CHAPTER XXXIV.

THE BATOKA AND MANGANJA TRIBES.

LOCALITY OF THE BATOKA -- THEIR GENERAL APPEARANCE AND DRESS -- THEIR

SKILL AS BOATMEN -- THE BAENDA-PEZI, OR GO-NAKEDS -- AGRICULTURE --

MODE OF HUNTING -- MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS -- WAR CUSTOMS -- THE MANGANJA

TRIBE -- GOVERNMENT -- INDUSTRY OF BOTH SEXES -- SALUTATION -- DRESS

-- THE PELELE, OR LIP-RING -- TATTOOING -- WANT OF CLEANLINESS --

BEER-BREWING AND DRINKING -- EXCHANGING NAMES -- SUPERSTITIONS --

FUNERAL AND MOURNING.

Somewhere about lat. 17° S. and long. 27° E. is a tribe called the

Batoka, or Batonga, of which there are two distinct varieties; of whom

those who live on low-lying lands, such as the banks of the Zambesi,

are very dark, and somewhat resemble the negro in appearance, while

those of the higher lands are light brown, much of the same hue as

_café au lait_. Their character seems to differ with their complexions,

the former variety being dull, stupid, and intractable, while the

latter are comparatively intellectual.

They do not improve their personal appearance by an odd habit of

depriving themselves of their two upper incisor teeth. The want of

these teeth makes the corresponding incisors of the lower jaw project

outward, and to force the lip with them; so that even in youth they

all have an aged expression of countenance. Knocking out these teeth

is part of a ceremony which is practised on both sexes when they are

admitted into the ranks of men and women, and is probably the remains

of some religious rite. The reason which they give is absurd enough,

namely, that they like to resemble oxen, which have no upper incisors,

and not to have all their teeth like zebras. It is probable, however,

that this statement may be merely intended as an evasion of questions

which they think themselves bound to parry, but which may also have

reference to the extreme veneration for oxen which prevails in an

African’s mind.

In spite of its disfiguring effect, the custom is universal among the

various sub-tribes of which the Batoka are composed, and not even the

definite commands of the chief himself, nor the threats of punishment,

could induce the people to forego it. Girls and lads would suddenly

make their appearance without their teeth, and no amount of questioning

could induce them to state when, and by whom, they were knocked out.

Fourteen or fifteen is the usual age for performing the operation.

Their dress is not a little remarkable, especially the mode in which

some of them arrange their hair. The hair on the top of the head is

drawn and plastered together in a circle some six or seven inches in

diameter. By dint of careful training, and plenty of grease and other

appliances, it is at last formed into a cone some eight or ten inches

in height, and slightly leaning forward. In some cases the cone is of

wonderful height, the head-man of a Batoka village wearing one which

was trained into a long spike that projected a full yard from his head,

and which must have caused him considerable inconvenience. In this case

other materials were evidently mixed with the hair: and it is said that

the long hair of various animals is often added, so as to mingle with

the real growth, and aid in raising the edifice. Around the edges of

this cone the hair is shaven closely, so that the appearance of the

head is very remarkable, and somewhat ludicrous.

The figures of the second engraving on page 357 are portraits by Mr.

Baines. Mantanyani, the man who is sitting on the edge of the boat,

was a rather remarkable man. He really belongs to the Batoka tribe,

though he was thought at first to be one of the Makololo. Perhaps he

thought it better to assume the membership of the victorious than the

conquered tribe. This was certainly the case with many of the men who,

like Mantanyani, accompanied Dr. Livingstone. He was a singularly

skilful boatman, and managed an ordinary whaling boat as easily as one

of his own canoes. The ornament which he wears in his hair is a comb

made of bamboo. It was not manufactured by himself, but was taken from

Shimbesi’s tribe on the Shire, or Sheereh River. He and his companions

forced the boat up the many rapids, and, on being interrogated as to

the danger, he said that he had no fears, for that he could swim like a

fish, and that, if by any mischance he should allow Mr. Baines to fall

overboard and be drowned, he should never dare to show his face to Dr.

Livingstone again.

Mr. Baines remarks in his MS. notes, that Mantanyani ought to have made

a good sailor, for he was not only an adept at the management of boats,

but could appreciate rum as well as any British tar. It so happened

that at night, after the day’s boating was over, grog was served out to

the men, and yet for two or three nights Mantanyani would not touch it.

Accordingly one night the following colloquy took place:--

“Mantanyani, non quero grog?” (_i. e._ Cannot you take grog?)

“Non quero.” (I cannot.)

“Porquoi non quero grog?” (Why cannot you take grog?)

“Garaffa poco, Zambesi munta.” (The bottle is little and the Zambesi is

big.)

