Between Harborough and Leicester we met with a party of 800 dragoons

of the Parliament forces. They, found themselves too few to attack

us, and therefore to avoid us they had gotten into a small wood; but

perceiving themselves discovered, they came boldly out, and placed

themselves at the entrance into a lane, lining both sides of the

hedges with their shot. We immediately attacked them, beat them from

their hedges, beat them into the wood, and out of the wood again,

and forced them at last to a downright run away, on foot, among the

enclosures, where we could not follow them, killed about 100 of them,

and took 250 prisoners, with all their horses, and came that night to

Leicester. When we came to Leicester, and had taken up our quarters,

Sir Marmaduke Langdale sent for me to sup with him, and told me

that he had a secret commission in his pocket, which his Majesty had

commanded him not to open till he came to Leicester; that now he had

sent for me to open it together, that we might know what it was we

were to do, and to consider how to do it; so pulling out his sealed

orders, we found we were to get what force we could together, and a

certain number of carriages with ammunition, which the governor of

Leicester was to deliver us, and a certain quantity of provision,

especially corn and salt, and to relieve Newark. This town had been

long besieged. The fortifications of the place, together with its

situation, had rendered it the strongest place in England; and, as it

was the greatest pass in England, so it was of vast consequence to the

king's affairs. There was in it a garrison of brave old rugged boys,

fellows that, like Count Tilly's Germans, had iron faces, and they had

defended themselves with extraordinary bravery a great while, but were

reduced to an exceeding strait for want of provisions.

Accordingly we received the ammunition and provision, and away we went

for Newark; about Melton Mowbray, Colonel Rossiter set upon us, with

above 3000 men; we were about the same number, having 2500 horse, and

800 dragoons. We had some foot, but they were still at Harborough, and

were ordered to come after us.

Rossiter, like a brave officer as he was, charged us with great fury,

and rather outdid us in number, while we defended ourselves with all

the eagerness we could, and withal gave him to understand we were

not so soon to be beaten as he expected. While the fight continued

doubtful, especially on our side, our people, who had charge of the

carriages and provisions, began to enclose our flanks with them, as

if we had been marching, which, though it was done without orders, had

two very good effects, and which did us extraordinary service. First,

it secured us from being charged in the flank, which Rossiter had

twice attempted; and secondly, it secured our carriages from being

plundered, which had spoiled our whole expedition. Being thus

enclosed, we fought with great security; and though Rossiter made

three desperate charges upon us; he could never break us. Our men

received him with so much courage, and kept their order so well, that

the enemy, finding it impossible to force us, gave it over, and left

us to pursue our orders. We did not offer to chase them, but contented

enough to have repulsed and beaten them off, and our business being to

relieve Newark, we proceeded.

If we are to reckon by the enemy's usual method, we got the victory,

because we kept the field, and had the pillage of their dead; but

otherwise, neither side had any great cause to boast. We lost about

150 men, and near as many hurt; they left 170 on the spot, and carried

off some. How many they had wounded we could not tell; we got seventy

or eighty horses, which helped to remount some of our men that had

lost theirs in the fight. We had, however, this advantage, that we

were to march on immediately after this service, the enemy only to

retire to their quarters, which was but hard by. This was an injury to

our wounded men, who we were after obliged to leave at Belvoir Castle,

and from thence we advanced to Newark.

Our business at Newark was to relieve the place, and this we resolved

to do whatever it cost, though, at the same time, we resolved not to

fight unless we were forced to it. The town was rather blocked up than

besieged; the garrison was strong, but ill-provided; we had sent them

word of our coming to them, and our orders to relieve them, and they

proposed some measures for our doing it. The chief strength of the

enemy lay on the other side of the river; but they having also some

notice of our design, had sent over forces to strengthen their leaguer

on this side. The garrison had often surprised them by sallies, and

indeed had chiefly subsisted for some time by what they brought in on

this manner.

Sir Marmaduke Langdale, who was our general for the expedition, was

for a general attempt to raise the siege, but I had persuaded him off

of that; first, because, if we should be beaten, as might be probable,

we then lost the town. Sir Marmaduke briskly replied, "A soldier ought

never to suppose he shall be beaten." "But, sir," says I, "you'll get

more honour by relieving the town, than by beating them. One will be

a credit to your conduct, as the other will be to your courage; and if

you think you can beat them, you may do it afterward, and then if you

are mistaken, the town is nevertheless secured, and half your victory

gained."

He was prevailed with to adhere to this advice, and accordingly we

appeared before the town about two hours before night. The horse drew

up before the enemy's works; the enemy drew up within their works, and

seeing no foot, expected when our dragoons would dismount and attack

them. They were in the right to let us attack them, because of the

advantage of their batteries and works, if that had been our design;

but, as we intended only to amuse them, this caution of theirs

effected our design; for, while we thus faced them with our horse, two

regiments of foot, which came up to us but the night before, and

was all the infantry we had, with the waggons of provisions, and 500

dragoons, taking a compass clean round the town, posted themselves on

the lower side of the town by the river. Upon a signal the garrison

agreed on before, they sallied out at this very juncture with all the

men they could spare, and dividing themselves in two parties, while

one party moved to the left to meet our relief, the other party fell

on upon part of that body which faced us. We kept in motion, and upon

this signal advanced to their works, and our dragoons fired upon

them, and the horse, wheeling and counter-marching often, kept them

continually expecting to be attacked. By this means the enemy were

kept employed, and our foot, with the waggons, appearing on that

quarter where they were least expected, easily defeated the advanced

guards and forced that post, where, entering the leaguer, the other

part of the garrison, who had sallied that way, came up to them,

received the waggons, and the dragoons entered with them into the

town. That party which we faced on the other side of the works knew

nothing of what was done till all was over; the garrison retreated in

good order, and we drew off, having finished what we came for without

fighting. Thus we plentifully stored the town with all things wanting,

and with an addition of 500 dragoons to their garrison; after which we

marched away without fighting a stroke.

Our next orders were to relieve Pontefract Castle, another garrison

of the king's, which had been besieged ever since a few days after the

fight at Marston Moor, by the Lord Fairfax, Sir Thomas Fairfax, and

other generals in their turn. By the way we were joined with 800 horse

out of Derbyshire, and some foot, so many as made us about 4500 men in

all.

Colonel Forbes, a Scotchman, commanded at the siege, in the absence of

the Lord Fairfax. The colonel had sent to my lord for more troops, and

his lordship was gathering his forces to come up to him, but he was

pleased to come too late. We came up with the enemy's leaguer about

the break of day, and having been discovered by their scouts, they,

with more courage than discretion, drew out to meet us. We saw no

reason to avoid them, being stronger in horse than they; and though we

had but a few foot, we had 1000 dragoons, which helped us out. We had

placed our horse and foot throughout in one line, with two reserves

of horse, and between every division of horse a division of foot, only

that on the extremes of our wings there were two parties of horse

on each point by themselves, and the dragoons in the centre on foot.

Their foot charged us home, and stood with push of pike a great while;

but their horse charging our horse and musketeers, and being closed

on the flanks, with those two extended troops on our wings, they

were presently disordered, and fled out of the field. The foot, thus

deserted, were charged on every side and broken. They retreated still

fighting, and in good order for a while; but the garrison sallying

upon them at the same time, and being followed close by our horse,

they were scattered, entirely routed, and most of them killed. The

Lord Fairfax was come with his horse as far as Ferrybridge, but the

fight was over, and all he could do was to rally those that fled, and

save some of their carriages, which else had fallen into our hands. We

drew up our little army in order of battle the next day, expecting the

Lord Fairfax would have charged us; but his lordship was so far from

any such thoughts that he placed a party of dragoons, with orders to

fortify the pass at Ferrybridge, to prevent our falling upon him in

his retreat, which he needed not have done; for, having raised the

siege of Pontefract, our business was done, we had nothing to say to

him, unless we had been strong enough to stay.

We lost not above thirty men in this action, and the enemy 300, with

about 150 prisoners, one piece of cannon, all their ammunition, 1000

arms, and most of their baggage, and Colonel Lambert was once taken

prisoner, being wounded, but got off again.

We brought no relief for the garrison, but the opportunity to furnish

themselves out of the country, which they did very plentifully. The

ammunition taken from the enemy was given to them, which they wanted,

and was their due, for they had seized it in the sally they made,

before the enemy was quite defeated.

I cannot omit taking notice on all occasions how exceeding serviceable

this method was of posting musketeers in the intervals, among the

horse, in all this war. I persuaded our generals to it as much as

possible, and I never knew a body of horse beaten that did so: yet I

had great difficulty to prevail upon our people to believe it, though

it was taught me by the greatest general in the world, viz., the King

of Sweden. Prince Rupert did it at the battle of Marston Moor; and had

the Earl of Newcastle not been obstinate against it in his right wing,

as I observed before, the day had not been lost. In discoursing this

with Sir Marmaduke Langdale, I had related several examples of the

serviceableness of these small bodies of firemen, and with great

difficulty brought him to agree, telling him I would be answerable

for the success. But after the fight, he told me plainly he saw the

advantage of it, and would never fight otherwise again if he had any

foot to place. So having relieved these two places, we hastened by

long marches through Derbyshire, to join Prince Rupert on the edge of

Shropshire and Cheshire. We found Colonel Rossiter had followed us at

a distance ever since the business at Melton Mowbray, but never cared

to attack us, and we found he did the like still. Our general would

fain have been doing with him again, but we found him too shy. Once

we laid a trap for him at Dovebridge, between Derby and

Burton-upon-Trent, the body being marched two days before. Three

hundred dragoons were left to guard the bridge, as if we were afraid

he should fall upon us. Upon this we marched, as I said, on to Burton,

and the next day, fetching a compass round, came to a village near

Titbury Castle, whose name I forgot, where we lay still expecting our

dragoons would be attacked.

