HOW MUCH SOCIALISM DO OUR PEOPLE WANT?

Bryan Suggests that "Individualism"

Best Defines Limit to Be Set

on Socialistic Tendencies.

A tendency toward factional alignment at present characterizes the radical

movement which has been sweeping over the country. The different elements

of that movement are beginning to offer their individual claims for

recognition. At this juncture William Jennings Bryan contributes to the

_Century_ an important article on "Individualism _versus_ Socialism," in

which he seeks to dispel the fogs which have enveloped the economic

situation. First, he defines the two terms opposed in his title:

For the purpose of this discussion individualism will be

defined as the private ownership of the means of production

and distribution where competition is possible, leaving to

public ownership those means of production and distribution

in which competition is practically impossible; and

socialism will be defined as the collective ownership,

through the state, of all the means of production and

distribution.

Mr. Bryan points out that much of the strength shown by socialism is due

to the fact that "socialists advocate certain reforms which individualists

also advocate."

Take, for illustration, the public ownership of water-works;

it is safe to say that a large majority of the people living

in cities of any considerable size favor their public

ownership--individualists because it is practically

impossible to have more than one water system in a city, and

socialists on the general ground that the government should

own all the means of production and distribution. Then, too,

some of the strength of socialism is due to its condemnation

of abuses which, while existing under individualism, are not

at all necessary to individualism--abuses which the

individualists are as anxious as the socialists to remedy.

It is not only consistent with individualism, but is a

necessary implication of it, that the competing parties

should be placed upon substantially equal footing; for

competition is not worthy of that name if one party is able

arbitrarily to fix the terms of the agreement, leaving the

other with no choice but to submit.

The civil service, says Mr. Bryan, is our nearest approach to ideal

socialism. Does it afford a stimulus to the higher development of the

civil servants?

Justice requires that each individual shall receive from

society a reward proportionate to his contribution to

society. Can the state, acting through officials, make this

apportionment better than it can be made by competition? At

present official favors are not distributed strictly

according to merit, either in republics or in monarchies; it

is certain that socialism would insure a fairer division of

rewards? If the government operates all the factories, all

the farms, and all the stores, there must be superintendents

as well as workmen; there must be different kinds of

employment, some more pleasant, some less pleasant. Is it

likely that any set of men can distribute the work or fix

the compensation to the satisfaction of all?

At present private monopoly is putting upon individualism an

undeserved odium, and it behooves the individualist to

address himself energetically to this problem in order that

the advantages of competition may be restored to industry.

And the duty of immediate action is made more imperative by

the fact that the socialist is inclined to support the

monopoly, in the belief that it will be easier to induce the

government to take over an industry after it has passed into

the hands of a few men.

In the substance of his opinion Mr. Bryan's "individualism" does not seem

to be very far removed from Fabian socialism--or at least not from such

socialism as is expressed, say, by Robert Hunter, who said not long ago,

while speaking about the problems of poverty:

I have been asked if I think socialism is the cure for these

evils. As we do not know what state socialism would bring

about, we cannot say. But I am sure that certain socialistic

measures are necessary. We need municipal tenements, as they

have in Liverpool, Birmingham, and London, where the

children will have healthful surroundings, plenty of places

to play, and there are no landlords to exact profits.

Other places have nationalized the coal fields, and the poor

get coal at cost. At Rochester, in England, the death-rate

has been cut down one-half by the municipalization of the

milk-supply, and the children of the poor, instead of the

pale-blue poison they used to have, get a fine, healthful

food. These are socialistic measures, and every advance we

make is toward socialism.

The Scrap Book, Volume 1, No. 4 June 1906 · 第 4 / 147 题