The arrival in this country of an embassy from Japan, the first political
delegation ever vouchsafed to a foreign nation by that reticent and jealous
people, is now a topic of universal interest. It is well understood, that,
by the efforts of the government of the United States, the traditional
policy of Japan, which for more than two hundred years forbade all freedom
of intercourse with the surrounding world, has been so effectively
subverted that its reëstablishment is now impossible. Within eight years
the barriers of Japanese seclusion have been removed, and the extreme
prejudice against foreign communications almost obliterated. That this has
been accomplished with a prudent and just regard for the rights and
feelings of this singular race, the appointment of an embassy to the
particular government which first successfully invaded its long cherished
privacy abundantly proves.
The countries of Japan and China, and everything directly concerning them,
have always claimed a peculiar consideration. Their self-imposed isolation,
the mystery with which they have sought to surround themselves, the
extraordinary habits and character of the people, the evidences of an
earlier civilization in China--formerly supposed also to have extended to
Japan--than is recorded of any other existing nation, account for the
curious attention that has been bestowed upon them. Although now known to
be entirely distinct, the Chinese and Japanese, by reason of the similarity
of their occupations, customs, religion, written language, dress, and so
forth, were for a long time looked upon as kindred races, and esteemed
alike. Probably even at this time popular appreciation makes little
distinction between the two countries. But since the necessities of
commerce have recently compelled a somewhat vigorous interference with
their seclusion, we begin to get a clearer understanding of the subject. We
find, that, while, on close examination, the imagined attractions of China
disappear, those of Japan become only more definite and substantial. The
old interest in China is transferred to its worthier neighbor; for, in
spite of all Celestial and Flowery preconceptions, it is impossible to view
with any sincere interest a nation so palsied, so corrupt, so wretchedly
degraded, and so enfeebled by misgovernment, as to be already more than
half sunk in decay; while, on the other hand, the real vigor, thrift, and
intelligence of Japan, its great and still advancing power, and the rich
promise of its future are such as to reward the most attentive study. Its
commanding position, its wealth, its commercial resources, and the quick
intelligence of its people--not at all inferior to that of the people of
the West, although naturally restricted in its development--give to Japan,
now that it is about to emerge from its chrysalis condition, and unfold
itself to the outer world, an importance far above that of any other
Eastern country.
We propose to relate, with necessary brevity, what is most important of the
little that is known of this interesting people. All records bearing upon
the subject are imperfect, and the best of them are more profuse in
speculation and surmise than in solid fact. The information possessed has
been drawn bit by bit from the reluctant Japanese. The difficulties of
investigation have been almost insurmountable,--no visitor, during two
hundred years, having been allowed the slightest freedom of association
with the people, or opportunity for travel. With very few exceptions,
foreigners have been confined to the extremest limit of the islands, and
forbidden even to leave the coast; and in no case has any disposition been
shown to satisfy the curious demands of those who have attempted to break
through the national reserve.
The origin of the Japanese is still involved in obscurity, and the date of
the settlement of the islands is unknown. The boldest theory is, that a
tribe proceeded thither directly from the land of Shinar, at the division
of the races. In support of this, the purity of the Japanese language,
which, in its primitive form, bears very slight affinity to any other
tongue, and the evident dissimilarity of the people to those of any other
Asiatic country, are adduced. The more general belief is, that the Japanese
are an offshoot of the Mongol family, and that their emigration to these
islands was at so remote a period that tradition has preserved no
recollection of it. The favorite idea, that the first settlements were by
Chinese, has long been set aside, except by the Chinese themselves, whose
custom is to claim the origin of everything, and who still assume to
consider Japan as a sort of province under their dominion. The fact is,
that, to the Japanese, a Chinaman is the most worthless and contemptible
object in Nature. The Chinese have, however, a fanciful legend in which
they find an irresistible argument upon their side of the question. A
certain Emperor, they say, seeking to prolong his life, demanded of the
court physician an elixir of immortality. The physician modestly declared
his ignorance of any such preparation, but, after receiving a significant
hint, involving the loss of his head, recollected himself, and acknowledged
that an herb of immortality did certainly exist, but that its delicacy was
so rare it could be properly culled only by the most chaste hands. He thus
succeeded in securing three hundred brave young men, and the same number of
virtuous young women, whose twelve hundred chaste hands were at once
consecrated to the plucking of the magical plant, which was declared to
grow only in the islands of the sea. Once out of the Emperor's reach, all
thought of the particular duty in hand was instantly abolished, and
superseded by a successful effort to establish a new nation, which in time
resolved itself into Japan.