Accordingly, the colonel, strengthened with some troops of horse from

Yorkshire, comes up to the bridge, and finding some dragoons posted,

advances to charge them. The dragoons immediately get a-horseback, and

run for it, as they were ordered. But the old lad was not to be caught

so, for he halts immediately at the bridge, and would not come over

till he had sent three or four flying parties abroad to discover the

country. One of these parties fell into our hands, and received but

coarse entertainment. Finding the plot would not take, we appeared and

drew up in view of the bridge, but he would not stir. So we continued

our march into Cheshire, where we joined Prince Rupert and Prince

Maurice, making together a fine body, being above 8000 horse and

dragoons.

This was the best and most successful expedition I was in during this

war. 'Twas well concerted, and executed with as much expedition and

conduct as could be desired, and the success was answerable to it. And

indeed, considering the season of the year (for we set out from Oxford

the latter end of February), the ways bad, and the season wet, it

was a terrible march of above 200 miles, in continual action, and

continually dodged and observed by a vigilant enemy, and at a time

when the north was overrun by their armies, and the Scots wanting

employment for their forces. Yet in less than twenty-three days we

marched 200 miles, fought the enemy in open field four times, relieved

one garrison besieged, and raised the siege of another, and joined our

friends at last in safety.

The enemy was in great pain for Sir William Brereton and his forces,

and expresses rode night and day to the Scots in the north, and to the

parties in Lancashire to come to his help. The prince, who used to be

rather too forward to fight than otherwise, could not be persuaded to

make use of this opportunity, but loitered, if I may be allowed to say

so, till the Scots, with a brigade of horse and 2000 foot, had joined

him; and then 'twas not thought proper to engage them.

I took this opportunity to go to Shrewsbury to visit my father, who

was a prisoner of war there, getting a pass from the enemy's governor.

They allowed him the liberty of the town, and sometimes to go to his

own house upon his parole, so that his confinement was not very much

to his personal injury. But this, together with the charges he had

been at in raising the regiment, and above £20,000 in money and plate,

which at several times he had lent, or given rather to the king, had

reduced our family to very ill circumstances; and now they talked of

cutting down his woods.

I had a great deal of discourse with my father on this affair; and,

finding him extremely concerned, I offered to go to the king and

desire his leave to go to London and treat about his composition, or

to render myself a prisoner in his stead, while he went up himself.

In this difficulty I treated with the governor of the town, who very

civilly offered me his pass to go for London, which I accepted, and,

waiting on Prince Rupert, who was then at Worcester, I acquainted him

with my design. The prince was unwilling I should go to London;

but told me he had some prisoners of the Parliament's friends in

Cumberland, and he would get an exchange for my father. I told him

if he would give me his word for it I knew I might depend upon it,

otherwise there was so many of the king's party in their hands, that

his Majesty was tired with solicitations for exchanges, for we never

had a prisoner but there was ten offers of exchanges for him. The

prince told me I should depend upon him; and he was as good as his

word quickly after.

While the prince lay at Worcester he made an incursion into

Herefordshire, and having made some of the gentlemen prisoners,

brought them to Worcester; and though it was an action which had not

been usual, they being persons not in arms, yet the like being my

father's case, who was really not in commission, nor in any military

service, having resigned his regiment three years before to me, the

prince insisted on exchanging them for such as the Parliament had

in custody in like circumstances. The gentlemen seeing no remedy,

solicited their own case at the Parliament, and got it passed in

their behalf; and by this means my father got his liberty, and by the

assistance of the Earl of Denbigh got leave to come to London to make

a composition as a delinquent for his estate. This they charged at

£7000, but by the assistance of the same noble person he got off for

£4000. Some members of the committee moved very kindly that my father

should oblige me to quit the king's service, but that, as a thing

which might be out of his power, was not insisted on.

The modelling the Parliament army took them up all this winter, and

we were in great hopes the divisions which appeared amongst them might

have weakened their party; but when they voted Sir Thomas Fairfax to

be general, I confess I was convinced the king's affairs were lost and

desperate. Sir Thomas, abating the zeal of his party, and the mistaken

opinion of his cause, was the fittest man amongst them to undertake

the charge. He was a complete general, strict in his discipline, wary

in conduct, fearless in action, unwearied in the fatigue of the

war, and withal, of a modest, noble, generous disposition. We all

apprehended danger from him, and heartily wished him of our own side;

and the king was so sensible, though he would not discover it, that

when an account was brought him of the choice they had made, he

replied, "he was sorry for it; he had rather it had been anybody than

he."

The first attempts of this new general and new army were at Oxford,

which, by the neighbourhood of a numerous garrison in Abingdon, began

to be very much straitened for provisions; and the new forces under

Cromwell and Skippon, one lieutenant-general, the other major-general

to Fairfax, approaching with a design to block it up, the king left

the place, supposing his absence would draw them away, as it soon did.

The king resolving to leave Oxford, marches from thence with all his

forces, the garrison excepted, with design to have gone to Bristol;

but the plague was in Bristol, which altered the measures, and changed

the course of the king's designs, so he marched for Worcester about

the beginning of June 1645. The foot, with a train of forty pieces of

cannon, marching into Worcester, the horse stayed behind some time in

Gloucestershire.

The first action our army did, was to raise the siege of Chester; Sir

William Brereton had besieged it, or rather blocked it up, and when

his Majesty came to Worcester, he sent Prince Rupert with 4000 horse

and dragoons, with orders to join some foot out of Wales, to raise the

siege; but Sir William thought fit to withdraw, and not stay for them,

and the town was freed without fighting. The governor took care in

this interval to furnish himself with all things necessary for another

siege; and, as for ammunition and other necessaries, he was in no

want.

I was sent with a party into Staffordshire, with design to intercept

a convoy of stores coming from London, for the use of Sir William

Brereton; but they having some notice of the design, stopped, and went

out of the road to Burton-upon-Trent, and so I missed them; but that

we might not come back quite empty, we attacked Hawkesley House, and

took it, where we got good booty, and brought eighty prisoners back to

Worcester. From Worcester the king advanced into Shropshire, and took

his headquarters at Bridgnorth. This was a very happy march of the

king's, and had his Majesty proceeded, he had certainly cleared the

north once more of his enemies, for the country was generally for him.

At his advancing so far as Bridgnorth, Sir William Brereton fled up

into Lancashire; the Scots brigades who were with him retreated into

the north, while yet the king was above forty miles from them, and all

things lay open for conquest. The new generals, Fairfax and Cromwell,

lay about Oxford, preparing as if they would besiege it, and gave

the king's army so much leisure, that his Majesty might have been at

Newcastle before they could have been half way to him. But Heaven,

when the ruin of a person or party is determined, always so infatuates

their counsels as to make them instrumental to it themselves.

The king let slip this great opportunity, as some thought, intending

to break into the associated counties of Northampton, Cambridge,

Norfolk, where he had some interests forming. What the design was,

we knew not, but the king turns eastward, and marches into

Leicestershire, and having treated the country but very indifferently,

as having deserved no better of us, laid siege to Leicester.

This was but a short siege; for the king, resolving not to lose time,

fell on with his great guns, and having beaten down their works, our

foot entered, after a vigorous resistance, and took the town by storm.

There was some blood shed here, the town being carried by assault; but

it was their own faults; for after the town was taken, the soldiers

and townsmen obstinately fought us in the market-place; insomuch that

the horse was called to enter the town to clear the streets. But this

was not all; I was commanded to advance with these horse, being three

regiments, and to enter the town; the foot, who were engaged in the

streets, crying out, "Horse, horse." Immediately I advanced to the

gate, for we were drawn up about musket-shot from the works, to have

supported our foot in case of a sally. Having seized the gate, I

placed a guard of horse there, with orders to let nobody pass in

or out, and dividing my troops, rode up by two ways towards the

market-place. The garrison defending themselves in the market-place,

and in the churchyard with great obstinacy, killed us a great many

men; but as soon as our horse appeared they demanded quarter, which

our foot refused them in the first heat, as is frequent in all

nations, in like cases, till at last they threw down their arms, and

yielded at discretion; and then I can testify to the world, that fair

quarter was given them. I am the more particular in this relation,

having been an eye-witness of the action, because the king was

reproached in all the public libels, with which those times abounded,

for having put a great many to death, and hanged the committee of

the Parliament, and some Scots, in cold blood, which was a notorious

forgery; and as I am sure there was no such thing done, so I must

acknowledge I never saw any inclination in his Majesty to cruelty, or

to act anything which was not practised by the general laws of war,

and by men of honour in all nations.

But the matter of fact, in respect to the garrison, was as I have

related; and, if they had thrown down their arms sooner, they had had

mercy sooner; but it was not for a conquering army, entering a town by

storm, to offer conditions of quarter in the streets.

