CHAPTER VII.

THE QUEEN AND LITERATURE.

Queen Caroline is distinguished from the other Queens-Consort of

England as the one who took a genuine interest in literature; in this

respect she surpassed all our Queens-Regnant as well, though Elizabeth,

and in a far lesser sense Anne, showed an appreciation of letters. The

age of Elizabeth has been called the golden age of English literature:

the reign of Anne the Augustan period. There can be no doubt as to the

correctness of the first of these designations; the second is open to

cavil. But though the English writers who flourished during the early

part of the eighteenth century could not compare in loftiness or genius

to the writers of the reign of Elizabeth, yet they formed a galaxy of

talent--talent amounting in some instances to positive genius--which

England has never witnessed since. This galaxy shone throughout the

reigns of Anne and George the First, but soon after Caroline came to

the throne its brilliance began to wane. Some of the greatest writers

were dead, and others had already given their best work to the world.

It must be admitted that Queen Caroline’s judgment in literature was

not always as sound as her interest was genuine--in English literature

at least. Her imperfect knowledge of the English language had something

to do with this; one can hardly master the literature of a country if

one does not begin to speak its language until middle life. In French

and German literature she was far better equipped. She had read much

and widely of them both, and of her favourite studies of metaphysics,

philosophy and theology had perhaps taken in more than she could

assimilate. Her correspondence with learned and scientific men kept her

abreast of the best thought of the time, and no work of conspicuous

merit made its appearance in Europe without Caroline’s coming, directly

or indirectly, in touch with its author. When Voltaire, for instance,

visited England he received ready help and generous appreciation at

Caroline’s hands.

Voltaire came to England in 1726, after his quarrel with the Duke de

Sully. Some months’ detention in the Bastille, followed by an order to

quit Paris, had driven him into exile. In the warmth of his welcome

to England he found a balm for his wounded feelings, and he stayed in

this country more than two years. He found in England many congenial

spirits, and delighted in the freedom of discussion and latitude of

opinion everywhere prevalent, from the Court downwards, especially

in the brilliant literary circle where he foregathered. He warmly

admired the religious and civil liberty of England, and testified his

admiration in his _Lettres Philosophiques_, also called _Lettres

sur les Anglais_. He wrote in England his _Tragedy of Brutus_, and

here also he brought out, in 1728, the first edition of his poem _La

Henriade_. To Caroline, who often received him at Leicester House as

Princess of Wales, and who welcomed him with equal cordiality at court

when she became Queen, he dedicated this edition of _La Henriade_. The

dedication, in English, ran as follows:--

“TO THE QUEEN.

“MADAM--It was the fate of Henry the Fourth to be protected by an

English Queen. He was assisted by the great Elizabeth, who was in her

age the glory of her sex. By whom can his memory be so well protected

as by her who resembles so much Elizabeth in her personal virtues?

“Your Majesty will find in this book bold, impartial truths; morality

unstained with superstition; a spirit of liberty, equally abhorrent

of rebellion and of tyranny; the rights of kings always asserted, and

those of mankind never laid aside.

“The same spirit in which it is written gave me the confidence to

offer it to the virtuous Consort of a King who, among so many crowned

heads, enjoys almost alone the inestimable honour of ruling a free

nation; a King who makes his power consist in being beloved, and his

glory in being just.

“Our Descartes, who was the greatest philosopher in Europe before Sir

Isaac Newton appeared, dedicated the _Principles_ to the celebrated

Princess Palatine Elizabeth; not, said he, because she was a princess

(for true philosophers respect princes, and never flatter them); but

because of all his readers she understood him the best, and loved

truth the most.

“I beg leave, Madam (without comparing myself to Descartes), to

dedicate _La Henriade_ to your Majesty upon the like account, and not

only as the protectress of all arts and sciences, but as the best

judge of them.

“I am, with that profound respect which is due to the greatest

virtue as well as the highest rank, may it please your Majesty, your

Majesty’s most humble, most dutiful, and most obliged servant,

“VOLTAIRE.”

Even if we allow for flattery, and Voltaire was not given to flattering

princes, this dedication is a remarkable tribute to Caroline’s mental

powers and her interest in the arts. Voltaire must have known of

her friendship with Sir Isaac Newton; he had probably heard of her

admiration for Queen Elizabeth; and he skilfully wove allusions to both

in his dedication.

The first edition of _La Henriade_ was sold to subscribers at one

guinea a copy, and had a great success. The Queen herself solicited

subscriptions for it among her friends, and the edition was soon

exhausted. Nor did her interest stop here. She persuaded the King to

give Voltaire a present of two thousand crowns, equal to £500, and she

added to this a further present of £200 from her privy purse, and sent

Voltaire her portrait.