This, although satisfactory to the Chinese, fails to convince less
credulous investigators. While the Japanese and Chinese have, perhaps, more
common characteristics than can be readily explained with our present
knowledge of them, yet no fact is better demonstrated than that they are
wholly distinct races. There is an opinion, for which there is reasonable
ground, that one of the earliest rulers of Japan was a Chinese invader, who
founded the dynasty of the Mikados, or Spiritual Emperors; but, if this
were so, it is evident that the conquerors must have mingled with the
native inhabitants, and soon lost their identity. This would in a measure
account for the prevalence of certain Chinese habits and customs in Japan.
The question of Japanese origin remains yet undecided. Its earlier history,
previous to the year 660 B.C., is mostly fabulous. There are the usual
legends of dignitaries in close relationship with every member of the solar
system, who were accustomed to reign an indefinite number of
years,--generally some thousands. Beginning with 660 B.C., we have
something authentic. At that time a warrior whose name signified "the
divine conqueror"--(the supposed Chinese invader)--entered Japan, and
assumed the control of its destinies. He called himself "Mikado," and
established his court at Miako, in Nipon, the largest of the group of
islands, where he built temples and palaces, both spiritual and
secular. Claiming to rule by divine right, he exercised the sole functions
of the government, which, upon his death, descended to his heir, and
thenceforward in direct order of succession. The Mikado, by reason of his
superhuman dignities, was invested with a sanctity that gradually became
irksome, shutting him out, as it did, from all fellowship with men, and
compelling him to forego all familiar intercourse with even the highest
nobles around his throne. Consequently arose the custom of abdication at a
very early age by the Mikados, in favor of their children, for whom they
acted as regents, circulating freely, upon their descent to mere mundane
authority, with the rest of the court. By this course, however, the
integrity of the government was weakened, and, dissensions arising, the
stability of the throne was endangered by the agressions of some of the
more powerful princes. In the twelfth century, it happened that a Mikado,
particularly alive to the vanities of the world, not only gave up his
station to his son, then three years old, but also renounced the labors of
the regency, which were intrusted to the infant monarch's grandfather,
whose first exercise of power was the immediate imprisonment of the
abdicator. This was worse than had been bargained for, and a contest
ensued, which terminated in favor of the ex-Mikado, owing to the valor of a
young warrior prince named Yoritomo. The prisoner was released, and himself
assumed the regency; but from that moment the strength of the Mikados was
gone. Yoritomo, having demonstrated that his power was superior to that of
the spiritual lord, demanded and obtained the rank and title of
"Ziogoon",--General, or General-in-Chief. He at first divided with the
Mikado the duties of the government, but by degrees succeeded in
concentrating in himself the real supremacy. From him descended the
temporal sovereignty of Japan, which has ever since overbalanced the
spiritual authority, although the first nominal rank is still accorded to
the Mikado.
In the year 1295, the existence of Japan was first announced to the Western
world. Marco Polo, returning from his Asiatic travels, related all that he
had learned of a vast island lying to the east of China, and even
designated its position on his maps. He called it Zipangu, the name he had
heard in China. This narration was not received with much credit, and was,
until the sixteenth century, generally forgotten. It is a singular fact,
that the record left by Marco Polo had a strong influence in deciding the
convictions of Christopher Columbus, whose expectation in sailing from
Spain was to discover the island spoken of by the Venetian voyager. But the
ambition of Columbus was otherwise satisfied, and Japan was not visited by
the representatives of any Western nation until the year 1543, or 1545,
when a party of Portuguese, among whom was Ferdinand Mendez Pinto, were
driven by a storm upon the coast, and forced to take shelter in the
province of Bungo, upon the island of Kiu-siu. The account of this visit,
given by Pinto, is full of interest, and, notwithstanding the questionable
character that clings to his writings, is without doubt correct in almost
every particular.
At the time when fortune threw these wanderers upon the Japanese coast,
there was disinclination to admit strangers, or to communicate with them in
the most liberal manner. They were warmly received, and treated with great
consideration. The same friendship appeared to animate both parties. The
Portuguese made presents of arms and ammunition to the Japanese, who, with
ready skill, soon discovered the methods of manufacturing others for
themselves. The Japanese consented that Portuguese commerce should be
introduced, and the King of Bungo authorized an annual visit from a
Portuguese ship. Thus commercial relations were established, and at the
same time a religious mission, led by St. Francis Xavier, was despatched to
Japan. The prospects of trade and the new principles of religion were
welcomed with equal readiness. The visitors were restricted in no manner
whatever. Converts to Christianity were almost without number. When Xavier
departed from Japan, in 1551, he left behind him thousands of ardent and
enthusiastic professors of his faith, and a religious sentiment that
promised speedily to extend its influences throughout the land.