Another circumstance was, that a great many of the inhabitants, both

men and women, were killed, which is most true; and the case was thus:

the inhabitants, to show their over-forward zeal to defend the town,

fought in the breach; nay, the very women, to the honour of the

Leicester ladies, if they like it, officiously did their parts; and

after the town was taken, and when, if they had had any brains in

their zeal, they would have kept their houses, and been quiet, they

fired upon our men out of their windows, and from the tops of their

houses, and threw tiles upon their heads; and I had several of my men

wounded so, and seven or eight killed. This exasperated us to the last

degree; and, finding one house better manned than ordinary, and many

shot fired at us out of the windows, I caused my men to attack it,

resolved to make them an example for the rest; which they did, and

breaking open the doors, they killed all they found there, without

distinction; and I appeal to the world if they were to blame. If the

Parliament committee, or the Scots deputies were here, they ought to

have been quiet, since the town was taken; but they began with us,

and, I think, brought it upon themselves. This is the whole case, so

far as came within my knowledge, for which his Majesty was so much

abused.

We took here Colonel Gray and Captain Hacker, and about 300 prisoners,

and about 300 more were killed. This was the last day of May 1645.

His Majesty having given over Oxford for lost, continued here some

days, viewed the town, ordered the fortifications to be augmented,

and prepares to make it the seat of war. But the Parliament, roused at

this appearance of the king's army, orders their general to raise the

siege of Oxford, where the garrison had, in a sally, ruined some of

their works, and killed them 150 men, taking several prisoners, and

carrying them with them into the city; and orders him to march towards

Leicester, to observe the king.

The king had now a small, but gallant army, all brave tried soldiers,

and seemed eager to engage the new-modelled army; and his Majesty,

hearing that Sir Thomas Fairfax, having raised the siege of Oxford,

advanced towards him, fairly saves him the trouble of a long march,

and meets him half way.

The army lay at Daventry, and Fairfax at Towcester, about eight miles

off. Here the king sends away 600 horse, with 3000 head of cattle, to

relieve his people in Oxford; the cattle he might have spared better

than the men. The king having thus victualled Oxford, changes his

resolution of fighting Fairfax, to whom Cromwell was now joined with

4000 men, or was within a day's march, and marches northward. This

was unhappy counsel, because late given. Had we marched northward

at first, we had done it; but thus it was. Now we marched with a

triumphing enemy at our heels, and at Naseby their advanced parties

attacked our rear. The king, upon this, alters his resolution again,

and resolves to fight, and at midnight calls us up at Harborough to

come to a council of war. Fate and the king's opinion determined the

council of war; and 'twas resolved to fight. Accordingly the van, in

which was Prince Rupert's brigade of horse, of which my regiment was a

part, counter-marched early in the morning.

By five o'clock in the morning, the whole army, in order of battle,

began to descry the enemy from the rising grounds, about a mile from

Naseby, and moved towards them. They were drawn up on a little ascent

in a large common fallow field, in one line extended from one side of

the field to the other, the field something more than a mile over, our

army in the same order, in one line, with the reserve.

The king led the main battle of foot, Prince Rupert the right wing of

the horse, and Sir Marmaduke Langdale the left. Of the enemy Fairfax

and Skippon led the body, Cromwell and Rossiter the right, and Ireton

the left, the numbers of both armies so equal, as not to differ 500

men, save that the king had most horse by about 1000, and Fairfax most

foot by about 500. The number was in each army about 18,000 men. The

armies coming close up, the wings engaged first. The prince with

his right wing charged with his wonted fury, and drove all the

Parliament's wing of horse, one division excepted, clear out of the

field; Ireton, who commanded this wing, give him his due, rallied

often, and fought like a lion; but our wing bore down all before them,

and pursued them with a terrible execution.

Ireton seeing one division of his horse left, repaired to them, and

keeping his ground, fell foul of a brigade of our foot, who coming up

to the head of the line, he like a madman charges them with his horse.

But they with their pikes tore him to pieces; so that this division

was entirely ruined. Ireton himself, thrust through the thigh with

a pike, wounded in the face with a halberd, was unhorsed and taken

prisoner.

Cromwell, who commanded the Parliament's right wing, charged Sir

Marmaduke Langdale with extraordinary fury, but he, an old tried

soldier, stood firm, and received the charge with equal gallantry,

exchanging all their shot, carabines and pistols and then fell on

sword in hand. Rossiter and Whalley had the better on the point of

the wing, and routed two divisions of horse, pushed them behind the

reserves, where they rallied and charged again, but were at last

defeated; the rest of the horse, now charged in the flank, retreated

fighting, and were pushed behind the reserves of foot.

While this was doing the foot engaged with equal fierceness, and for

two hours there was a terrible fire. The king's foot, backed with

gallant officers, and full of rage at the rout of their horse,

bore down the enemy's brigade led by Skippon. The old man, wounded,

bleeding, retreats to their reserves. All the foot, except the

general's brigade, were thus driven into the reserves, where their

officers rallied them, and bring them on to a fresh charge; and here

the horse, having driven our horse above a quarter of a mile from the

foot, face about, and fall in on the rear of the foot.

Had our right wing done thus, the day had been secured; but Prince

Rupert, according to his custom, following the flying enemy, never

concerned himself with the safety of those behind; and yet he returned

sooner than he had done in like cases too. At our return we found

all in confusion, our foot broken, all but one brigade, which, though

charged in the front, flank, and rear, could not be broken till Sir

Thomas Fairfax himself came up to the charge with fresh men, and then

they were rather cut in pieces than beaten, for they stood with their

pikes charged every way to the last extremity.

In this condition, at the distance of a quarter of a mile, we saw the

king rallying his horse, and preparing to renew the fight; and our

wing of horse coming up to him, gave him opportunity to draw up a

large body of horse, so large that all the enemy's horse facing us

stood still and looked on, but did not think fit to charge us till

their foot, who had entirely broken our main battle, were put in order

again, and brought up to us.

The officers about the king advised his Majesty rather to draw off;

for, since our foot were lost, it would be too much odds to expose the

horse to the fury of their whole army, and would but be sacrificing

his best troops without any hopes of success. The king, though with

great regret at the loss of his foot, yet seeing there was no other

hope, took this advice, and retreated in good order to Harborough, and

from thence to Leicester.

This was the occasion of the enemy having so great a number of

prisoners; for the horse being thus gone off, the foot had no means

to make their retreat, and were obliged to yield themselves.

Commissary-General Ireton being taken by a captain of foot, makes the

captain his prisoner, to save his life, and gives him his liberty for

his courtesy before.

Cromwell and Rossiter, with all the enemy's horse, followed us as far

as Leicester, and killed all that they could lay hold on straggling

from the body, but durst not attempt to charge us in a body. The

king, expecting the enemy would come to Leicester, removes to

Ashby-de-la-Zouch, where we had some time to recollect ourselves.

This was the most fatal action of the whole war, not so much for

the loss of our cannon, ammunition, and baggage, of which the enemy

boasted so much, but as it was impossible for the king ever to

retrieve it. The foot, the best that ever he was master of, could

never be supplied; his army in the west was exposed to certain ruin,

the north overrun with the Scots; in short, the case grew desperate,

and the king was once upon the point of bidding us all disband, and

shift for ourselves.

We lost in this fight not above 2000 slain, and the Parliament near

as many, but the prisoners were a great number; the whole body of foot

being, as I have said, dispersed, there were 4500 prisoners, besides

400 officers, 2000 horses, 12 pieces of cannon, 40 barrels of powder,

all the king's baggage, coaches, most of his servants, and his

secretary, with his cabinet of letters, of which the Parliament

made great improvement, and basely enough caused his private

letters--between his Majesty and the queen, her Majesty's letters to

the king, and a great deal of such stuff--to be printed.

After this fatal blow, being retreated, as I have said, to

Ashby-de-la-Zouch in Leicestershire, the king ordered us to divide;

his Majesty, with a body of horse, about 3000, went to Lichfield, and

through Cheshire into North Wales, and Sir Marmaduke Langdale, with

about 2500, went to Newark.

The king remained in Wales for several months; and though the length

of the war had almost drained that country of men, yet the king

raised a great many men there, recruited his horse regiments, and got

together six or seven regiments of foot, which seemed to look like the

beginning of a new army.

I had frequent discourses with his Majesty in this low ebb of his

affairs, and he would often wish he had not exposed his army at

Naseby. I took the freedom once to make a proposition to his Majesty,

which, if it had taken effect, I verily believe would have given a new

turn to his affairs; and that was, at once to slight all his garrisons

in the kingdom, and give private orders to all the soldiers in every

place, to join in bodies, and meet at two general rendezvous, which I

would have appointed to be, one at Bristol, and one at West Chester.

I demonstrated how easily all the forces might reach these two places;

and both being strong and wealthy places, and both seaports, he would

have a free communication by sea with Ireland, and with his friends

abroad; and having Wales entirely his own, he might yet have an

opportunity to make good terms for himself, or else have another fair

field with the enemy.

Upon a fair calculation of his troops in several garrisons and small

bodies dispersed about, I convinced the king, by his own accounts,

that he might have two complete armies, each of 25,000 foot, 8000

horse, and 2000 dragoons; that the Lord Goring and the Lord Hopton

might ship all their forces, and come by sea in two tides, and be

with him in a shorter time than the enemy could follow. With two such

bodies he might face the enemy, and make a day of it; but now his men

were only sacrificed, and eaten up by piecemeal in a party-war,

and spent their lives and estates to do him no service. That if the

Parliament garrisoned the towns and castles he should quit, they would

lessen their army, and not dare to see him in the field: and if they

did not, but left them open, then 'twould be no loss to him, but he

might possess them as often as he pleased.

