntarily to the
enemy? You keep on saying that England has the Irish problem. _Did you
ever hear of Irish brigades, did you ever hear that any French legions
were fighting for the Central Powers against France_, or Russian
legions against Russia when we were at war with Russia? Indeed,
gentlemen, not even Turkey has any legions fighting with the enemy
against her. _There must therefore be some deep reason for
Czecho-Slovak, Polish and Yugoslav legions fighting on the side of the
Entente_."
We think that any comments on this explicit declaration, in which a Czech
deputy representing his whole nation openly expressed hope for the
dismemberment of Austria and praised the Czecho-Slovak troops fighting for
the Allies, are superfluous.