The government openly encouraged the diffusion of Christianity. The Ziogoon
Nobanunga, who then reigned, having been importuned by native priests to
expel the foreign missionaries, inquired how many different religions there
were in Japan. "Thirty-five", was the reply. "Well," said he, "where
thirty-five sects can be tolerated, we can easily bear with
thirty-six. Leave the strangers in peace". Some of the most powerful
princes espoused the Christian religion, and about the year 1584, a
mission, consisting of two young Japanese noblemen, attended by two
counsellors of less rank, was sent to Rome by the subordinate kings of
Bungo and Arima, and the Prince of Omura, in testimony of the devotion of
those rulers. The people themselves hastened to the new faith with such
zeal as to win the warmest affections of all the missionaries who went
among them. Xavier wrote of them, "I know not when to cease, in speaking of
the Japanese; they are truly the delight of my heart."
So long as the mild teachings of Xavier and his Jesuit band prevailed, the
cause of Christianity advanced and prospered. But their field of labor was
soon invaded by multitudes of Dominicans and Franciscans from various
Portuguese settlements in Asia. By the persistent exercise of their best
faculties for mischief, these friars succeeded without much delay in
working irreparable injury where their predecessors had effected so much
good. They quarrelled, first among themselves, and then with the Jesuits,
until their strifes became the mockery of the people. The native priests of
the Siutoo and Buddhist religions took advantage of this state of things to
make a bold stand against the spread of the new doctrines. They organized a
force in the dominions of Omura, destroyed a Jesuit settlement and church,
and marched about in open rebellion against the authority of the
Prince. This movement, however, was checked without difficulty, and the
insurgents were overthrown in battle. The church was rebuilt at the place
now known as Nagasaki, which, an inferior village at that time, soon became
the centre of Portuguese commerce, and grew to great importance among
Japanese cities. But the friars continued their intrigues and tumults, in
spite of the growing contempt shown by the Japanese. Many of the Roman
clergy, moreover, assuming too great confidence in their easily gained
power, began to defy the usages of the country, and to adopt airs of
superiority quite at variance with the notions of the inhabitants upon that
subject. At the commencement of this altered condition of affairs, the
Ziogoon Nobanunga, who certainly was not unfavorably disposed to the
Christians, was assassinated, and his office and rank, after a series of
violent struggles, which lasted five years, fell to a man of humble origin,
but great talents, named Fide-yosi. This person had in his youth served
Nobanunga in the most menial capacity, but, owing partly to his remarkable
abilities, and partly to the circumstances which threw the succession into
so much confusion, he contrived to place himself, in the year 1587, at the
head of the nation. He then married the Mikado's daughter, and assumed the
name of Taiko-sama, with a view, perhaps, of dissociating himself as
completely as possible, in his exaltation, from the obscure individual
Fide-yosi, with whom, otherwise, he might not unnaturally be confounded.
The new Ziogoon cared very little for the operations of the Christians,
while they kept themselves free from interference in the political affairs
of the country, and respected its customs. But the offensive spirit of the
Portuguese laity was not to be repressed. Their manners grew more
intolerable, from year to year. In time the progress of conversion almost
ceased, and yet the Portuguese, blind to danger, disdained to retrace their
steps. At length the Ziogoon, having journeyed through that part of the
country mostly under Christian influences, suddenly determined to rid
himself of so dangerous an element, and issued an order for the expulsion
of all missionaries throughout the empire. This was resisted by some of the
converted nobles, and particularly by the young prince of Omura, whose
obstinacy was punished in a very summary way,--the Ziogoon seizing upon the
port of Nagasaki, and transferring it to his own immediate government. On
paying a heavy ransom, however, the prince was permitted to resume
authority in Nagasaki, and Taiko-sama, busily occupied with more important
affairs of state, neglected to enforce his decree of expulsion, and left
the Christians undisturbed for some years, until a new evidence of affront
once more aroused his indignation against them.
A Japanese nobleman and a Portuguese bishop, riding in their sedans, met,
one day, on a high-road of Nagasaki. The duty of the bishop, according to
the law of the country, was to alight and respectfully recognize the
nobleman. But, instead of doing this, he refused to tarry, and even turned
his head to the other side. Full of wrath, the nobleman made bitter
complaint to the Ziogoon, who from that time turned his heart more
resolutely than ever against the presumptuous and insolent foreigners. He
again assumed the direct government of Nagasaki, and was about to adopt
more vigorous measures, when he unexpectedly died, leaving the Christians a
few remaining years of probation.
Taiko-sama was undoubtedly the greatest monarch that ever reigned in Japan.
He succeeded in bringing for the first time into complete subjection the
numerous powerful princes who had previously held an almost undivided sway
in the larger provinces. By this means he consolidated the strength of the
nation, and was enabled to undertake some very brilliant conquests. A
letter sent by him to the Portuguese viceroy of Goa shows his own estimate
of his power, and his general opinion of the insignificance of the external
world.