This advice I pressed with such arguments, that the king was once

going to despatch orders for the doing it; but to be irresolute in

counsel is always the companion of a declining fortune; the king was

doubtful, and could not resolve till it was too late.

And yet, though the king's forces were very low, his Majesty was

resolved to make one adventure more, and it was a strange one; for,

with but a handful of men, he made a desperate march, almost 250 miles

in the middle of the whole kingdom, compassed about with armies and

parties innumerable, traversed the heart of his enemy's country,

entered their associated counties, where no army had ever yet come,

and in spite of all their victorious troops facing and following him,

alarmed even London itself and returned safe to Oxford.

His Majesty continued in Wales from the battle at Naseby till the 5th

or 6th of August, and till he had an account from all parts of the

progress of his enemies, and the posture of his own affairs.

Here we found, that the enemy being hard pressed in Somersetshire by

the Lord Goring, and Lord Hopton's forces, who had taken Bridgewater,

and distressed Taunton, which was now at the point of surrender,

they had ordered Fairfax and Cromwell, and the whole army, to march

westward to relieve the town; which they did, and Goring's troops were

worsted, and himself wounded at the fight at Langport.

The Scots, who were always the dead weight upon the king's affairs,

having no more work to do in the north, were, at the Parliament's

desire, advanced southward, and then ordered away towards South Wales,

and were set down to the siege of Hereford. Here this famous Scotch

army spent several months in a fruitless siege, ill provided of

ammunition, and worse with money; and having sat near three months

before the town, and done little but eaten up the country round them,

upon the repeated accounts of the progress of the Marquis of Montrose

in that kingdom, and pressing instances of their countrymen, they

resolved to raise their siege, and go home to relieve their friends.

The king, who was willing to be rid of the Scots, upon good terms, and

therefore to hasten them, and lest they should pretend to push on the

siege to take the town first, gives it out, that he was resolved with

all his forces to go into Scotland, and join Montrose; and so having

secured Scotland, to renew the war from thence.

And accordingly his Majesty marches northwards, with a body of 4000

horse; and, had the king really done this, and with that body of horse

marched away (for he had the start of all his enemies, by above a

fortnight's march), he had then had the fairest opportunity for a

general turn of all his affairs, that he ever had in all the latter

part of this war. For Montrose, a gallant daring soldier, who from

the least shadow of force in the farthest corner of this country, had,

rolling like a snowball, spread all over Scotland, was come into

the south parts, and had summoned Edinburgh, frighted away their

statesmen, beaten their soldiers at Dundee and other places; and

letters and messengers in the heels of one another, repeated their

cries to their brethren in England, to lay before them the sad

condition of the country, and to hasten the army to their relief. The

Scots lords of the enemy's party fled to Berwick, and the chancellor

of Scotland goes himself to General Leslie, to press him for help.

In this extremity of affairs Scotland lay when we marched out of

Wales. The Scots, at the siege of Hereford, hearing the king was gone

northward with his horse, conclude he was gone directly for Scotland,

and immediately send Leslie with 4000 horse and foot to follow, but

did not yet raise the siege. But the king, still irresolute, turns

away to the eastward, and comes to Lichfield, where he showed his

resentments at Colonel Hastings for his easy surrender of Leicester.

In this march the enemy took heart. We had troops of horse on every

side upon us like hounds started at a fresh stag. Leslie, with the

Scots, and a strong body followed in our rear, Major-General Poyntz,

Sir John Gell, Colonel Rossiter, and others in our way; they pretended

to be 10,000 horse, and yet never durst face us. The Scots made one

attempt upon a troop which stayed a little behind, and took some

prisoners; but when a regiment of our horse faced them they retired.

At a village near Lichfield another party of about 1000 horse attacked

my regiment. We were on the left of the army, and at a little too

far a distance. I happened to be with the king at that time, and

my lieutenant-colonel with me, so that the major had charge of the

regiment. He made a very handsome defence, but sent messengers for

speedy relief. We were on a march, and therefore all ready, and the

king orders me a regiment of dragoons and 300 horse, and the body

halted to bring us off, not knowing how strong the enemy might be.

When I came to the place I found my major hard laid to, but fighting

like a lion. The enemy had broke in upon him in two places, and had

routed one troop, cutting them off from the body, and had made them

all prisoners. Upon this I fell in with the 300 horse, and cleared

my major from a party who charged him in the flank; the dragoons

immediately lighting, one party of them comes up on my wing, and

saluting the enemy with their muskets, put them to a stand, the other

party of dragoons wheeling to the left endeavouring to get behind

them. The enemy, perceiving they should be overpowered, retreated in

as good order as they could, but left us most of our prisoners, and

about thirty of their own. We lost about fifteen of our men, and

the enemy about forty, chiefly by the fire of our dragoons in their

retreat.

In this posture we continued our march; and though the king halted

at Lichfield--which was a dangerous article, having so many of the

enemy's troops upon his hands, and this time gave them opportunity to

get into a body--yet the Scots, with their General Leslie, resolving

for the north, the rest of the troops were not able to face us, till,

having ravaged the enemy's country through Staffordshire, Warwick,

Leicester, and Nottinghamshire, we came to the leaguer before Newark.

The king was once more in the mind to have gone into Scotland, and

called a council of war to that purpose; but then it was resolved by

all hands that it would be too late to attempt it, for the Scots and

Major-General Poyntz were before us, and several strong bodies

of horse in our rear; and there was no venturing now, unless any

advantage presented to rout one of those parties which attended us.

Upon these and like considerations we resolved for Newark; on our

approach the forces which blocked up that town drew off, being too

weak to oppose us, for the king was now above 5000 horse and dragoons,

besides 300 horse and dragoons he took with him from Newark.

We halted at Newark to assist the garrison, or give them time rather

to furnish themselves from the country with what they wanted, which

they were very diligent in doing; for in two days' time they filled

a large island which lies under the town, between the two branches of

the Trent, with sheep, oxen, cows, and horses, an incredible number;

and our affairs being now something desperate, we were not very

nice in our usage of the country, for really if it was not with a

resolution both to punish the enemy and enrich ourselves, no man can

give any rational account why this desperate journey was undertaken.

'Tis certain the Newarkers, in the respite they gained by our coming,

got above £50,000 from the country round them in corn, cattle, money,

and other plunder.

From hence we broke into Lincolnshire, and the king lay at Belvoir

Castle, and from Belvoir Castle to Stamford. The swiftness of our

march was a terrible surprise to the enemy; for our van being at a

village on the great road called Stilton, the country people fled

into the Isle of Ely, and every way, as if all was lost. Indeed our

dragoons treated the country very coarsely, and all our men in general

made themselves rich. Between Stilton and Huntingdon we had a small

bustle with some of the associated troops of horse, but they were soon

routed, and fled to Huntingdon, where they gave such an account of us

to their fellows that they did not think fit to stay for us, but left

their foot to defend themselves as well as they could.

While this was doing in the van a party from Burleigh House, near

Stamford, the seat of the Earl of Exeter, pursued four troops of

our horse, who, straggling towards Peterborough, and committing some

disorders there, were surprised before they could get into a posture

of fighting; and encumbered, as I suppose, with their plunder, they

were entirely routed, lost most of their horses, and were forced to

come away on foot; but finding themselves in this condition, they got

in a body into the enclosures, and in that posture turning dragoons,

they lined the hedges, and fired upon the enemy with their carabines.

This way of fighting, though not very pleasant to troopers, put the

enemy's horse to some stand, and encouraged our men to venture into a

village, where the enemy had secured forty of their horse; and boldly

charging the guard, they beat them off, and recovering those horses,

the rest made their retreat good to Wansford Bridge; but we lost near

100 horses, and about twelve of our men taken prisoners.

The next day the king took Huntingdon; the foot which were left in the

town, as I observed by their horse, had posted themselves at the foot

of the bridge, and fortified the pass, with such things as the haste

and shortness of the time would allow; and in this posture they seemed

resolute to defend themselves. I confess, had they in time planted a

good force here, they might have put a full stop to our little army;

for the river is large and deep, the country on the left marshy, full

of drains and ditches, and unfit for horse, and we must have either

turned back, or took the right hand into Bedfordshire; but here not

being above 400 foot, and they forsaken of their horse, the resistance

they made was to no other purpose than to give us occasion to knock

them on the head, and plunder the town.

However, they defended the bridge, as I have said, and opposed our

passage. I was this day in the van, and our forlorn having entered

Huntingdon without any great resistance till they came to the bridge,

finding it barricaded, they sent me word; I caused the troops to halt,

and rode up to the forlorn, to view the countenance of the enemy, and

found by the posture they had put themselves in, that they resolved to

sell us the passage as dear as they could.

I sent to the king for some dragoons, and gave him account of what I

observed of the enemy, and that I judged them to be 1000 men; for I

could not particularly see their numbers. Accordingly the king ordered

500 dragoons to attack the bridge, commanded by a major; the enemy had

200 musketeers placed on the bridge, their barricade served them for

a breastwork on the front, and the low walls on the bridge served

to secure their flanks. Two bodies of their foot were placed on the

opposite banks of the river, and a reserve stood in the highway on the

rear. The number of their men could not have been better ordered, and

they wanted not courage answerable to the conduct of the party. They

were commanded by one Bennet, a resolute officer, who stood in the

front of his men on the bridge with a pike in his hand.