English men of letters were not so fortunate as Voltaire in winning

the favour of the court. When she was Princess of Wales Caroline made

welcome any literary man of eminence to Leicester House whatever his

creed or party, Papist or Arian, Jacobite, Whig or Tory. George the

First’s contempt for literature made her graciousness the more marked,

and perhaps it was her affability and eagerness to please that gave

rise to expectations which were later unfulfilled. For it is certain

that many eminent writers of prose and verse expected great things

when Caroline became Queen; and it is equally certain that they were

grievously disappointed. Whether with all the goodwill in the world,

and all the power, the Queen could have satisfied every one of them

may be doubted, for the literary mind is not prone to underrate its

merits. As events turned out she could do little or nothing for any

man of letters, unless he were eligible for preferment in the Church.

She found herself as Queen in a position of less freedom and greater

responsibility. She was as anxious as ever to befriend literary men,

but in this respect she found herself thwarted by the King and opposed

by Walpole; her difficulties too were increased by the fact that nearly

every writer of talent was either openly or secretly hostile to the

Government.

For this hostility Walpole was to blame; he had inaugurated a new

policy. During the reign of William and Anne, and even in the reign

of George the First while Townshend and Stanhope were Prime Ministers,

literary men were courted and caressed by those in authority. In short

it has been well said that “though the Sovereign was never an Augustus

every minister was a Mæcenas”. Lucrative places were found for many

writers in departments of the civil service, and others were aided to

enter Parliament or diplomacy.

But when Walpole became Prime Minister in 1721 he changed all this, and

set his face like a flint against employing literary men in the public

service in any capacity whatsoever. In this he was supported by George

the First, and his successor George the Second, who both despised

literature and never opened a book. The number of readers was far more

limited then than now (though perhaps they were more discriminating),

and writing books was consequently less lucrative. When men of talent

and genius saw the avenues of patronage and of usefulness in the State

suddenly closed to them by the Prime Minister, it is no wonder that

they placed their pens at the service of the Opposition, led as it was

by two men so appreciative of the claims of literature as Bolingbroke

and Pulteney. But Walpole did not heed, and for twenty years followed

the same policy. “No writer need apply” was written over every door

that led to preferment in the State. But in the long run the writers

had their revenge, and his neglect of the pamphleteers was one of the

chief causes that led to Walpole’s fall.

Queen Caroline had promised so fair when Princess of Wales, and

her influence over her husband was known to be so great, that many

literary men looked forward to her coming to the throne as likely to

bring about a revival of the Augustan age of Queen Anne. They were

bitterly disappointed when they found her in close accord with the

Minister who had slammed the door of patronage in their faces, and

many considered that she had betrayed them. They forgot that in an

alliance like that between the Queen and Walpole each had to yield

something, and the Queen yielded some of her interest in letters for

the larger interests she had at stake. It was a pity that with so real

a desire to help literature Caroline was able to do so little. It was

a still greater pity that after she became Queen her relations with

some of the greatest English men of letters, like Swift, Gay and Pope,

were strained to breaking point. The fault was not all on her side,

and in some cases the breach was inevitable, but it was none the less

unfortunate.

[Illustration: MRS. CLAYTON (VISCOUNTESS SUNDON).]

Swift, who had fallen with Bolingbroke in 1714, visited England in

1726, for the first time since the death of Queen Anne, probably with

the object of effecting a reconciliation with the reigning dynasty.

He made the acquaintance of Mrs. Howard through his friends Pope and

Gay, and was introduced by her to Caroline, then Princess of Wales.

Writing years later to the Duchess of Queensberry, who hated Caroline,

Swift declared that “a nameless person” (the Queen) “sent me eleven

messages before I would yield her a visit”. This was surely an

exaggeration, and it was written at a time when Swift, having lost all

hope of preferment from the Queen, was paying his court to the duchess.

Swift no doubt was quite as ready to have an audience as Caroline was

to grant him one. He began the conversation by saying that he knew the

Princess loved to see odd persons, and having seen a wild boy from

Germany, he supposed she now had a curiosity to see a wild dean from

Ireland. Caroline laughed, and found in his genius an excuse for the

lack of courtly manners. He came several times to Leicester House.

