Raspoutine had very accurately taken stock of the mental caliber of the

half-demented Czarina, and while carefully avoiding discussing or even

touching upon the subject of politics with her, he had contrived to

persuade her to trust those so-called statesmen of whom he was but the

instrument. As time went on she became more and more anxious to

communicate with these spirits of the other world, in whose existence

she had been led to believe as firmly as in that of the Divinity itself.

Raspoutine, whenever he prayed in her presence, pretended to get into

trances during which he told her things which he assured her he did not

remember later on, but which he persuaded her he had been inspired by

the celestial powers to tell. She was kept by him and by Anna Wyrubewa

in a state of semi-hypnotism, which went so far that sometimes she was

herself seized with attacks of convulsions bordering on epilepsy, during

the long prayers in which she used to spend half of her days and most of

her nights. The superstitious fears which had always haunted her were

played upon by these clever adventurers whom she had admitted into the

secret of her thoughts. She was finally convinced that her duty as a

Russian Empress required of her to sacrifice herself for the welfare of

her subjects, and to induce her husband to sign a peace that would put

an end to the useless and terrible slaughter that had transformed the

whole of Russia into one vast churchyard.

She still labored under the illusion that the dynasty was popular and

that every decision of the Czar would be received with respect and

gratitude by the nation. Though she knew that she was personally

disliked, she did not imagine that this dislike extended itself to the

Emperor, and she never supposed that, even in regard to her own person,

the hatred of which she was the object existed anywhere else than among

the aristocratic circles of Petrograd society. In one word, she believed

in the power of autocracy, and she worked as hard as she could to

consolidate it by getting Nicholas II. to appoint as his Ministers and

advisers men who shared her opinions on this point, and who were ready

to crush with the greatest vigor and the utmost severity every attempt

to shake the prestige and the authority of the Crown.

Of course, the fact that the country was at war made her path most

difficult; for this very reason she thought it was indispensable for the

safety of the dynasty and of her son that peace should be concluded. She

did not care in the least for the secret treaties or obligations Russia

had assumed. To her, honor was but a question of opportunism. She set

the existence of the Romanoffs before their self-respect. Her German

blood made her lose sight of the real interests of her husband and of

her children.

Here we must pause a moment and touch upon a point that has been as

much discussed as it has remained mysterious to this day. Was Raspoutine

a German agent directly employed by the Kaiser to persuade the

half-demented Czarina that it was her duty to put an end to the war? Or

was he simply the instrument of other people more in possession of the

secret of Germany’s schemes than himself? Personally I am inclined to

believe this second version of his activity. Raspoutine was far too

ignorant and uncouth to have been taken into the confidence of William

II., but Mr. Sturmer, Mr. Manassavitch-Maniuloff, and Mr. Protopopoff

undoubtedly were confidants of the Kaiser. They had been promised, most

likely, large sums of money for their co-operation in this vile

intrigue, which even after their fall was to be renewed and, as we have

unfortunately seen, renewed with success.

I shall not repeat here the story of Mr. Protopopoff’s famous journey to

Sweden, where he got into direct touch with agents of the German

Government. I shall not even return to the subject of the negotiations

begun by him and continued by Mr. Sturmer. All this is now a matter of

history, and what I am writing here only concerns the personal part

played by the Empress in this dark plot, directed against all the Allies

of Russia in the war as well as against Russia herself. I am only

concerned with Alexandra Feodorowna and her share in the catastrophe

which was to send her a captive and an exile to that distant Siberia

whither so many innocent people had been banished by her husband.

I wish to explain how it could have become possible for her to be

transformed into an active agent of German ambition on the Russian

Throne. She was, as we have seen, only half-responsible for her actions.

Her intelligence had never been properly balanced and self-control had

never been taught her. She had, however, principles, and very strong

ones, too, which had stood between her and temptation in the serious

sentimental crisis of her life. But this resistance to what perhaps had

been the one passion she had known, except her love for her son, had

helped to overthrow her mental balance. She had given to God,

represented by a Divinity of her own created by her imagination, all the

affection she had not been allowed to expend on earth, and full of a

spirit of self-sacrifice as stupid as it was devoid of any ground to

stand upon. She had fancied that she could work out her personal

salvation, together with that of her family and subjects, in restoring

to the country whose Empress she happened to be the blessings of a peace

that would stop the effusion of blood the thought of which robbed her of

sleep at night and repose by day.