Before we began to fall on, the king ordered to view the river, to see

if it was nowhere passable, or any boat to be had; but the river being

not fordable, and the boats all secured on the other side, the attack

was resolved on, and the dragoons fell on with extraordinary bravery.

The foot defended themselves obstinately, and beat off our dragoons

twice, and though Bennet was killed upon the spot, and after him his

lieutenant, yet their officers relieving them with fresh men, they

would certainly have beat us all off, had not a venturous fellow, one

of our dragoons, thrown himself into the river, swam over, and, in the

midst of a shower of musket-bullets, cut the rope which tied a great

flat-bottom boat, and brought her over. With the help of this boat, I

got over 100 troopers first, and then their horses, and then 200 more

without their horses; and with this party fell in with one of the

small bodies of foot that were posted on that side, and having routed

them, and after them the reserve which stood on the road, I made up

to the other party. They stood their ground, and having rallied the

runaways of both the other parties, charged me with their pikes, and

brought me to a retreat; but by this time the king had sent over 300

men more, and they coming up to me, the foot retreated. Those on the

bridge finding how 'twas, and having no supplies sent them, as before,

fainted, and fled; and the dragoons rushing forward, most of them were

killed; about 150 of the enemy were killed, of which all the officers

at the bridge, the rest run away.

The town suffered for it, for our men left them little of anything

they could carry. Here we halted and raised contributions, took money

of the country and of the open towns, to exempt them from plunder.

Twice we faced the town of Cambridge, and several of our officers

advised his Majesty to storm it. But having no foot, and but 1200

dragoons, wiser heads diverted him from it, and leaving Cambridge

on the left, we marched to Woburn, in Bedfordshire, and our parties

raised money all over the country quite into Hertfordshire, within

five miles of St Alban's.

The swiftness of our march, and uncertainty which way we intended,

prevented all possible preparation to oppose us, and we met with no

party able to make head against us. From Woburn the king went through

Buckingham to Oxford; some of our men straggling in the villages for

plunder, were often picked up by the enemy. But in all this long march

we did not lose 200 men, got an incredible booty, and brought six

waggons laden with money, besides 2000 horses and 3000 head of cattle,

into Oxford. From Oxford his Majesty moves again into Gloucestershire,

having left about 1500 of his horse at Oxford to scour the country,

and raise contributions, which they did as far as Reading.

Sir Thomas Fairfax was returned from taking Bridgewater, and was sat

down before Bristol, in which Prince Rupert commanded with a strong

garrison, 2500 foot and 1000 horse. We had not force enough to attempt

anything there. But the Scots, who lay still before Hereford,

were afraid of us, having before parted with all their horse under

Lieutenant-General Leslie, and but ill stored with provisions; and if

we came on their backs, were in a fair way to be starved, or made to

buy their provisions at the price of their blood.

His Majesty was sensible of this, and had we had but ten regiments of

foot, would certainly have fought the Scots. But we had no foot, or so

few as was not worth while to march them. However, the king marched

to Worcester, and the Scots, apprehending they should be blocked

up, immediately raised the siege, pretending it was to go help their

brethren in Scotland, and away they marched northwards.

We picked up some of their stragglers, but they were so poor, had been

so ill paid, and so harassed at the siege, that they had neither money

nor clothes; and the poor soldiers fed upon apples and roots, and ate

the very green corn as it grew in the fields, which reduced them to

a very sorry condition of health, for they died like people infected

with the plague.

'Twas now debated whether we should yet march for Scotland, but two

things prevented--(1.) The plague was broke out there, and multitudes

died of it, which made the king backward, and the men more backward.

(2.) The Marquis of Montrose, having routed a whole brigade of

Leslie's best horse, and carried all before him, wrote to his Majesty

that he did not now want assistance, but was in hopes in a few days

to send a body of foot into England to his Majesty's assistance. This

over-confidence of his was his ruin; for, on the contrary, had he

earnestly pressed the king to have marched, and fallen in with his

horse, the king had done it, and been absolutely master of Scotland

in a fortnight's time; but Montrose was too confident, and defied them

all, till at last they got their forces together, and Leslie with his

horse out of England, and worsted him in two or three encounters, and

then never left him till they drove him out of Scotland.

While his Majesty stayed at Worcester, several messengers came to him

from Cheshire for relief, being exceedingly straitened by the forces

of the Parliament; in order to which the king marched, but Shrewsbury

being in the enemy's hands, he was obliged to go round by Ludlow,

where he was joined by some foot out of Wales. I took this opportunity

to ask his Majesty's leave to go by Shrewsbury to my father's,

and, taking only two servants, I left the army two days before they

marched.

This was the most unsoldier-like action that ever I was guilty of, to

go out of the army to pay a visit when a time of action was just at

hand; and, though I protest I had not the least intimation, no, not

from my own thoughts, that the army would engage, at least before they

came to Chester, before which I intended to meet them, yet it looked

so ill, so like an excuse or a sham of cowardice, or disaffection to

the cause and to my master's interest, or something I know not what,

that I could not bear to think of it, nor never had the heart to see

the king's face after it.

From Ludlow the king marched to relieve Chester. Poyntz, who commanded

the Parliament's forces, follows the king, with design to join with

the forces before Chester, under Colonel Jones, before the king could

come up. To that end Poyntz passes through Shrewsbury the day that the

king marched from Ludlow; yet the king's forces got the start of him,

and forced him to engage. Had the king engaged him but three hours

sooner, and consequently farther off from Chester, he had ruined him,

for Poyntz's men, not able to stand the shock of the king's horse,

gave ground, and would in half-an-hour more have been beaten out of

the field; but Colonel Jones, with a strong party from the camp, which

was within two miles; comes up in the heat of the action, falls on in

the king's rear, and turned the scale of the day. The body was, after

an obstinate fight, defeated, and a great many gentlemen of quality

killed and taken prisoners. The Earl of Lichfield was of the number of

the former, and sixty-seven officers of the latter, with 1000 others.

The king, with about 500 horse, got into Chester, and from thence into

Wales, whither all that could get away made up to him as fast as they

could, but in a bad condition.

This was the last stroke they struck; the rest of the war was nothing

but taking all his garrisons from him one by one, till they finished

the war with the captivating his person, and then, for want of other

business, fell to fighting with one another.

I was quite disconsolate at the news of this last action, and the

more because I was not there. My regiment wholly dispersed, my

lieutenant-colonel, a gentleman of a good family, and a near relation

to my mother, was prisoner, my major and three captains killed, and

most of the rest prisoners.

The king, hopeless of any considerable party in Wales, Bristol being

surrendered, sends for Prince Rupert and Prince Maurice, who came

to him. With them, and the Lord Digby, Sir Marmaduke Langdale, and a

great train of gentlemen, his Majesty marches to Newark again, leaves

1000 horse with Sir William Vaughan to attempt the relief of Chester,

in doing whereof he was routed the second time by Jones and his men,

and entirely dispersed.

The chief strength the king had in these parts was at Newark, and the

Parliament were very earnest with the Scots to march southward and to

lay siege to Newark; and while the Parliament pressed them to it, and

they sat still and delayed it, several heats began, and some ill blood

between them, which afterwards broke out into open war. The English

reproached the Scots with pretending to help them, and really

hindering their affairs. The Scots returned that they came to fight

for them, and are left to be starved, and can neither get money nor

clothes. At last they came to this, the Scots will come to the siege

if the Parliament will send them money, but not before. However, as

people sooner agree in doing ill than in doing well, they came to

terms, and the Scots came with their whole army to the siege of

Newark.

The king, foreseeing the siege, calls his friends about him, tells

them he sees his circumstances are such that they can help him but

little, nor he protect them, and advises them to separate. The Lord

Digby, with Sir Marmaduke Langdale, with a strong body of horse,

attempt to get into Scotland to join with Montrose, who was still in

the Highlands, though reduced to a low ebb, but these gentlemen are

fallen upon on every side and routed, and at last, being totally

broken and dispersed, they fly to the Earl of Derby's protection in

the Isle of Man.

Prince Rupert, Prince Maurice, Colonel Gerard, and above 400

gentlemen, all officers of horse, lay their commissions down, and

seizing upon Wootton House for a retreat, make proposals to the

Parliament to leave the kingdom, upon their parole not to return again

in arms against the Parliament, which was accepted, though afterwards

the prince declined it. I sent my man post to the prince to be

included in this treaty, and for leave for all that would accept of

like conditions, but they had given in the list of their names, and

could not alter it.

This was a sad time. The poor remains of the king's fortunes went

everywhere to wreck. Every garrison of the enemy was full of the

Cavalier prisoners, and every garrison the king had was beset with

enemies, either blocked up or besieged. Goring and the Lord Hopton

were the only remainders of the king's forces which kept in a body,

and Fairfax was pushing them with all imaginable vigour with his whole

army about Exeter and other parts of Devonshire and Cornwall.