"This vast monarchy," he wrote, "is like an immovable rock, and all the
efforts of its enemies will not be able to shake it. Thus not only am I at
peace at home, but persons come even from the most distant countries to
render me that homage which is my due. _Just now I am projecting the
subjugation of China;_ and as I have no doubt that I shall succeed in this
design, I trust that we shall soon be much nearer to each other.... As to
that which regards religion, Japan is the kingdom of the Kamis, that is to
say, of Xim, which is the principle of everything.... The [Jesuit] fathers
are come into these islands to teach another religion; but as that of the
Kamis is too well established to be abolished, this new law can only serve
to introduce into Japan a diversity of religion prejudicial to the welfare
of the state. That is why I have prohibited, by imperial edict, these
foreign doctors from continuing to preach their doctrine.... I desire,
nevertheless, that our commercial relations shall remain upon the same
footing."
In regard to the religion of Japan, which Taiko-sama lucidly and
felicitously expounds by pronouncing it the religion "of the Kamis,
[Princes, or Nobles,] that is to say, of Xim, which is the principle of
everything," it may be assumed that the Ziogoon had little thought of any
theological troubles that might arise. His apprehensions were purely of a
political nature. It is related that the captain of a Spanish man-of-war,
in attempting to explain the secret of the vast colonial possessions of
Spain, incautiously told Taiko that the introduction of Christianity into
heathen nations was the first step, and the only difficult one, conquest
naturally and easily following. Such an avowal was not likely to be lost
upon so acute a mind as Taiko's, and it may very probably have been one of
the immediate causes which induced his extreme hostility to the diffusion
of Christianity.
Taiko's warlike declarations were by no means vain boasts. He did invade
China, and spread such terror among the timid Celestials that they yielded
him all possible submission, giving him a number of Corean provinces, a
daughter of their Emperor in marriage, and the promise of an annual tribute
to Japan, in token of Japanese supremacy. The tribute not appearing at the
proper time, the Ziogoon immediately despatched a few armies to the Corea
and again destroyed the Celestial balance of mind. These forces, however,
were soon after recalled, in consequence of Taiko-sama's death.
During the first year of the reign of his successor, Ogosho-sama, the Dutch
appeared in Japan. A fleet of five ships, sent from Holland by the Indian
Company, had been dispersed in the Pacific, and, sickness breaking out
among the crews, only one ship remained. On board was an English pilot, a
man of some education, named William Adams, who suggested visiting Japan,
which was finally decided upon. In April, 1600, the Dutch vessel anchored
in the harbor of Bungo, and the crew were cordially received by the
people. But they found formidable enemies in the Portuguese and Spaniards
of Nagasaki, who assailed them with the most unjust aspersions, and
endeavored in every way to turn the prejudices of the Japanese against
them. Notwithstanding this, however, the Dutch were kindly treated,
although never permitted to leave the country again, on account of the
suspicions aroused by the imputations of the Portuguese. William Adams was
taken in charge by the Ziogoon himself, who found the Englishman so
valuable and instructive a person that he would never hear of his leaving
the imperial presence.
In 1609, other Dutch ships came to Japan, and, the scruples of the Ziogoon
having been set at rest, commercial relations were entered into. The Dutch
established a factory at Firando, in opposition to the Portuguese factory
at Nagasaki. A rivalry arose, heightened by the political and religious
feud between the nations, which was actively carried on for a number of
years. The Portuguese at first beset the Ziogoon with importunities for the
expulsion of the Dutch; but Ogosho-sama, in the most catholic spirit,
intimated, that, if devils from hell should take a fancy to visit his
realm, they should be treated like angels from heaven, so long as they
respected his laws.
In the midst of the jealous struggles of Dutch and Portuguese, came a new
application for Japanese favor. In June, 1613, a vessel, despatched for the
purpose by the English government, arrived at Firando, bearing letters and
presents from King James I. to the Ziogoon. These were graciously received,
and a commercial treaty of the most favorable character was at once
negotiated. Among other not less important privileges, the Ziogoon gave to
English merchants the following:--"Free license forever safely to come into
any of our ports of our Empire of Japan, with their ships and merchandise,
without any hindrance to them or their goods; and to abide, buy, sell, and
barter, according to their own manner with all nations; to tarry here as
long as they think good, and to depart at their pleasure"; also, "that,
without other passport, they shall and may set out upon the discovery of
Jesso or any other port in or about our Empire". The Ziogoon also sent a
letter, assuring the English monarch of his love and esteem, and announcing
that every facility desired in the way of trade would be gladly granted,
even to the establishment of a factory at Firando. A settlement was
accordingly made at that place, and commercial communications were
continued until about 1623, when they were voluntarily abandoned by the
English. It appears that their affairs were less successful than those of
the Dutch, who were stationed at the same port; but, whether from their own
misapprehension of the kind of merchandise needed for Japan, or from the
opposition of their rivals, who sought, in this case as in others, to
secure for themselves the monopoly of trade, is uncertain.