Swift returned to Ireland well pleased with his reception, though no

definite promise of what he desired, English preferment, had been given

him. He came again to England early the following year, 1727, as it

proved for the last time. His coming was heralded by the publication

of his famous satire, _Gulliver’s Travels_. Caroline read the book

with delight, and when the author presented himself at Leicester House

welcomed him most graciously. She accepted from him a present of Irish

poplins, and promised him a medallion of herself in return. Swift was

also a constant and welcome guest in the apartments of Mrs. Howard,

and met there, besides many men of letters, politicians of the stamp

of Townshend and Compton. He was in England at the time of George the

First’s death, and kissed the hands of the new King and Queen. For a

time he was full of hope, but his expectations received a shock when

he found Walpole, “Bob the poet’s foe,” confirmed in power. He went

back to Ireland, cast down but not dismayed, and waited there for the

summons that never came.

For some time the dean placed faith in Mrs. Howard, and more especially

in the Queen’s graciousness. He knew also the Queen’s views on Church

matters, and his unorthodoxy, which had hindered Anne from making him

a bishop, would, he thought, be a point in his favour with Caroline.

His commanding literary abilities ought certainly to have given him

a strong claim upon her consideration. But Swift, the friend of

Bolingbroke, was disliked by Walpole, and Caroline distrusted every

one who was intimate with Bolingbroke. Moreover Swift thought, like so

many others, that the way to the King’s favour lay through his mistress

rather than his wife, and on both his visits to England he paid great

court to Mrs. Howard, visiting her frequently, flattering her, telling

her some of his best stories, and writing her some of his wittiest

letters. Caroline, who knew of this friendship, resented it, and

though she gave the great dean audience, and was affable to him as she

was to every one, she made a mental note against his name, and never

helped him to realise his wish of obtaining English preferment. She

had never promised to give it to him, but she had promised to send him

her medallion. Swift, who for some time after his return to Ireland,

kept up a correspondence with Mrs. Howard, wrote to her recalling the

Queen’s promise.

“First, therefore,” he writes, “I call you to witness that I did

not attend on the Queen until I had received her repeated messages,

which, of course, occasioned my being introduced to you. I never asked

anything till, upon leaving England for the first time, I desired

from you a present worth a guinea, and from her Majesty one worth ten

pounds, by way of a memorial. Yours I received, and the Queen, upon

taking my leave of her, made an excuse that she had intended a medal

for me, which not being ready, she would send it me the Christmas

following: yet this was never done, nor at all remembered when I went

back to England the next year, and attended her as I had done before.

I must now tell you, madam, that I will receive no medal from her

Majesty, nor anything less than her picture at half-length, drawn by

Jervas; and if he takes it from another original, the Queen shall at

least sit twice for him to touch it up. I desire you will let her

Majesty know this in plain words, although I have heard I am under her

displeasure....

“Against _you_ I have but one reproach, that when I was last in

England, and just after the present King’s accession, I resolved

to pass that summer in France, for which I had then a most lucky

opportunity, from which those who seemed to love me well, dissuaded me

by your advice. And when I sent you a note, conjuring you to lay aside

the character of a courtier and a favourite upon that occasion, your

answer positively directed me not to go at that juncture; and you

said the same thing to my friends who seemed to have power of giving

me hints, that I might reasonably have expected a settlement[78] in

England, which, God knows, is no great ambition considering the station

I should leave here, of greater dignity, which might easily have been

managed to be disposed of as the Crown pleased....

“I wish her Majesty would a little remember what I largely said to her

about Ireland, when before a witness she gave me leave, and commanded

me to tell here what she spoke to me upon that subject, and ordered

me, if I lived to see her in her present station, to send her our

grievances, promising to read my letter, and do all good offices in her

power for this most miserable and most loyal kingdom, now at the brink

of ruin, and never so near as now.

“As to myself, I repeat again that I have asked nothing more than a

trifle as a memorial of some distinction, which her Majesty graciously

seemed to make between me and every common clergyman; that trifle was

forgot according to the usual method of princes, although I was taught

to think myself upon a footing of obtaining some little exception.”[79]

Whether Mrs. Howard laid this letter before the Queen, as the dean

evidently intended her to do, or spoke to the Queen on the subject,

is not known; in any case Swift would have done better to have written

directly to the Queen herself, or if that were impossible, to have

chosen some more congenial channel of communication than Mrs. Howard.

The Queen was jealous of her influence, and Mrs. Clayton, who disliked

Swift, had been taught to think that ecclesiastical recommendations

were especially within her province. For Mrs. Howard to have asked

the Queen for the meanest curacy for one of her favourites would have

been resented. So it came about that after Swift had waited a few

years longer, heart-sick with deferred hope, he turned on Mrs. Howard

as well as her mistress, though in the former case he was not only

ungrateful but unjust, for the poor lady had not the power, though she

had the will, to help him. But Swift in his Irish exile could not be

expected to know the true inwardness of affairs at Court. “As for Mrs.