In this condition the king left Newark in the night, and got to

Oxford. The king had in Oxford 8000 men, and the towns of Banbury,

Farringdon, Donnington Castle, and such places as might have been

brought together in twenty-four hours, 15,000 or 20,000 men, with

which, if he had then resolved to have quitted the place,

and collected the forces in Worcester, Hereford, Lichfield,

Ashby-de-la-Zouch, and all the small castles and garrisons he had

thereabouts, he might have had near 40,000 men, might have beaten

the Scots from Newark, Colonel Jones from Chester, and all, before

Fairfax, who was in the west, could be able to come to their relief.

And this his Majesty's friends in North Wales had concerted; and, in

order to it, Sir Jacob Ashby gathered what forces he could, in our

parts, and attempted to join the king at Oxford, and to have proposed

it to him; but Sir Jacob was entirely routed at Stow-on-the-Wold, and

taken prisoner, and of 3000 men not above 600 came to Oxford.

All the king's garrisons dropped one by one; Hereford, which had stood

out against the whole army of the Scots, was surprised by six men and

a lieutenant dressed up for country labourers, and a constable pressed

to work, who cut the guards in pieces, and let in a party of the

enemy. Chester was reduced by famine, all the attempts the king made

to relieve it being frustrated.

Sir Thomas Fairfax routed the Lord Hopton at Torrington, and drove him

to such extremities, that he was forced up into the farthest corner of

Cornwall. The Lord Hopton had a gallant body of horse with him of nine

brigades, but no foot; Fairfax, a great army.

Heartless, and tired out with continual ill news, and ill success,

I had frequent meetings with some gentlemen who had escaped from

the rout of Sir William Vaughan, and we agreed upon a meeting at

Worcester, of all the friends we could get, to see if we could raise

a body fit to do any service; or, if not, to consider what was to be

done. At this meeting we had almost as many opinions as people; our

strength appeared too weak to make any attempt, the game was too far

gone in our parts to be retrieved; all we could make up did not amount

to above 800 horse.

'Twas unanimously agreed not to go into the Parliament as long as our

royal master did not give up the cause; but in all places, and by all

possible methods, to do him all the service we could. Some proposed

one thing, some another; at last we proposed getting vessels to carry

us to the Isle of Man to the Earl of Derby, as Sir Marmaduke Langdale,

Lord Digby, and others had done. I did not foresee any service

it would be to the king's affairs, but I started a proposal that,

marching to Pembroke in a body, we should there seize upon all the

vessels we could, and embarking ourselves, horses, and what foot

we could get, cross the Severn Sea, and land in Cornwall to the

assistance of Prince Charles, who was in the army of the Lord Hopton,

and where only there seemed to be any possibility of a chance for the

remaining part of our cause.

This proposal was not without its difficulties, as how to get to the

seaside, and, when there, what assurance of shipping. The enemy, under

Major-General Langhorn, had overrun Wales, and 'twould be next to

impossible to effect it.

We could never carry our proposal with the whole assembly; but,

however, about 200 of us resolved to attempt it, and [the] meeting

being broken up without coming to any conclusion, we had a private

meeting among ourselves to effect it.

We despatched private messengers to Swansea and Pembroke, and other

places; but they all discouraged us from the attempt that way, and

advised us to go higher towards North Wales, where the king's interest

had more friends, and the Parliament no forces. Upon this we met, and

resolved, and having sent several messengers that way, one of my men

provided us two small vessels in a little creek near Harlech Castle,

in Merionethshire. We marched away with what expedition we could, and

embarked in the two vessels accordingly. It was the worst voyage sure

that ever man went; for first we had no manner of accommodation for so

many people, hay for our horses we got none, or very little, but good

store of oats, which served us for our own bread as well as provender

for the horses.

In this condition we put off to sea, and had a fair wind all the first

night, but early in the morning a sudden storm drove us within two or

three leagues of Ireland. In this pickle, sea-sick, our horses rolling

about upon one another, and ourselves stifled for want of room, no

cabins nor beds, very cold weather, and very indifferent diet, we

wished ourselves ashore again a thousand times; and yet we were not

willing to go ashore in Ireland if we could help it; for the rebels

having possession of every place, that was just having our throats cut

at once. Having rolled about at the mercy of the winds all day, the

storm ceasing in the evening, we had fair weather again, but wind

enough, which being large, in two days and a night we came upon the

coast of Cornwall, and, to our no small comfort, landed the next day

at St Ives, in the county of Cornwall.

We rested ourselves here, and sent an express to the Lord Hopton, who

was then in Devonshire, of our arrival, and desired him to assign us

quarters, and send us his farther orders. His lordship expressed a

very great satisfaction at our arrival, and left it to our own conduct

to join him as we saw convenient.

We were marching to join him, when news came that Fairfax had given

him an entire defeat at Torrington. This was but the old story over

again. We had been used to ill news a great while, and 'twas the less

surprise to us.

Upon this news we halted at Bodmin, till we should hear farther; and

it was not long before we saw a confirmation of the news before our

eyes, for the Lord Hopton, with the remainder of his horse, which he

had brought off at Torrington in a very shattered condition, retreated

to Launceston, the first town in Cornwall, and hearing that Fairfax

pursued him, came on to Bodmin. Hither he summoned all the troops

which he had left, which, when he had got together, were a fine

body indeed of 5000 horse, but few foot but what were at Pendennis,

Barnstaple, and other garrisons. These were commanded by the Lord

Hopton. The Lord Goring had taken shipping for France to get relief a

few days before.

Here a grand council of war was called, and several things were

proposed, but as it always is in distress, people are most irresolute,

so 'twas here. Some were for breaking through by force, our number

being superior to the enemy's horse. To fight them with their foot

would be desperation and ridiculous; and to retreat would but be

to coop up themselves in a narrow place, where at last they must be

forced to fight upon disadvantage, or yield at mercy. Others opposed

this as a desperate action, and without probability of success, and

all were of different opinions. I confess, when I saw how things

were, I saw 'twas a lost game, and I was for the opinion of breaking

through, and doing it now, while the country was open and large, and

not being forced to it when it must be with more disadvantage. But

nothing was resolved on, and so we retreated before the enemy. Some

small skirmishes there happened near Bodmin, but none that were very

considerable.

'Twas the 1st of March when we quitted Bodmin, and quartered at large

at Columb, St Dennis, and Truro, and the enemy took his quarters at

Bodmin, posting his horse at the passes from Padstow on the north, to

Wadebridge, Lostwithiel, and Fowey, spreading so from sea to sea,

that now breaking through was impossible. There was no more room for

counsel; for unless we had ships to carry us off, we had nothing to do

but when we were fallen upon, to defend ourselves, and sell victory as

dear as we could to the enemies.

The Prince of Wales seeing the distress we were in, and loth to

fall into the enemy's hands, ships himself on board some vessels at

Falmouth, with about 400 lords and gentlemen. And as I had no command

here to oblige my attendance, I was once going to make one, but my

comrades, whom I had been the principal occasion of bringing hither,

began to take it ill, that I would leave them, and so I resolved we

would take our fate together.

While thus we had nothing before us but a soldier's death, a fair

field, and a strong enemy, and people began to look one upon another,

the soldiers asked how their officers looked, and the officers asked

how their soldiers looked, and every day we expected to be our last,

when unexpectedly the enemy's general sent a trumpet to Truro to my

Lord Hopton, with a very handsome gentlemanlike offer:--

That since the general could not be ignorant of his present condition,

and that the place he was in could not afford him subsistence or

defence; and especially considering that the state of our affairs were

such, that if we should escape from thence we could not remove to

our advantage, he had thought good to let us know, that if we would

deliver up our horses and arms, he would, for avoiding the effusion of

Christian blood, or the putting any unsoldierly extremities upon us,

allow such honourable and safe conditions, as were rather better than

our present circumstances could demand, and such as should discharge

him to all the world, as a gentleman, as a soldier, and as a

Christian.

After this followed the conditions he would give us, which were as

follows, viz.:--That all the soldiery, as well English as foreigners,

should have liberty to go beyond the seas, or to their own dwellings,

as they pleased; and to such as shall choose to live at home,

protection for their liberty, and from all violence and plundering

of soldiers, and to give them bag and baggage, and all their goods,

except horses and arms.

That for officers in commissions, and gentlemen of quality, he would

allow them horses for themselves and one servant, or more, suitable

to their quality, and such arms as are suitable to gentlemen of such

quality travelling in times of peace; and such officers as would go

beyond sea, should take with them their full arms and number of horses

as are allowed in the army to such officers.

That all the troopers shall receive on the delivery of their

horses, 20s. a man to carry them home; and the general's pass and

recommendation to any gentleman who desires to go to the Parliament to

settle the composition for their estates.

Lastly, a very honourable mention of the general, and offer of their

mediation to the Parliament, to treat him as a man of honour, and one

who has been tender of the country, and behaved himself with all the

moderation and candour that could be expected from an enemy.

Upon the unexpected receipt of this message, a council of war was

called, and the letter read; no man offered to speak a word; the

general moved it, but every one was loth to begin.

At last an old colonel starts up, and asked the general what he

thought might occasion the writing this letter? The general told him,

he could not tell; but he could tell, he was sure, of one thing, that

he knew what was not the occasion of it, viz., that is, not any want

of force in their army to oblige us to other terms. Then a doubt was

started, whether the king and Parliament were not in any treaty, which

this agreement might be prejudicial to.