For some years after the departure of the English, the contests between the
Portuguese and Dutch grew more bitter and violent, and the arrogance of the
Portuguese more unbearable, until at length, in 1637, the climax of their
offences was reached, and the affections of the Japanese rulers, which, but
for their own follies, would always have been with them, were turned into
the most unrelenting hatred. The Portuguese, not content with the great
privileges they already enjoyed, formed a conspiracy with certain of the
native Christian princes to depose the Ziogoon, overturn the government,
and take the power into their own hands. Letters containing the details of
this plot were discovered by the Dutch, and straightway sent to the
monarch. The statement has been made by Spanish writers, that this
conspiracy had no existence excepting in Dutch invention, and that the
proofs of guilt were all forged for the purpose of more completely
destroying the Portuguese; but the evidence is too strong to be overthrown
by any such allegation. The result was, that imperial edicts were
immediately put forth, enjoining the expulsion of all Portuguese from the
islands, and the utter extirpation of the Christian religion. For nearly
two years there was a series of the most terrible persecutions. The
Portuguese were at length banished, and the native converts who rose in
rebellion against the decree were slaughtered by thousands, _the Dutch
themselves cooperating in the work of destruction_. The history of these
massacres is one of the most remarkable that the annals of Christianity can
show. It stands forever, an ineffaceable record, covering with shame those
pretended disciples of the religion of Christ, who by their reckless and
wicked course not only invited their own destruction, but compelled that of
thousands of innocent fellow-beings, and interrupted for centuries the
progress of the cause they had so poorly essayed to promote.
It is thus evident, that, for the system of seclusion which during nearly
two hundred and fifty years was closely adhered to, the Japanese themselves
are in no degree to be blamed. The fault lay with the representatives of
two refined and enlightened nations, who, by a persistent career of selfish
folly and pride, covered themselves with the deserved reproach of a people
to whose untutored apprehension such extraordinary principles of
civilization appeared unworthy of cultivation. That the Japanese were at
first amiably and liberally disposed toward foreigners, their frank
admission of the Portuguese, Spaniards, Dutch, and especially of the
English, amply shows. Until constrained for their own safety to do so, they
took no step toward interfering with the almost unlimited privileges they
had granted. It is, indeed, difficult to condemn their course, when we
consider the enormity of their provocation, and the dangers to which they
believed themselves exposed. If Christianity has suffered, the errors of
those who misrepresented it were the cause. How soon it may be possible to
again attempt its introduction is doubtful; for, of all foreign evils, the
Japanese look upon Christianity as the worst, viewing it simply as the
covert means of conquest, and reducing to submission those over whom its
influences extend.
Beyond the removal of their rivals, the Dutch had little upon which to
congratulate themselves in this movement. The monopoly of trade was theirs,
but with the most degrading and humiliating conditions. They were obliged
to give up their factory at Firando, and take a new station upon the small
island of Desima, in the harbor of Nagasaki. To preserve even the most
limited intercourse with the Japanese, they were forced to relinquish all
sense of dignity and self-respect. The history of their relations with
Japan, for the past two hundred years, is a continual record of absolute
contempt and pitiless constraint on the one hand, and the most abject and
disgraceful servitude on the other.
During the excitements which followed the expulsion of the Portuguese, a
second effort to enter Japan was made by the English; but, owing, it is
supposed, to the interference of the Dutch, this attempt was wholly
unsuccessful. In 1673, the East India Company despatched another vessel,
which was also received with distrust. The Japanese had learned, through
the Dutch, that the English king, Charles II., had allied himself by
marriage to the royal family of Portugal. On this account, and on this
only, the Japanese declared that no English ship could be admitted. Two
other equally fruitless attempts were made in 1791 and 1803. In 1808, an
English ship of war, by showing Dutch colors, gained entrance to the port
of Nagasaki, where, instead of peaceably deporting himself, the captain
began by capturing the Dutch officials who came on board, and setting at
defiance the requisitions of the Japanese. This English ship had been
cruising after the Dutch traders, England and Holland being at war at the
time, and, failing to meet them, the captain concluded they had eluded him,
and sought them at Nagasaki. A plan to attack the ship and burn it was
devised by the Japanese, but before it could be carried out the Englishman
had sailed. Conscious that his dignity was forfeited by this invasion, the
Japanese governor of Nagasaki, notwithstanding he was in no wise
censurable, in pursuance of the national custom, immediately destroyed
himself, and his example was followed by twelve of his subordinate
officers. The garrison of Nagasaki was reinforced, and the most warlike
attitude was assumed by the inhabitants, who are noted for their
courage. The affair caused great indignation, and is yet remembered to the
discredit of the English. In 1813, only five years later, a somewhat
similar stratagem was employed by the English. It was an ingenious scheme
on the part of the English governor of Java, which had, within a few years,
been ceded to England. The independence of Holland had ceased, and the
governor of Java undertook, by despatching English vessels under the Dutch
flag, to secure the trade which Holland had alone enjoyed. But the Dutch
director at Desima refused compliance, and the plan fell through. Three
other ventures, all resulting in the same way, were made by the English in
1814, 1818, and 1849.