She was living in a state which most certainly was bordering on

insanity, and she had entirely lost the faculty of discriminating

between what was reality and what was a dream. Raspoutine held her in a

kind of trance, which was further aggravated by the long fasts to which

he obliged her to submit. She was told that she was the victim chosen by

the Almighty to expiate all the sins of the Russian Empire, that it was

only through constant prayer, combined with all kinds of other

mortifications, that she could hope to see restored the peace of her

mind and the health of her son. It is probable that she suffered from

hallucinations during which she saw, as in a cloud, the rising shapes of

soldiers killed in battle, clamoring to her to stop the useless

massacres going on in the Polish plains where they had fallen. Is it a

wonder that, unconscious of aught else than this condition of

self-reproach to which she had been reduced, she tried to end her own

sufferings, as well as the misery which had fallen upon her country, by

disregarding all the advice she received from her real friends and

making the most frantic efforts to induce her husband to accept the

peace terms which the Kaiser had more than once caused to be secretly

conveyed to him?

Nicholas II. was also weary of the struggle, but he realized better than

his wife the impossibility which existed for him of acting independently

of his Allies. He had Ministers who, in spite of their respect for his

person and authority, would not have hesitated to point out to him the

grave consequences which a defection of Russia would mean for the whole

cause of the Allied nations, who, after all, had been entangled in this

disastrous war because they had rushed to his help and to that of his

people.

Sturmer, who had for a short time taken the conduct of Foreign Affairs

in his hands, had been compelled to resign, owing to the opposition

which he had encountered in the Duma, and especially owing to the

masterful speech in which Professor Miliukoff had exposed all the vices

and all the crimes of his administration. His retreat had not had for

consequence a diminution of his favor or of his influence; he still

remained the trusted adviser of both Czar and Czarina. Together with him

were working Protopopoff, who pretended that he would be strong enough,

with the help of the hundreds, nay thousands of police agents he had at

his disposal, to crush every attempt at a revolution; Madame Wyrubewa;

and, last but not least, the formidable Raspoutine, whose influence had

proved wide enough to cause the postponement of the trial for blackmail

of his confederate, Manassavitch-Maniuloff. A bank director from whom he

had tried to extort 25,000 rubles had denounced the latter to the

military authorities, and, in spite of the angry protest of Mr.

Sturmer, whose confidential adviser he had become, he had been

imprisoned and sent before a jury.

But even the efforts of these people combined could not move Nicholas

II. to act in accordance with their wishes, because, as I have said, he

still had Ministers unwilling to betray the country into the hands of

its enemies. The head of the Cabinet was Mr. Trepoff, an honest man

credited with liberal sympathies, who, at all events, would not lend

himself to anything that could be interpreted into the light of a

treason of Russia in regard to her Allies. Unfortunately, he could not

hold out against the attacks that were directed against him by all the

pro-German party, and after he had fallen the latter felt at last free

to act as it liked, because Prince Galitzyne, who had accepted the

difficult position of Prime Minister in a country already standing on

the brink of ruin, was far too timid a man to dare express an opinion of

his own, after the Sovereign had once spoken and signified his will to

him.

XXII

THE REMOVAL OF THE “PROPHET”

There is a well-known Latin proverb which says that the gods begin by

depriving of their reason those whom they mean to destroy.

Never was its truth more forcibly illustrated than in the tragedy which

brought about the fall of the autocratic system of government under

which Russia had been suffering for centuries. Its last representative

had incarnated in his person all the follies, the crimes, the mistakes,

and the ruthless cruelty of his predecessors. Unlike them, he had not

known how to temper them by personal authority or personal sympathy. He

was an effeminate, degenerate descendant of strong ancestors; the whole

atavism of a doomed race seemed to have become embodied in his weak

individuality. If outside catastrophes had not occurred in his reign, it

is still likely that he would have been compelled by a revolution of

some kind or other to step back into an obscurity out of which he ought

never to have emerged, because he was most certainly not able to bear

the rays of the “fierce light which beats upon a throne.” It is,

however, possible that none of those supreme calamities which destroy

the independence and self-respect of nations as well as of individuals

would have been connected with his name and history. But destiny

condemned him to remain forever, in the annals of the world, a living

proof of the degeneracy which threatens all royal houses who do not

possess sufficient energy to stand in perfect union with their people

whenever a trial of some kind comes to threaten their mutual existence.

It would have been hard enough to be branded by the centuries to come as

the last of the Romanoffs and as an unworthy Heir of Peter the Great. It

was worse than hard for Russia, even more than for Nicholas II., to have

to realize that, through stupidity, weakness of character, and an

exaggerated opinion of his own power and might, he had been the direct

cause of the ruin of his country and the means of plunging it into an

abyss of distress and of anarchy from which it will take the work of

several generations to redeem it.

His wife was the instrument of his destruction. About this last point

there cannot exist any doubt whatever. She had a character stronger than

his and she could speak to him in the name of the son to whom they were

both so completely devoted. She could also appeal to his religious and

superstitious feelings, which, though not as exaggerated as her own and

not quite so foolishly carried to extremes, were yet also devoid of

sound common sense. They were connected with the conviction that he had

a mission to perform in regard to the future of his subjects, and to

their welfare both in this world and in the next. Nicholas II. had in

his character something of the traits of Caligula and other Roman

emperors--a mixture of cruelty and theatrical sentimentality combined

with cowardice in presence of danger and indecision before immediate

peril. He never knew what it meant to play the game, and he perished

because he refused to fight it out on the day that he discovered his

adversary held all the trumps.