This occasioned a letter to my Lord Fairfax, wherein our general

returning the civilities, and neither accepting nor refusing his

proposal, put it upon his honour, whether there was not some agreement

or concession between his Majesty and the Parliament, in order to a

general peace, which this treaty might be prejudicial to, or thereby

be prejudicial to us.

The Lord Fairfax ingenuously declared, he had heard the king had made

some concessions, and he heartily wished he would make such as would

settle the kingdom in peace, that Englishmen might not wound and

destroy one another; but that he declared he knew of no treaty

commenced, nor anything passed which could give us the least shadow

of hope for any advantage in not accepting his conditions; at last

telling us, that though he did not insult over our circumstances, yet

if we thought fit, upon any such supposition, to refuse his offers, he

was not to seek in his measures.

And it appeared so, for he immediately advanced his forlorns, and

dispossessed us of two advanced quarters, and thereby straitened us

yet more.

We had now nothing to say, but treat, and our general was so sensible

of our condition, that he returned the trumpet with a safe-conduct for

commissioners at twelve o'clock that night; upon which a cessation of

arms was agreed on, we quitting Truro to the Lord Fairfax, and he left

St Allen to us to keep our headquarters.

The conditions were soon agreed on; we disbanded nine full brigades of

horse, and all the conditions were observed with the most honour and

care by the enemy that ever I saw in my life.

Nor can I omit to make very honourable mention of this noble

gentleman, though I did not like his cause; but I never saw a man of

a more pleasant, calm, courteous, downright, honest behaviour in my

life; and for his courage and personal bravery in the field, that we

had felt enough of. No man in the world had more fire and fury in him

while in action, or more temper and softness out of it. In short, and

I cannot do him greater honour, he exceedingly came near the character

of my foreign hero, Gustavus Adolphus, and in my account is, of all

the soldiers in Europe, the fittest to be reckoned in the second place

of honour to him.

I had particular occasion to see much of his temper in all this

action, being one of the hostages given by our general for the

performance of the conditions, in which circumstance the general did

me several times the honour to send to me to dine with him; and was

exceedingly pleased to discourse with me about the passages of the

wars in Germany, which I had served in, he having been at the same

time in the Low Countries in the service of Prince Maurice; but I

observed if at any time my civilities extended to commendations of his

own actions, and especially to comparing him to Gustavus Adolphus, he

would blush like a woman, and be uneasy, declining the discourse, and

in this he was still more like him.

Let no man scruple my honourable mention of this noble enemy, since

no man can suspect me of favouring the cause he embarked in, which

I served as heartily against as any man in the army; but I cannot

conceal extraordinary merit for its being placed in an enemy.

This was the end of our making war, for now we were all under parole

never to bear arms against the Parliament; and though some of us did

not keep our word, yet I think a soldier's parole ought to be the most

sacred in such case, that a soldier may be the easier trusted at all

times upon his word. For my part, I went home fully contented, since

I could do my royal master no better service, that I had come off no

worse.

The enemy going now on in a full current of success, and the king

reduced to the last extremity, and Fairfax, by long marches, being

come back within five miles of Oxford, his Majesty, loth to be cooped

up in a town which could on no account hold long out, quits the town

in a disguise, leaving Sir Thomas Clemham governor, and being only

attended with Mr Ashburnham and one more, rides away to Newark, and

there fatally committed himself to the honour and fidelity of the

Scots under General Leven.

There had been some little bickering between the Parliament and the

Scots commissioners concerning the propositions which the Scots were

for a treaty with the king upon, and the Parliament refused it. The

Parliament, upon all proposals of peace, had formerly invited the king

to come and throw himself upon the honour, fidelity, and affection of

his Parliament. And now the king from Oxford offering to come up

to London on the protection of the Parliament for the safety of his

person, they refused him, and the Scots differed from them in it, and

were for a personal treaty.

This, in our opinion, was the reason which prompted the king to throw

himself upon the fidelity of the Scots, who really by their infidelity

had been the ruin of all his affairs, and now, by their perfidious

breach of honour and faith with him, will be virtually and mediately

the ruin of his person.

The Scots were, as all the nation besides them was, surprised at the

king's coming among them; the Parliament began very high with them,

and send an order to General Leven to send the king to Warwick Castle;

but he was not so hasty to part with so rich a prize. As soon as the

king came to the general, he signs an order to Colonel Bellasis, the

governor of Newark, to surrender it, and immediately the Scots decamp

homewards, carrying the king in the camp with them, and marching on, a

house was ordered to be provided for the king at Newcastle.

And now the Parliament saw their error, in refusing his Majesty a

personal treaty, which, if they had accepted (their army was not yet

taught the way of huffing their masters), the kingdom might have been

settled in peace. Upon this the Parliament send to General Leven to

have his Majesty not be sent, which was their first language, but be

suffered to come to London to treat with his Parliament; before it

was, "Let the king be sent to Warwick Castle"; now 'tis, "To let his

Majesty come to London to treat with his people."

But neither one or the other would do with the Scots; but we who knew

the Scots best knew that there was one thing would do with them, if

the other would not, and that was money; and therefore our hearts

ached for the king.

The Scots, as I said, had retreated to Newcastle with the king, and

there they quartered their whole army at large upon the country;

the Parliament voted they had no farther occasion for the Scots, and

desired them to go home about their business. I do not say it was

in these words, but in whatsoever good words their messages might

be expressed, this and nothing less was the English of it. The Scots

reply, by setting forth their losses, damages, and dues, the substance

of which was, "Pay us our money and we will be gone, or else we won't

stir." The Parliament call for an account of their demands, which the

Scots give in, amounting to a million; but, according to their custom,

and especially finding that the army under Fairfax inclined gradually

that way, fall down to £500,000, and at last to £400,000; but all the

while this is transacting a separate treaty is carried on at London

with the commissioners of Scotland, and afterwards at Edinburgh, by

which it is given them to understand that, whereas upon payment of the

money, the Scots army is to march out of England, and to give up all

the towns and garrisons which they hold in this kingdom, so they are

to take it for granted that 'tis the meaning of the treaty that they

shall leave the king in the hands of the English Parliament.

To make this go down the better, the Scotch Parliament, upon his

Majesty's desire to go with their army into Scotland, send him for

answer, that it cannot be for the safety of his Majesty or of the

State to come into Scotland, not having taken the Covenant, and this

was carried in their Parliament but by two voices.

The Scots having refused his coming into Scotland, as was concerted

between the two Houses, and their army being to march out of

England, the delivering up the king became a consequence of the

thing--unavoidable, and of necessity.

His Majesty, thus deserted of those into whose hands he had thrown

himself, took his leave of the Scots general at Newcastle, telling him

only, in few words, this sad truth, that he was bought and sold. The

Parliament commissioners received him at Newcastle from the Scots, and

brought him to Holmby House, in Northamptonshire; from whence, upon

the quarrels and feuds of parties, he was fetched by a party of horse,

commanded by one Cornet Joyce, from the army, upon their mutinous

rendezvous at Triplow Heath; and, after this, suffering many violences

and varieties of circumstances among the army, was carried to Hampton

Court, from whence his Majesty very readily made his escape; but not

having notice enough to provide effectual means for his more effectual

deliverance, was obliged to deliver himself to Colonel Hammond in the

Isle of Wight. Here, after some very indifferent usage, the Parliament

pursued a farther treaty with him, and all points were agreed but

two: the entire abolishing Episcopacy, which the king declared to be

against his conscience and his coronation oath; and the sale of the

Church lands, which he declared, being most of them gifts to God and

the Church, by persons deceased, his Majesty thought could not be

alienated without the highest sacrilege, and if taken from the uses

to which they were appointed by the wills of the donors, ought to be

restored back to the heirs and families of the persons who bequeathed

them.

And these two articles so stuck with his Majesty, that he ventured

his fortune, and royal family, and his own life for them. However, at

last, the king condescended so far in these, that the Parliament voted

his Majesty's concessions to be sufficient to settle and establish the

peace of the nation.

This vote discovered the bottom of all the counsels which then

prevailed; for the army, who knew if peace were once settled, they

should be undone, took the alarm at this, and clubbing together in

committees and councils, at last brought themselves to a degree

of hardness above all that ever this nation saw; for calling into

question the proceedings of their masters who employed them, they

immediately fall to work upon the Parliament, remove Colonel Hammond,

who had the charge of the king, and used him honourably, place a

new guard upon him, dismiss the commissioners, and put a stop to the

treaty; and, following their blow, march to London, place regiments of

foot at the Parliament-house door, and, as the members came up,

seize upon all those whom they had down in a list as promoters of the

settlement and treaty, and would not suffer them to sit; but the rest

who, being of their own stamp, are permitted to go on, carry on the

designs of the army, revive their votes of non-addresses to the

king, and then, upon the army's petition to bring all delinquents to

justice, the mask was thrown off, the word all is declared to be

meant the king, as well as every man else they pleased. 'Tis too sad

a story, and too much a matter of grief to me, and to all good men, to

renew the blackness of those days, when law and justice was under the

feet of power; the army ruled the Parliament, the private officers

their generals, the common soldiers their officers, and confusion was

in every part of the government. In this hurry they sacrificed their

king, and shed the blood of the English nobility without mercy.

The history of the times will supply the particulars which I omit,

being willing to confine myself to my own accounts and observations.