Of other European nations, Russia alone has sought to secure a position and
influence in Japan. The proximity of the islands to the Siberian coast, and
the fact that they lie directly between the American and Asian possessions
of that nation, render it important that Russia should forego no
opportunity to extend its relations in this direction. It does not appear,
however, that much has been accomplished. About the year 1780, a Japanese
junk was wrecked upon an island belonging to Russia. The crew were taken to
Siberia, and there detained ten years, after which an attempt was made to
return them to their homes. They were conveyed in a Russian ship to
Hakodadi, on the island of Yesso, but were refused admission, on account of
the edict issued at the time of the Portuguese expulsion, forbidding the
return of any Japanese after once leaving the country. In 1804, a second
mission was sent by the Emperor Alexander I., with the purpose of effecting
a treaty of some sort; but the ambassador, whose name was Resanoff,
commenced operations by disputing points of etiquette with the Japanese,
who, in return, treated him with more courtesy than ever, and insisted upon
paying all his expenses while in their country, but sent him away
unsatisfied. Enraged at his failure, Resanoff despatched two armed vessels
to the Kurile Islands, where, under his directions, a wanton attack was
made upon a number of villages, the inhabitants being killed or taken
prisoners, and the houses plundered. This was an offence not to be
forgiven; and when, in 1811, Captain Golownin was despatched by the Russian
government to make renewed applications, he was captured by stratagem, with
one or two attendants, and imprisoned for several years. But he was always
treated with kindness, and was finally released, without having received
the slightest injury. He was intrusted, when sent away, with a message to
the Russian government, setting forth the impossibility of any
understanding between the two nations.
Previous to the expedition of Commodore Perry, few efforts to intrude upon
the Japanese had proceeded from the United States. An unsuccessful attempt
was made in 1837, by an American merchantman, to return a party of Japanese
who had been shipwrecked on our Western coast. In 1846, Commodore Biddle
was deputed to open negotiations, and entered the Bay of Yedo with two
ships of war. Receiving an unfavorable answer to his demands, he
immediately sailed away. In 1849, Commodore Glynn, having learned of the
imprisonment of sixteen American sailors, who had been driven ashore on one
of the Japanese islands, entered the harbor of Nagasaki with the United
States ship Preble, and demanded the release of his countrymen. For a time
a disposition was shown to evade his claim and to affect ignorance of the
alleged captivity; but upon his assuming a bolder and more determined tone,
the native officials became suddenly conscious of the state of affairs, and
forthwith delivered up the seamen. Commodore Glynn then set sail, and until
the visit of Commodore Perry, in 1853, the tranquillity of Japan was
disturbed by no American intrusion.
It may be observed, that, of the nations which up to this time had
undertaken to effect communications with Japan, all excepting the United
States had given reasonable cause for offence, and some of them for deep
enmity. The Dutch, though disliked, were tolerated; but the Portuguese,
Spanish, English, and Russians had forfeited the good opinion of the
islanders by their unprovoked and unjustifiable aggressions. It is not
improbable that the selection of the United States for their first foreign
embassy may have been induced by the consideration that the relations
between the Japanese and their American neighbors have always been pacific,
and that they have never suffered injustice or ill-treatment at our hands.