Howard and her mistress,” he wrote, “I have nothing to say but that

they have neither memory nor manners, else I should have had some mark

of the former from the latter, which I was promised about two years

ago; but since I made them a present it would be mean to remind them.”

He was extremely sensitive to slights, and he resented the Queen’s

forgetfulness about the medal almost as much as the fact that she

omitted him from her list of preferments. Years after, in a poem which

he wrote on his own death, the old grievance of the medals crops up

again:--

From Dublin soon to London spread,

’Tis told at Court “the Dean is dead,”

And Lady Suffolk in the spleen

Runs laughing up to tell the Queen.

The Queen, so gracious, mild and good,

Cries: “Is he gone? ’tis time he should.

He’s dead, you say--then let him rot;

I am glad the medals were forgot.

I promised him, I own; but when?

I only was the princess then;

And now the consort of a King,

You know, ’tis quite another thing.”

Swift never forgave the Queen’s neglect, and for years, until her

death, Caroline was the subject of his sharpest satirical attacks.

But his satire failed to move her, any more than his presents and

compliments had done. The great dean was left to drag out the remainder

of his days in Ireland, embittered by disappointment and darkened by

despair. Probably Walpole interposed his veto also. It was felt that

such a firebrand was safer in Ireland, and his presence in England

might seriously embarrass the Government. No doubt there was something

to be said from that point of view. But the way in which those in

authority neglected this great genius, until baffled ambition drove him

to drink and madness, will ever remain one of the most tragic pages in

the history of literature.

Gay, like Swift, also had a grievance against the Queen, though if

Swift had any reason on his side, Gay certainly had none. Caroline had

frequently showed him kindness when Princess of Wales, and had promised

to help him when it was in her power. This promise she redeemed within

a few weeks of the King’s accession. She laughingly told Mrs. Howard

that she would now take up the “Hare with many friends”--an allusion to

one of Gay’s fables--and she offered him the post of gentleman usher

to the little Princess Louisa, a sinecure with a salary of £200 a

year, which would be equivalent to £400 in the present day. There was

little else that the Queen could offer him: the public service was now

closed to writers, and as Gay was not in holy orders, he could not be

provided for in the Church. This appointment, she thought, would secure

him from want, and give him leisure for his pen. But Gay, whose head

was quite turned by the adulation of foolish women, not only refused

the Queen’s offer, but resented it as an insult. Soon after he was

taken up by the Duke and Duchess of Queensberry, who were among his

kindest friends.