In the mean while the war was going on, claiming every day new victims.

The insufficiency of the Government to face its various problems became

more patent. Instead of applying himself to the task of coping with

them, the Czar became absorbed, thanks to the remonstrances of his wife,

in the one thought of how to consolidate his own authority, reduce to

silence the protestations of the country and those of its

representatives in the Duma, and conclude a peace with Germany which

would allow him to make an appeal to his troops to help him to crush

once more the Revolution which was hammering at his door, which he

imagined he could subdue as easily as he had annihilated the one that

had broken out after the Japanese campaign.

These were splendid plans indeed, and the Empress was already rejoicing

at their success, in ignorance of the revolt which was shaking public

opinion out of its previous apathy, a revolt which had extended itself

to her own family. Bad as were most of the Grand Dukes, dissolute as

their conduct had ever been, yet they had in their veins the blood of

Catherine the Great and of all the dead and gone Romanoffs. They rose in

rebellion against the gang of adventurers who were dishonoring the chief

of their race and of their dynasty.

By that time the name of the Empress was being dragged in the dirt

by every street boy, and open comments were made in public places

in regard to her friendship, not to call it by another name, for

Raspoutine--comments which were devoid of truth, because there was never

any immorality in their relations, but which were generally believed,

perhaps, because it would have been impossible for any one to guess that

it was through superstitious practices that the “Prophet” had contrived

to get absolute hold of her mind.

The Imperial Family felt the degradation to which this common peasant

had reduced it, and though they had no reason in the world to like

Nicholas II., yet they resented the humiliation which any slur upon the

reputation of his wife conferred upon him as well. After all, Alexandra

Feodorowna was the mother of the future Czar, and as such she ought to

inspire respect in the Russian nation. If she did not realize this fact

herself, others had to do it for her and rid her of a contact which was

a slur. Besides, there was the hope that if once the adventurer was

removed she could be brought to look upon the world from a more

reasonable point of view. The principal thing was to deliver her from

this evil adviser who was fast leading her, as well as the dynasty, to

inevitable destruction and ruin.

The story of Raspoutine’s assassination is too well known to be repeated

here. At any time it would have broken the heart of the poor, misguided

Czarina. But coming at the moment it took place, it did something

more--it deprived her of what she considered to be her only moral

support amid the troubles of her life, the possibility of communicating

with the spirit of the man whom she had loved, who she felt sure was

watching over her and over her child, from the heavens.

In the weeks preceding the murder of the “Prophet” he had subjected the

Empress almost every evening to the agony of these prayer-meetings

during which he communicated to her the so-called wishes of her dead

friend, who, as he said, advised her, through his medium, as to what

she ought to do to avert the dangers which were hovering over her head.

The miserable woman used to listen to these revelations with anxious

eagerness, and pray, pray, with a fervor she had never known before, for

the strength to obey the commandments of a spirit who in death, as well

as in life, had proved to be her best, and indeed her only, friend. Is

it a wonder that the last remnants of sanity which were still left to

her snapped under this terrible strain, and that at last she became the

mere shadow of her former self, a fit subject for a lunatic asylum,

where, indeed, she ought, for the good of everybody, to have been

confined?

Her conduct after she had been told of the murder of the creature whom

she revered as a Prophet of God was quite in accord with her character,

such as it had developed itself through all the years during which she

had allowed her mind to be invaded with superstitious notions, which

would have been laughable if they had not been so pathetic. Her only

thought was that of vengeance. She exercised it with a relentlessness

which set against her the few people left in Petrograd who might have

felt inclined to take her part and to pity her in this tragedy of her

life. She left no peace for the Czar until he had exiled the persons

whom she knew to have been the authors of the deed. When she was

implored to take pity on the young Grand-Duke Dmitry, and not have him

sent to the Persian front, where there existed so many epidemics that it

was hardly likely he would ever come back again, she had merely smiled

and coldly said:

“Why should I pity him? He did not pity others.”

And yet public feeling was so strong against her, and so entirely in

favor of those who had had the courage to rid Russia of a man who had

proved so fatal to it, that the schemes of revenge of Alexandra

Feodorowna suffered a collapse. Mighty and powerful as Nicholas II.

believed himself to be, yet he understood that the best thing he could

do would be to let silence and oblivion fall over a crime that was

eminently popular in the whole country. He had heard of the telegrams of

congratulation, and of the flowers which had been sent to both his

cousin Dmitry Pawlowitch and to the husband of his niece, young Prince

Youssoupoff, as well as the joy to which the population of Petrograd had

given way when it had become aware of the fate of the adventurer whose

name had been so prominently and so sadly associated with that of the

Empress of All the Russias. Perhaps at heart he was not so very sorry at

an event which had certainly rid him of a great incumbrance.