Meanwhile, until 1852, the Dutch had held exclusive commercial privileges
in Japan. In return for these, they submitted to all sorts of
indignities. They were restricted to the narrow limits of the artificially
constructed island of Desima, which is only six hundred feet in length, and
two hundred and forty in breadth. Here they were confined within high
fences fringed with spikes. Their houses were all of wood, no stone
buildings being permitted, undoubtedly with a view to preventing the
slightest chance of fortification. At the northern extremity of the island
was a large water-gate, which was kept continually closed, under a guard,
except upon the arrival of the Dutch vessels. These restrictions were in
great part continued almost to the present day, and many of them are still
in force. On the arrival of a Dutch ship, all the Bibles on board were
obliged to be put into a chest, which, after being nailed down, was given
in charge of the Japanese officials, to be retained by them until the time
of departure. All arms and ammunition, also, were required to be given
up. The crew, on landing at Desima, were placed under rigorous
surveillance, which was never relaxed. Even the permanent Dutch residents
received but little better treatment. They were unable to make any open
avowal of the Christian religion, and the Japanese officers who came in
contact with them were compelled to make frequent disavowals of
Christianity, and publicly to trample the cross, its symbol, under
foot. The island of Desima was infested with Japanese spies, whom the Dutch
were required to employ and pay as secretaries and servants, while knowing
their real office, If a Dutch resident aspired to occasional egress from
his prison, it was necessary to petition the governor of Nagasaki for the
privilege. As a general thing, the application was granted, but with such
conditions as to destroy all possibility of enjoyment; for, upon appearing
in Nagasaki, the unfortunate Dutchman was set upon by a band of spies and
policemen, who accompanied him wherever he turned and who were always
pleasantly inviting themselves to be entertained at his expense,--a
proposition which he was not at liberty to decline. These spies gradually
got into the habit of taking with them as many of their acquaintances as
they could gather together, until the cost of a stroll about Nagasaki
became too heavy to be endured. But there was no remedy; he must either pay
or stay at home; and even upon these extravagant terms, he was not allowed
to enter any Japanese house, or to remain within the city after sunset. For
the rare favor of visiting the residence of a native Nagasakian, a special
petition was needed, and if granted, the number of spies on such an
occasion was multiplied at a most appalling rate. The Dutch were, moreover,
forbidden the companionship of their own countrywomen, and only the most
degraded female class of Nagasaki were allowed to visit them. In every way
they were forced to acknowledge their inferiority and undergo deprivations
and mortifications, for which, let us hope, they succeeded in finding some
compensation in the scant privileges of their trade.
At length the time arrived when the reluctant Japanese were to be taught
the uselessness of further efforts to resist the advances of other
nations. In November, 1852, an expedition, long contemplated and carefully
prearranged, set sail from the United States under the command of Commodore
M.C. Perry. Although this mission was the subject of much discussion
abroad, no very general hope of its success was expressed. The opinion
appeared to be, that, under all circumstances, Japan would still continue
locked in its seclusion. The result proved how easily, by the exercise of
firmness, prudence, and energy, all of which Commodore Perry displayed in
every movement, the much desired end could be accomplished. The secret of
two hundred years was solved in a day. The path once opened, there were
plenty to follow it: Russia, England, and France were quick to share the
benefits which had in the first place been gained by the United States. But
thus far the best fruits of Japanese intercourse have fallen to the United
States, and it seems clear that only a continuance of the same ability
hitherto shown in the management of our affairs with that nation is needed
to preserve to this country the superior advantages it now holds.
On the 8th of July, 1853, Commodore Perry, with two steamers and two
sloops-of-war, entered the Bay of Yedo, having purposely avoided the port
of Nagasaki, at which all strangers had previously been accustomed to hold
communications with the government. In this, as in other movements, the
Commodore acted independently of much opposing counsel. By first visiting
the Loo-choo and Bonin islands, which are under Japanese control, and
mostly peopled by Japanese, he had acquired a considerable knowledge of the
character of those with whom he was to deal, and had been enabled to trace
for himself a policy which the result proved to be eminently just and
effective. He determined boldly to insist upon, rather than to beseech, the
privileges he had been deputed to gain. Understanding perfectly the
vexatious and embarrassing expedients by which the Japanese had been
accustomed to hamper and resist the endeavors of even the best-disposed of
their visitors, he resolved to listen to no suggestions of delay, and to
push vigorously forward with his mission, in spite of every obstacle their
wily ingenuity could oppose to him. Their assumptions of exclusiveness and
superiority he met by precisely the same sort of display, allowing no
familiarity on the part of the natives until all was definitely settled as
he desired, and intrenching himself in a mysterious seclusion which rather
exceeded even their own notions of personal dignity. Until one of the first
noblemen in the nation was sent to treat with him, the Commodore shunned
all intercourse with the people, and systematically refused to expose
himself to the profane eyes of the multitude. This unusual course took the
Japanese quite by surprise, and, not without some feeling of trepidation,
they bestirred themselves with unexampled alacrity to satisfy, so far as
they were able, his reasonable demands. Of course it was impossible for
them to set aside all their prejudices, and the record of their schemes to
impede the Commodore's progress, all of which were quietly overcome by his
firmness and decision, is equally amusing and instructive.[1] At the moment
of his entering the Bay of Yedo, he was surrounded by guard-boats, and
saluted with various warnings of peril, which might have deterred a less
resolute man. But, wholly indifferent to Japanese guard-boats, he sent out
his own for surveying purposes without hesitation, taking it for granted
that perfect fearlessness would secure the crews from molestation. In
answer to the remonstrances received at the outset, he simply pushed still
farther up the bay, until, finding it impossible to obtain compliance with
their requirements, the Japanese concluded to yield to his; and after as
much hesitation as the Commodore thought proper to give them opportunity
for, the letters from President Fillmore were received by the Emperor, or
Tycoon,[2] negotiations were opened, and, finally, a treaty, yielding all
the important points that had been asked for, was agreed upon. This treaty
proclaimed "a perfect, permanent, and universal peace, and a sincere and
cordial amity", between the two nations; designated certain ports where
American ships should obtain supplies; promised protection to American
seamen who should chance to be shipwrecked on the coast; and contained the
important stipulation, that no further privileges should be vouchsafed to
any other government except on condition of their being fully shared by the
United States.