The hint was taken, and rum unmixed with water was offered to

Mantanyani, who drank it off like a sailor.

A spirited account of the skill of the natives in managing canoes is

given in “The Zambesi and its Tributaries.” The canoe belonged to a

man named Tuba Mokoro, or the “Canoe-smasher,” a rather ominous, but

apparently undeserved, title inasmuch as he proved to be a most skilful

and steady boatman. He seemed also to be modest, for he took no credit

to himself for his management, but attributed his success entirely to

a certain charm or medicine which he had, and which he kept a profound

secret. He was employed to take the party through the rapids to an

island close to the edge of the great Mosi-oa-tunya, _i. e._ Smoke

Sounding Falls, now called the Victoria Falls. This island can only be

reached when the water happens to be very low and, even in that case,

none but the most experienced boatmen can venture so near to the Fall,

which is double the depth of Niagara, and a mile in width, formed

entirely by a vast and sudden rift in the basaltic bed of the Zambesi.

“Before entering the race of water, we were requested not to speak, as

our talking might diminish the value of the medicine, and no one with

such boiling, eddying rapids before his eyes would think of disobeying

the orders of a ‘canoe-smasher.’ It soon became evident that there was

sound sense in the request of Tuba’s, though the reason assigned was

not unlike that of the canoe man from Sesheke, who begged one of our

party not to whistle, because whistling made the wind come.

“It was the duty of the man at the bow to look out ahead for the

proper course, and, when he saw a rock or a snag, to call out to the

steersman. Tuba doubtless thought that talking on board might divert

the attention of his steersman at a time when the neglect of an order,

or a slight mistake, would be sure to spill us all into the chafing

river. There were places where the utmost exertions of both men had to

be put forth in order to force the canoe to the only safe part of the

rapid and to prevent it from sweeping broadside on, when in a twinkling

we should have found ourselves among the plotuses and cormorants which

were engaged in diving for their breakfast of small fish.

“At times it seemed as if nothing could save us from dashing in our

headlong race against the rocks, which, now that the river was low,

jutted out of the water; but, just at the very nick of time, Tuba

passed the word to the steersman, and then, with ready pole, turned the

canoe a little aside, and we glided swiftly past the threatened danger.

Never was canoe more admirably managed. Once only did the medicine seem

to have lost something of its efficacy.

“We were driving swiftly down, a black rock over which the white foam

flew lay directly in our path, the pole was planted against it as

readily as ever, but it slipped just as Tuba put forth his strength

to turn the bow off. We struck hard, and were half full of water in a

moment. Tuba recovered himself as speedily, shoved off the bow, and

shot the canoe into a still, shallow place, to bail the water out.

He gave us to understand that it was not the medicine which was at

fault--_that_ had lost none of its virtue; the accident was owing to

Tuba having started without his breakfast. Need it be said that we

never let Tuba go without that meal again.”

Among them there is a body of men called in their own language the

“Baenda-pezi,” _i. e._ the Go-nakeds. These men never wear an atom of

any kind of clothing, but are entirely naked, their only coat being

one of red ochre. These Baenda-pezi are rather a remarkable set of

men, and why they should voluntarily live without clothing is not very

evident. Some travellers think that they are a separate order among the

Batoka, but this is not at all certain. It is not that they are devoid

of vanity, for they are extremely fond of ornaments upon their heads,

which they dress in various fantastic ways. The conical style has

already been mentioned, but they have many other fashions. One of their

favorite modes is, to plait a fillet of bark, some two inches wide, and

tie it round the head in diadem fashion. They then rub grease and red

ochre plentifully into the hair, and fasten it to the fillet, which

it completely covers. The head being then shaved as far as the edge

of the fillet, the native looks as if he were wearing a red, polished

forage-cap.

Rings of iron wire and beads are worn round the arms; and a fashionable

member of this order thinks himself scarcely fit for society unless

he carries a pipe and a small pair of iron tongs, with which to lift

a coal from the fire and kindle his pipe, the stem of which is often

ornamented by being bound with polished iron wire.

The Baenda-pezi seem to be as devoid of the sense of shame as their

bodies are of covering. They could not in the least be made to see that

they ought to wear clothing, and quite laughed at the absurdity of such

an idea; evidently looking on a proposal to wear clothing much as we

should entertain a request to dress ourselves in plate armor.

The pipe is in constant requisition among these men, who are seldom

seen without a pipe in their mouths, and never without it in their

possession. Yet, whenever they came into the presence of their white

visitors, they always asked permission before lighting their pipes,

an innate politeness being strong within them. Their tobacco is

exceedingly powerful, and on that account is much valued by other

tribes, who will travel great distances to purchase it from the Batoka.