I was now no more an actor, but a melancholy observator of the

misfortunes of the times. I had given my parole not to take up arms

against the Parliament, and I saw nothing to invite me to engage on

their side. I saw a world of confusion in all their counsels, and I

always expected that in a chain of distractions, as it generally falls

out, the last link would be destruction; and though I pretended to no

prophecy, yet the progress of affairs have brought it to pass, and I

have seen Providence, who suffered, for the correction of this nation,

the sword to govern and devour us, has at last brought destruction by

the sword upon the head of most of the party who first drew it.

* * * * *

If together with the brief account of what concern I had in the

active part of the war, I leave behind me some of my own remarks

and observations, it may be pertinent enough to my design, and not

unuseful to posterity.

1. I observed by the sequel of things that it may be some excuse to

the first Parliament, who began this war, to say that they manifested

their designs were not aimed at the monarchy, nor their quarrel at

the person of the king; because, when they had in their power, though

against his will, they would have restored both his person and dignity

as a king, only loading it with such clogs of the people's power as

they at first pretended to, viz., the militia, and power of naming

the great officers at court, and the like; which powers, it was never

denied, had been stretched too far in the beginning of this king's

reign, and several things done illegally, which his Majesty had been

sensible of, and was willing to rectify; but they having obtained the

power by victory, resolved so to secure themselves, as that, whenever

they laid down their arms, the king should not be able to do the like

again. And thus far they were not to be so much blamed, and we did

not on our own part blame them, when they had obtained the power, for

parting with it on good terms.

But when I have thus far advocated for the enemies, I must be very

free to state the crimes of this bloody war by the events of it. 'Tis

manifest there were among them from the beginning a party who aimed

at the very root of the government, and at the very thing which they

brought to pass, viz., the deposing and murdering of their sovereign;

and, as the devil is always master where mischief is the work, this

party prevailed, turned the other out of doors, and overturned all

that little honesty that might be in the first beginning of this

unhappy strife.

The consequence of this was, the Presbyterians saw their error when

it was too late, and then would gladly have joined the royal party to

have suppressed this new leaven which had infected the lump; and this

is very remarkable, that most of the first champions of this war who

bore the brunt of it, when the king was powerful and prosperous, and

when there was nothing to be got by it but blows, first or last, were

so ill used by this independent, powerful party, who tripped up

the heels of all their honesty, that they were either forced by ill

treatment to take up arms on our side, or suppressed and reduced by

them. In this the justice of Providence seemed very conspicuous, that

these having pushed all things by violence against the king, and by

arms and force brought him to their will, were at once both robbed

of the end, their Church government, and punished for drawing their

swords against their masters, by their own servants drawing the sword

against them; and God, in His due time, punished the others too. And

what was yet farther strange, the punishment of this crime of making

war against their king, singled out those very men, both in the

army and in the Parliament, who were the greatest champions of the

Presbyterian cause in the council and in the field. Some minutes, too,

of circumstances I cannot forbear observing, though they are not very

material, as to the fatality and revolutions of days and times. A

Roman Catholic gentleman of Lancashire, a very religious man in his

way, who had kept a calculate of times, and had observed mightily the

fatality of times, places, and actions, being at my father's house,

was discoursing once upon the just judgment of God in dating His

providences, so as to signify to us His displeasure at particular

circumstances; and, among an infinite number of collections he had

made, these were some which I took particular notice of, and from

whence I began to observe the like:--

1. That King Edward VI. died the very same day of the same month

in which he caused the altar to be taken down, and the image of the

Blessed Virgin in the Cathedral of St Paul's.

2. That Cranmer was burnt at Oxford the same day and month that he

gave King Henry VIII. advice to divorce his Queen Catherine.

3. That Queen Elizabeth died the same day and month that she resolved,

in her Privy Council, to behead the Queen of Scots.

4. That King James died the same day that he published his book

against Bellarmine.

5. That King Charles's long Parliament, which ruined him, began the

very same day and month which that Parliament began, that at the

request of his predecessor robbed the Roman Church of all her

revenues, and suppressed abbeys and monasteries.

How just his calculations were, or how true the matter of fact,

I cannot tell, but it put me upon the same in several actions and

successes of this war. And I found a great many circumstances, as to

time or action, which befell both his Majesty and his parties first;

Then others which befell the Parliament and Presbyterian faction,

which raised the war;

Then the Independent tyranny which succeeded and supplanted the first

party;

Then the Scots who acted on both sides;

Lastly, the restoration and re-establishment of the loyalty and

religion of our ancestors.

1. For King Charles I.; 'tis observable, that the charge against the

Earl of Strafford, a thing which his Majesty blamed himself for all

the days of his life, and at the moment of his last suffering, was

first read in the Lords' House on the 30th of January, the same day of

the month six years that the king himself was brought to the block.

2. That the king was carried away prisoner from Newark, by the Scots,

May 10, the same day six years that, against his conscience and

promise, he passed the bill of attainder against the loyal, noble Earl

of Strafford.

3. The same day seven years that the king entered the House of Commons

for the five members, which all his friends blamed him for, the same

day the Rump voted bringing his Majesty to trial, after they had set

by the Lords for not agreeing to it, which was the 3rd of January

1648.

4. The 12th of May 1646, being the surrender of Newark, the Parliament

held a day of thanksgiving and rejoicing, for the reduction of the

king and his party, and finishing the war, which was the same day five

years that the Earl of Strafford was beheaded.

5. The battle at Naseby, which ruined the king's affairs, and where

his secretary and his office was taken, was the 14th of June, the same

day and month the first commission was given out by his Majesty to

raise forces.

6. The queen voted a traitor by the Parliament the 3rd of May, the

same day and month she carried the jewels into France.

7. The same day the king defeated Essex in the west, his son, King

Charles II., was defeated at Worcester.

8. Archbishop Laud's house at Lambeth assaulted by the mob, the same

day of the same month that he advised the king to make war upon the

Scots.

9. Impeached the 15th of December 1640, the same day twelvemonth that

he ordered the Common Prayer-book of Scotland to be printed, in order

to be imposed upon the Scots, from which all our troubles began.

But many more, and more strange, are the critical junctures of affairs

in the case of the enemy, or at least more observed by me:--

1. Sir John Hotham, who repulsed his Majesty and refused him

admittance into Hull before the war, was seized at Hull by the same

Parliament for whom he had done it, the same 10th day of August two

years that he drew the first blood in that war.

2. Hampden of Buckinghamshire killed the same day one year that the

mob petition from Bucks was presented to the king about him, as one of

the five members.

3. Young Captain Hotham executed the 1st of January, the same day that

he assisted Sir Thomas Fairfax in the first skirmish with the king's

forces at Bramham Moor.

4. The same day and month, being the 6th of August 1641, that the

Parliament voted to raise an army against the king, the same day and

month, _anno_ 1648, the Parliament were assaulted and turned out of

doors by that very army, and none left to sit but who the soldiers

pleased, which were therefore called the Rump.

5. The Earl of Holland deserted the king, who had made him general of

the horse, and went over to the Parliament, and the 9th of March

1641, carried the Commons' reproaching declaration to the king; and

afterwards taking up arms for the king against the Parliament, was

beheaded by them the 9th of March 1648, just seven years after.

6. The Earl of Holland was sent by the king to come to his assistance

and refused, the 11th of July 1641, and that very day seven years

after was taken by the Parliament at St Neots.

7. Colonel Massey defended Gloucester against the king, and beat

him off the 5th of September 1643; was taken after by Cromwell's men

fighting for the king, on the 5th of September 1651, two or three days

after the fight at Worcester.

8. Richard Cromwell resigning, because he could not help it, the

Parliament voted a free Commonwealth, without a single person or House

of Lords. This was the 25th of May 1658; the 25th of May 1660, the

king landed at Dover, and restored the government of a single person

and House of Lords.

9. Lambert was proclaimed a traitor by the Parliament April the 20th,

being the same day he proposed to Oliver Cromwell to take upon him the

title of king.

10. Monk being taken prisoner at Nantwich by Sir Thomas Fairfax,

revolted to the Parliament the same day nineteen years he declared for

the king, and thereby restored the royal authority.

11. The Parliament voted to approve of Sir John Hotham's repulsing

the king at Hull, the 28th of April 1642; the 28th of April 1660, the

Parliament first debated in the House the restoring the king to the

crown.

12. The agitators of the army formed themselves into a cabal, and held

their first meeting to seize on the king's person, and take him into

their custody from Holmby, the 28th of April 1647; the same day,

1660, the Parliament voted the agitators to be taken into custody, and

committed as many of them as could be found.

13. The Parliament voted the queen a traitor for assisting her

husband, the king, May the 3rd, 1643; her son, King Charles II., was

presented with the votes of Parliament to restore him, and the present

of £50,000, the 3rd of May 1660.

14. The same day the Parliament passed the Act for recognition of

Oliver Cromwell, October 13th, 1654, Lambert broke up the Parliament

and set up the army, 1659, October the 13th.

Some other observations I have made, which, as not so pertinent, I

forbear to publish, among which I have noted the fatality of some days

to parties, as--

The 2nd of September: The fight at Dunbar; the fight at Worcester; the

oath against a single person passed; Oliver's first Parliament called.

For the enemy.

The 2nd of September: Essex defeated in Cornwall; Oliver died; city

works demolished. For the king.

The 29th of May: Prince Charles born; Leicester taken by storm; King

Charles II. restored. Ditto.