The Duchess of Queensberry was one of the most beautiful and graceful

women of her day; she was a daughter of Lord Clarendon, and therefore

cousin of the late Queen Anne. She was of a haughty disposition,

and considered herself quite equal, if not superior, to the princes

of the House of Hanover. The fact that Gay had been slighted (as he

considered) by Queen Caroline was enough to make her champion his cause

more warmly. Gay soon declared war against the court and the Government

in his famous _Beggars’ Opera_, which teemed with topical allusions and

covert political satire. The character of “Bob Booty,” for instance,

was understood to be Sir Robert Walpole, and was especially a butt

for ridicule. _The Beggars’ Opera_ took the town by storm; it enjoyed

not only an unprecedented run in London, but was played in all the

great towns of England, Ireland and Scotland. It became a fashionable

craze; ladies sang the favourite songs and carried about fans depicting

incidents and characters in the piece; pictures of the actress, Miss

Fenton, who played the leading part, were sold by the thousand, and

songs and verses were composed in her honour; she became a popular

toast and a reigning beauty, and finally married the Duke of Bolton,

who ran away with her. But the Queen and Walpole resented the covert

sarcasm in the play, and when Gay, encouraged by the success of _The

Beggars’ Opera_, wrote a sequel called _Polly_, and had it ready for

rehearsal, the Duke of Grafton, Lord Chamberlain, acting under the

orders of the King, who was instigated by the Queen, refused to license

the performance. It was said that Walpole was satirized in _Polly_

under a thin disguise as a highwayman, but whatever the reason, the

prohibition of the play only made it more popular. If it could not

be played it could be read, and every one who had a grudge against

Walpole, or the court, bought it when it came out in book form. The

Duchess of Marlborough gave £100 for a single copy, and the Duchess

of Queensberry solicited subscriptions for it within the very precincts

of St. James’s, and at a drawing-room went round the room and asked

even the officers of the King’s household to buy copies of the play

which the King had forbidden to be played. The King caught her in

the act, and asked what she was doing? She replied: “What must be

agreeable, I am sure, to one so humane as your Majesty, for I am busy

with an act of charity, and a charity to which I do not despair of

bringing your Majesty to contribute”. The King guessed what the charity

was, and talked the incident over with the Queen, who so resented the

duchess’s action, which she rightly guessed was aimed more particularly

at herself, that the King’s vice-chamberlain was sent to request her

not to appear at court again. The vice-chamberlain’s message was

verbal; but the duchess immediately wrote a spirited reply:--

“The Duchess of Queensberry is surprised and well pleased that the King

hath given her so agreeable a command as to stay from Court, where she

never came for diversion, but to bestow a great civility on the King

and Queen; she hopes that by such an unprecedented order as this is,

that the King will see as few as he wishes at his Court, particularly

such as dare to think or speak truth. I dare not do otherwise, and

ought not, nor could have imagined that it would not have been the very

highest compliment that I could possibly pay the King to endeavour to

support truth and innocence in his house, particularly when the King

and Queen both told me that they had not read Mr. Gay’s play. I have

certainly done right, then, to stand by my own words rather than his

Grace of Grafton’s, who hath neither made use of truth, judgment, nor

honour, through this whole affair, either for himself or his friends.”

The duchess told the vice-chamberlain to take the letter to the King

at once; the vice-chamberlain read it, and thought it so disrespectful

that he begged her to reconsider the matter. Thereupon she sat down

and wrote a second letter which was even worse, so he took the first

after all. The King was beside himself with passion when he received

it, and uttered the most appalling threats. But the duchess went

about unharmed, and laughed him to scorn. She was glad to have this

opportunity of showing her contempt for the “German Court,” as she

called it, and her husband supported her action by resigning his office

of Vice-Admiral of Scotland. Poor Mrs. Howard was the only sufferer,

for Gay and the duchess were both her friends, and she therefore got

the full brunt of the King’s ill temper. Most people took the duchess’s

part, thinking that the court had been impolitic in noticing her action

on behalf of Gay, who became for the moment a popular martyr. “He has

got several turned out of their places,” wrote Arbuthnot to Swift,

“the greatest ornament of the Court banished from it for his sake, and

another great lady (Mrs. Howard) in danger of being _chassée_ likewise,

about seven or eight duchesses pushing forward like the ancient

circumcelliones in the church to see who shall suffer martyrdom on his

account first; he is the darling of the city.”[80]

Gay certainly did not suffer from the Lord Chamberlain’s action,

for the subscriptions to _Polly_ brought him in £1,200, whereas by

_The Beggars’ Opera_, with all its success, he had only gained £400.

Therefore, as Dr. Johnson says, “What he called oppression ended in

profit”.

The Queen’s difference with Pope arose out of the political exigencies

of the hour. Unlike Swift and Gay he expected nothing from her, and

had therefore no disappointment. As a Roman Catholic he was debarred

from all places of honour and emolument, though in the reign of George

the First Secretary Craggs offered him a pension of £300 a year, to be

paid from the secret service money. Pope had been a familiar figure

at Leicester House and Richmond Lodge. He was a great friend of Mrs.

Howard, and a favourite with the maids of honour. Caroline, as Princess

of Wales, had shown him many courtesies, and recognised his genius and

admired his work. But Pope’s friendship with Bolingbroke and hatred of

Walpole necessarily led to a breach between him and the Queen. As Mrs.

Howard’s influence waned and Walpole’s became greater, Pope came no

more to court, and had nothing for the Queen but sneers and ridicule.

His famous quarrel with Lord Hervey also did much to widen the breach,

for the Queen naturally took her favourite’s side. A friend of Lord

Hervey’s in the House of Commons spoke of Pope as “a lampooner who

scattered his ink without fear or decency”. This was true of both

combatants, who showed in a most unamiable light in this sordid

quarrel. The origin of the feud is involved in obscurity, but Lady Mary

Wortley Montagu was undoubtedly in part responsible for it.

Lady Mary, since her return from Constantinople in 1718, had occupied

a unique position in society. She was a chartered libertine, her

conversation grew broader with advancing years, and her wit had more

licence. Between her and Lord Hervey there existed one of those curious

friendships which may sometimes be witnessed between an effeminate man

and a masculine woman, and there seems no doubt that it was of the kind

which is known as “Platonic,” for, after Lord Hervey’s death, when his

eldest son sealed up and sent Lady Mary the letters she had written to

his father, assuring her that he had not looked at them, she wrote to

say that she almost regretted he had not, as it would have proved to

him what most young men disbelieved, “the possibility of a long and

steady friendship subsisting between two persons of different sexes

without the least mixture of love”.