[Footnote 1: The details are to be found in the _Narratives of the
Expedition_, by Francis L. Hawks, D.D., LL.D., published by Congress at
Washington, in 1856.]
[Footnote 2: As will be shown hereafter, the military functions of the
temporal ruler long ago ceased, and the title of Tycoon has been
substituted for that of Ziogoon.]
The communications between Commodore Perry and the Japanese were carried on
in the most friendly manner. While the Commodore allowed no interference
with what he regarded as his own rights in the case, he was careful to
check any disposition on the part of his officers to defy those of the
islanders. Thus the utmost cordiality was preserved throughout. The
Japanese received the presents from the American government with delight,
and were quite overcome at the sight of the steam-engine and the magnetic
telegraph. A series of agreeable entertainments followed the signing of the
treaty, in which the Japanese showed themselves especially alive to the
civilizing influences of foreign cookery, and appreciation of such
refinements as whiskey and Champagne, to whose beneficent influences they
gave themselves up with ardor. Commodore Perry, on his departure, after
freely visiting various Japanese ports, was intrusted with a number of
presents for the American government, and entreated to bear with him the
assurance of entire confidence and amity.
In August, 1853, subsequently to the arrival of Commodore Perry, a Russian
squadron visited Nagasaki, but, after protracted negotiations, departed
without obtaining a treaty. In September, 1854, Admiral James Stirling, on
behalf of the English government, effected a treaty at Nagasaki, the terms
of which were rather less liberal and advantageous than those granted to
the United States. But the inevitable result of Commodore Perry's success
could not long be delayed. Since the time of his mission, the governments
of France, England, Holland, and Russia have secured treaties guarantying
important privileges. It appears, however, that the superiority of
influence remains with the United States, owing, in a measure, no doubt, to
the excellent abilities of the Consul-General, Mr. Townsend Harris, who has
permitted no opportunity to escape of pressing the claims of his
government. As early as July, 1858, he negotiated a fair commercial
treaty. Mr. Harris is the only foreigner who was ever permitted to enter
the palace of the Tycoon of Japan without the degrading forms of submission
formerly exacted from the Dutch. He was received there with every
testimonial of respect. At a time when Mr. Harris was seriously ill, the
Tycoon despatched his own physician to attend him, while her Majesty
continually sent him the most delicate preparations of food, the work of
her own imperial hands. The ease with which the missions of Lord Elgin and
Baron Gros,[1] in 1858, were accomplished, may fairly be attributed to the
effects already produced by American influences. It was through
Mr. Harris's exertions that the Japanese embassy to this government was
secured. The English government endeavored to obtain first this important
mark of recognition, but, as it appears, unsuccessfully.
[Footnote 1: Mr. Oliphant's account of Lord Elgin's expedition (_Narrative
of the Earl of Elgin's Mission_, etc., by Lawrence Oliphant, Esq.) is one
of the most valuable contributions from Japan. His observations, which at
Yedo were more extended and unimpeded than those of any preceding visitor,
are recorded in the most lively and charming manner. The history of the
embassy of Baron Gros (_Souvenirs d'une Ambassade en Chine et au Japon_,
par le Marquis de Moges) is less complete and entertaining, but by no means
destitute of interest.]
At the present moment, all seems favorable for the development of the long
hidden resources of the Empire. But there are still difficulties in the
way; for a powerful class of nobles, those who trace their descent from the
ancient spiritual dynasty, are strongly opposed to the overthrow of the old
system. It is only by constant struggles that the more progressive class
can make way against them. The arrival of this embassy, and the recent
visit of a Japanese ship to California, are hopeful signs; for these could
have been permitted only on the abrogation of the old law of seclusion,
proclaimed at the time of the Portuguese expulsion; and such are the
peculiar principles of the Japanese government, that, as will hereafter be
shown, an important law like this cannot be revoked without a general
change of its policy. Within the city of Yedo are now the representatives
of three powerful nations, England, France, and the United States; others
are seeking admission; and the period when Japan shall mingle freely with
the world it has so long affected to contemn can hardly be long deferred.
In a future number we shall speak of the present condition of Japan, the
forms of government, so far as known, its social state and prospects, and
the character of the people, as represented in the embassy which is now
receiving the hospitalities of our own government.
* * * * *