Nicholas II. had always practised dissimulation to a considerable

extent, and he had never allowed outsiders to guess what was going on in

his mind. During the days which followed upon the disappearance of

Raspoutine he certainly expressed great sympathy for the grief of his

wife, but at the same time he did not, as she expected, cause the

perpetrators of the murder of this low adventurer to be prosecuted

publicly for their daring action. This apathy exasperated Alexandra

Feodorowna.

During the last weeks of Raspoutine’s life he had been working,

conjointly with Sturmer and Protopopoff, toward convincing her to lend

herself to a Palace revolution which would have overturned her husband

and made little Alexis Czar under her own Regency. She had been told

over and over again that she possessed all the great talents of

Catherine II., that the Emperor was not a better man than Peter III. She

had been made acquainted with his unpopularity, but at the same time

persuaded that this unpopularity was a purely personal thing and that it

did not extend itself to the person of the Heir to the Throne, nor even

to her own. As Regent she could do any amount of good, and conclude

peace with Germany the more easily that she was not bound by the terms

of the agreement entered into by Mr. Sazonoff with the Entente, in the

name of Nicholas II.

The foolish woman believed absolutely all the nonsense which was being

constantly poured into her ears. Her ambition and lust for revenge over

her enemies also played a part in this whole tragedy. She therefore

began wondering whether, after all, she ought not to follow the advice

which she had received from Heaven, as she fondly imagined, through the

mouth of Raspoutine. She would have liked to be able to consult once

again the spirit of Colonel Orloff so as to relieve her perplexity,

because she had still sufficient scruples to hesitate before allowing

those whom she considered to be her friends to use her name for the

execution of a Palace revolution directed against her own husband, whom

she may not have loved, but whom she still respected as the Czar of All

the Russias.

It is at this juncture that a new incident occurred, the real details of

which have never yet transpired. Raspoutine, just before he had been

murdered, had introduced to the Empress a Tibetan doctor with whom he

was on terms of intimate friendship, telling her that he was a man of

great ability, devoted to occult sciences, had studied them in the

convents of his country, and who was quite able to perform miracles.

This man, whose name was Badmaieff, certainly saw Alexandra Feodorowna

several times, and it was reported that he gave her certain drugs which

he told her she ought to administer to the Emperor in secret, drugs

which would make him quite subservient to her will. Whether she used

them or not it is impossible to say. Young Prince Youssoupoff declared

immediately after the Revolution that she had done so, and that in

consequence of this experiment Nicholas II.’s will, which had always

been a weak one, had completely disappeared, until he had been reduced

to the condition of a puppet in the strong hands of his wife. But this

assertion, coming as it did from a personage who could not have nursed

kind feelings in regard to the Empress, must be accepted with caution.

It is a fact, however, that those in attendance on the Sovereign

remarked more than once that he seemed at times to have lost the real

consciousness of what was going on around him, that his eyes had

acquired a vague, dazed look they had never worn before.

It is out of this introduction of Badmaieff into the intimacy of the

Czarina that the rumor arose that Raspoutine, together with Anna

Wyrubewa, had tried to administer slow poison to the small Grand-Duke

Alexis. Such a thing had never taken place, and indeed it could never

have occurred if one considers the fact that the strongest trump in the

game played by the pro-German agents who were leading Russia to its ruin

was precisely the little Cesarewitsch, without whose existence it would

have been impossible for them to think of making out of Alexandra

Feodorowna a Regent of the Russian Empire. They had, therefore, the

greatest interest in keeping the child in as good a state of health as

possible, and he was far too delicate for them to try any experiment

upon him. On the other hand, the necessity of getting rid by natural

means of the Czar himself was so evident that it would not be surprising

if the superstitious mind of his Consort had been influenced so as to

persuade her to lend herself to what she had been told was nothing but a

religious practice, but which in reality was an attempt to accomplish by

this means what it would perhaps not have proved wise to try and bring

about in another way.

XXIII

ANNA COMES TO THE RESCUE

In the course of an interview which Anna Wyrubewa gave to a foreign

newspaper correspondent a short while after she had been released from

the fortress of SS. Peter and Paul, where she was confined for about

three months following the outbreak of the Revolution, she said that the

Empress Alexandra had never been so near to insanity as during the weeks

which followed upon the murder of Raspoutine. What she failed to relate,

however, was the manner in which she succeeded in preventing the

half-balanced mind of the miserable woman from snapping altogether under

the strain put upon it by circumstances.

Confessions of the Czarina · 第 12 / 16 段