Lady Mary took a house at Twickenham not far from Pope’s beautiful

villa, and, though she was warned not to have anything to do with “the

wicked wasp of Twickenham,” she renewed her friendship with the poet,

and became as intimate with him as before. “Leave him as soon as you

can” wrote Addison to her, “he will certainly play you some devilish

trick else.” But Lady Mary took no heed, perhaps the danger of the

experiment tempted her, and she fooled the little poet to the top of

his bent. Pope, with all his genius, had an undue reverence for rank;

he was flattered by the notice which this clever woman extended to him,

and he genuinely admired her wit and vivacity. Lady Mary’s house was

the rendezvous of many of the courtiers and wits of the day, and here

Pope often met Lord Hervey. Lady Mary delighted in the homage the poet

gave to her ungrudgingly; it flattered her vanity that such a genius

should be at her feet. She wrote to him effusive letters, and in one of

them declared that he had discovered the philosopher’s stone, “since

by making the _Iliad_ pass through your poetical grasp into an English

form, without losing aught of its original beauty, you have drawn the

golden current from Patoclus to Twickenham”. Pope also wrote her the

most extravagant epistles. In one, referring to her portrait, which

had been painted by Sir Godfrey Kneller, he says: “This picture dwells

really at my heart, and I made a perfect passion of preferring your

present face to your past”. Again he tells her, “I write as if I were

drunk; the pleasure I take in thinking of your return transports me

beyond the bounds of common decency”.

After a time Lady Mary began to grow rather weary of her poet, but

he, on the contrary, became even more arduous, and was at last led

into making her a passionate declaration of love. She received it

by laughing in his face. Pope was keenly sensitive to ridicule, his

deformity made him more so than most men; he was of a highly strung

disposition, and Lady Mary’s outburst of hilarity was a thing he

could neither forget nor forgive. He withdrew deeply mortified and

offended. His vanity could not understand how the beautiful Lady Mary

could reject him with such disdain if another had not stolen her from

him. He formed the idea that Lord Hervey was his rival, and against

him therefore directed all his malice, spleen and hatred. A scurrilous

paper war began. Lord Hervey dabbled in poetry, not of great merit, and

Pope savagely attacked it. Speaking of one of his own satires, against

which he pretended a charge of weakness had been brought, he says:--

The lines are weak, another’s pleased to say,

Lord Fanny spins a thousand such a day.

And again:--

Like gentle Fanny’s was my flow’ry theme

A painted mistress, or a purling stream.

Hervey, who thought his namby-pamby verses really poetry, was stung

to the quick by this contemptuous allusion, and, smarting under the

satire, was foolish enough to retaliate upon Pope in a poor effusion

addressed “To the Imitator of the Satires of the Second Book of

Horace”. It runs:--

Thus, whilst with coward hand you stab a name,

And try at least t’ assassinate our fame;

Like the first bold assassin’s be thy lot;

And ne’er be thy guilt forgiven, or forgot;

But as thou hat’st, be hated by mankind,

And with the emblem of thy crooked mind

Marked on thy back, like Cain, by God’s own hand,

Wander, like him accursed, through the land.

In the same poem Pope was told:--

None thy crabbed numbers can endure

Hard as thy heart, and as thy birth obscure.

This brutal allusion to Pope’s physical infirmities and his birth

stung the most sensitive of poets to the quick. In this duel of wits,

Hervey had chosen verse as his weapon, forgetting that in this line his

adversary had no equal, and Pope seized the advantage. Hervey had set

him an unworthy example, which he did not hesitate to follow, and he

raked up everything which approached physical hideousness, weakness, or

deformity in the person and mind of his adversary. According to Lord

Hailes, “Lord Hervey, having felt some attacks of epilepsy, entered

upon and persisted in a very strict regimen, and thus stopped the

progress and prevented the effects of that dreadful disease. His daily

food was a small quantity of ass’s milk and a flour biscuit. Once a

week he indulged himself with eating an apple; he used emetics daily.

Lord Hervey used paint to soften his ghastly appearance.” All these

weaknesses were seized upon by Pope, and put into a poem wherein Lord

Hervey was satirized as “Sporus”.

Let Sporus tremble! what! that thing of silk!

Sporus, that mere white curd of ass’s milk!

Satire or sense, alas! can Sporus feel?

Who breaks a butterfly upon a wheel?

Yet let me flap this bug with gilded wings,

This painted child of dirt that stinks and stings;

Whose buzz the witty and the fair annoys,

Yet wit ne’er tastes, and beauty ne’er enjoys:

So well-bred spaniels civilly delight

In mumbling of the game they dare not bite.

Eternal smiles his emptiness betray

As shallow streams run dimpling all the way

Whether in florid impotence he speaks

And, as the prompter breathes, the puppet squeaks;

Or, at the ear of Eve, familiar toad

Half froth half venom, spits himself abroad:

In puns or politics, in tales or lies

Or spite, or smut, or rhymes, or blasphemies;

His wit all see-saw between that and this,

Now high, now low, now master up, now miss,

And he himself one vile antithesis.

Amphibious thing! that acting either part,

The trifling head, or the corrupted heart;

Fop at the toilet, flatterer at the Board,

Now trips a lady and now struts a lord.

Eve’s tempter thus the Rabbins have expressed,

A cherub’s face and reptile all the rest;

Beauty that shocks you, parts that none will trust,

Wit that can creep, and pride that licks the dust.

Coxe, alluding to the portrait of Sporus, writes: “I never could read

this passage without disgust and horror, disgust at the indelicacy

of the allusions, horror at the malignity of the poet in laying the

foundation of his abuse on the lowest species of satire, personal

invective, and what is still worse, sickness and debility”. This

condemnation is true of Pope’s verses on Hervey, but it is equally true

of Hervey’s verses on Pope--and it was Hervey who began the personal

abuse.

Lady Mary did not escape either. Pope depicted her as a wanton, scoffed

at her eccentricities, and hinted that she conferred her favours on “a

black man,” the Sultan Ahmed of Turkey.

[Illustration: JOHN, LORD HERVEY.]

Pope also addressed a prose letter to Lord Hervey, which was, if

possible, more bitter and vindictive than his character of “Sporus”. He

thought very highly of his letter, which Wharton styles “a masterpiece

of invective”. To one of his friends Pope wrote: “There is woman’s

war declared against me by a certain lord; his weapons are the same

which women and children use--a pin to scratch, and a squirt to

bespatter. I writ a sort of answer, but was ashamed to enter the lists

with him, and after showing it some people, suppressed it; otherwise

it was such as was worthy of him and worthy of me.” The reason Pope

gives for suppressing this letter, which was not published until after

his death, though privately shown to many, was not the true one. Queen

Caroline got hold of a copy of the epistle, and it was at her express

desire that Pope withheld it. She feared lest it should render her

favourite contemptible in the eyes of the world, and though she was

greatly incensed against Pope, she dissembled her anger, and used her

influence to end this wordy war, in which there could be no doubt that

Pope was the victor.[81]

But though Caroline was unfortunate in her relations with Swift, Gay

and Pope, men whose writings shed a lustre on her era, she was the

means of helping other writers who were eminent in a different way.

Butler, the author of the _Analogy_, and Berkeley, who wrote _The

Minute Philosopher_, she preferred to high office in the Church. For

other writers who were not in holy orders she did what she could. She

befriended Steele at a time when, to use his own words, he was “bereft

both of limbs and speech”.[82] She had often befriended him before in

the course of his chequered career. She reprieved Savage, the natural

son of that unnatural mother the Countess of Macclesfield, when he lay

under sentence of death. And after his wonderful poem, _The Bastard_,

was written, she helped him again with a pension of £50 from her privy

purse. She patronised Somerville, author of _The Chase_, no mean poet

in the opinion of Dr. Johnson; and she sought to support that luckless

playwright William Duncombe. It was one of her sayings that “genius was

superior to the patronage of princes,” but she had a great sympathy

for literary endeavour, however humble. But her patronage of minor

writers was more often dictated by the kindness of her heart than by

the soundness of her judgment. An instance of this was afforded by her

patronage of Stephen Duck, whose fate has been not inaptly compared to

that of Burns--without the genius.

Stephen Duck was the son of a peasant in Wiltshire, and worked as a

day labourer and thresher on a farm at Charlton. He must have had some

ability and a good deal of application, for when his day’s work was

done, he taught himself the rudiments of grammar and a smattering of

history and science. These labours bore fruit in poetry; but the poems

remained unpublished until Duck reached the age of thirty, when he had

the good fortune to attract the notice of a country clergyman named

Spence, who not only lent him books, but found the means for him to

print some of his poems in pamphlet form, including _The Thresher’s

Labour_, a poem descriptive of his own life, and _The Shunamite_. These

poems found their way into the hands of Lord Tankerville and Dr. Alured

Clarke, Prebendary of Winchester, who thought so highly of their merits

that they got up a subscription to aid the author. Dr. Alured Clarke

did more; he wrote to his friend Mrs. Clayton telling her the story of

Duck’s life, and begging her to bring his poems before the notice of

the Queen. By this time Duck had quite a little coterie of admirers in

his own county, who, as Dr. Alured Clarke wrote, thought “the thresher,

with all his defects, a superior genius to Mr. Pope”.[83]

Caroline was much interested in the fact that these poems were written

by a poor thresher, and when the court was at Windsor she commanded

that Duck should be brought there. She was so pleased with his manner

and address that she settled a small annual pension on him, and in 1733

made him one of the yeomen of the guard. Dr. Alured Clarke, by this

time one of the royal chaplains, and Mrs. Clayton acted as the sponsors

of the poet, whose work now became well-known. The most extravagant

ideas were formed concerning it, some considering _The Thresher’s

Labour_ superior to Thomson’s _Seasons_, and others declaring that

the author of _The Shunamite_ was the greatest poet of the age. Thus

encouraged, Duck wrote more poems, and the Queen’s patronage secured

for them a large sale. Naturally many were in praise of his generous

benefactress. Duck in due time took holy orders, to which he had always

a leaning--he was ordained, as a literate, by the Bishop of Salisbury.

Shortly after his ordination, the Queen appointed him keeper of

Merlin’s Cave, a fanciful building she had erected at Richmond. Both

Merlin’s Cave and Duck came in for a great deal of satire from “the

epigrammatic Mæcenases,” as Dr. Alured Clarke calls them, who regarded

both the cave and the patronage of the poet as proofs of the Queen’s

folly rather than her wisdom. Pope wrote:--

Lord! how we strut through Merlin’s Cave, to see

No poets there, but Stephen, you and me.

Swift, writhing under neglect, penned a very caustic epigram:--

The thresher Duck could o’er the Queen prevail:

The proverb says, “No fence against a flail,”

From threshing corn he turns to thresh his brains

For which her Majesty allows him grains,

Though ’tis confessed that those who ever saw

His poems, think them all not worth a straw.

Thrice happy Duck! employed in threshing stubble

Thy toils were lessen’d and thy profits doubled.

Close by Merlin’s Cave the Queen raised another quaint conceit known

as the “Hermitage,” in which she placed busts of Adam Clarke, Newton,

Locke and other dead philosophers. These busts excited the ire of

living worthies. Swift in his _Elegant Extracts_ wrote:--

Lewis, the living genius fed

And rais’d the scientific head:

Our Queen, more frugal of her meat,

Raises those heads that cannot eat.

This drew forth the following repartee, addressed to Swift:--

Since Anna, whom bounty thy merits had fed,

Ere her own was laid low, had exalted your head,

And since our good Queen to the wise is so just,

To raise heads from such as are humbled in dust,

I wonder, good man, that you are not envaulted;

Pr’y thee, go and be dead, and be doubly exalted.

Whereto the dean wittily replied:--

Her Majesty never shall be my exalter;

And yet she would raise me I know, by--a halter.

Stephen Duck’s poetry was popular in its day, but it owed its

popularity to the favour of the Queen rather than to its intrinsic

merit. His talent was not sufficient to overcome the defects of his

early education. Duck realised this far more than his friends, and he

was keenly sensitive to the satire which great writers like Swift and

Pope thought it worth their while to pour upon him. The Queen remained

his constant friend, and preferred him successively to a chaplaincy at

Kew and the rectory of Byfleet in Surrey. But Duck was not a happy man;

his education began too late in life, and he could never accommodate

himself to his altered circumstances. He ended his career by committing

suicide, a few years after the death of his royal patroness.

FOOTNOTES TO BOOK III, CHAPTER VII:

[78] A living.

[79] Dean Swift to Mrs. Howard, Dublin, 21st November, 1730. _Suffolk

Correspondence._

[80] Dr. Arbuthnot to Swift, 19th March, 1729.

[81] In his _Memoirs_ Lord Hervey makes no mention of his quarrel with

Pope or his duel with Pulteney, and slips over the years 1730–1733

without a line of comment. This seems to show that he was not proud of

either of these achievements.

[82] Sir Richard Steele to Mrs. Clayton, May, 1724.

[83] Dr. Alured Clarke to Mrs. Clayton, Winchester, 18th August, 1730.

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