It is also very cheap, a few beads purchasing a sufficient quantity

to last even these inveterate smokers for six months. Their mode of

smoking is very peculiar. They first take a whiff after the usual

manner, and puff out the smoke. But, when they have expelled nearly the

whole of the smoke, they make a kind of catch at the last tiny wreath,

and swallow it. This they are pleased to consider the very essence or

spirit of the tobacco, which is lost if the smoke is exhaled in the

usual manner.

The Batoka are a polite people in their way, though they have rather

an odd method of expressing their feelings. The ordinary mode of

salutation is for the women to clap their hands and produce that

ululating sound which has already been mentioned, and for the men to

stoop and clap their hands on their hips. But, when they wish to be

especially respectful, they have another mode of salutation. They

throw themselves on their backs, and roll from side to side, slapping

the outside of their thighs vigorously, and calling out “Kina-bomba!

kina-bomba!” with great energy. Dr. Livingstone says that he never

could accustom his eyes to like the spectacle of great naked men

wallowing on their backs and slapping themselves, and tried to stop

them. They, however, always thought that he was not satisfied with the

heartiness of his reception, and so rolled about and slapped themselves

all the more vigorously. This rolling and slapping seems to be reserved

for the welcoming of great men, and, of course, whenever the Batoka

present themselves before the chief, the performance is doubly vigorous.

When a gift is presented, it is etiquette for the donor to hold the

present in one hand, and to slap the thigh with the other, as he

approaches the person to whom he is about to give it. He then delivers

the gift, claps his hands together, sits down, and then strikes his

thighs with both hands. The same formalities are observed when a

return gift is presented; and so tenacious are they of this branch of

etiquette, that it is taught regularly to children by their parents.

They are an industrious people, cultivating wonderfully large tracts of

land with the simple but effective hoe of their country. With this hoe,

which looks something like a large adze, they not only break up the

ground, but perform other tasks of less importance, such as smoothing

the earth as a foundation for their beds. Some of these fields are so

large, that the traveller may walk for hours through the native corn,

and scarcely come upon an uncultivated spot. The quantity of corn which

is grown is very large, and the natives make such numbers of granaries,

that their villages seem to be far more populous than is really the

case. Plenty, in consequence, reigns among this people. But it is a

rather remarkable fact that, in spite of the vast quantities of grain,

which they produce, they cannot keep it in store.

The corn has too many enemies. In the first place, the neighboring

tribes are apt to send out marauding parties, who prefer stealing

the corn which their industrious neighbors have grown and stored to

cultivating the ground for themselves. Mice, too, are very injurious

to the corn. But against these two enemies the Batoka can tolerably

guard, by tying up quantities of corn in bundles of grass, plastering

them over with clay, and hiding them in the low sand islands left by

the subsiding waters of the Zambesi. But the worst of all enemies is

the native weevil, an insect so small that no precautions are available

against its ravages, and which, as we too often find in this country,

destroys an enormous amount of corn in a very short time. It is

impossible for the Batoka to preserve their corn more than a year, and

it is as much as they can do to make it last until the next crop is

ready.

[Illustration: (1.) BOATING SCENE ON THE BO-TLET-LE RIVER. (See page

340.)]

[Illustration: (2.) BATOKA SALUTATION. (See page 350.)]

As, therefore, the whole of the annual crop must be consumed by

themselves or the weevil, they prefer the former, and what they cannot

eat they make into beer, which they brew in large quantities, and drink

abundantly; yet they seldom, if ever, intoxicate themselves, in spite

of the quantities which they consume. This beer is called by them

either “boala” or “pombe,” just as we speak of beer or ale; and it

is sweet in flavor, with just enough acidity to render it agreeable.

Even Europeans soon come to like it, and its effect on the natives

is to make them plump and well nourished. The Batoka do not content

themselves with simply growing corn and vegetables, but even plant

fruit and oil-bearing trees--a practice which is not found among the

other tribes.

Possibly on account of the plenty with which their land is blessed,

they are a most hospitable race of men, always glad to see guests,

and receiving them in the kindest manner. If a traveller passes

through a village, he is continually hailed from the various huts with

invitations to eat and drink, while the men welcome the visitor by

clapping their hands, and the women by “lullilooing.” They even feel

pained if the stranger passes the village without being entertained.

When he halts in a village for the night, the inhabitants turn out to

make him comfortable; some running to fetch firewood, others bringing

jars of water, while some engage themselves in preparing the bed, and

erecting a fence to keep off the wind.

They are skilful and fearless hunters, and are not afraid even of the

elephant or buffalo, going up closely to these formidable animals,

and killing them with large spears. A complete system of game-laws is

in operation among the Batoka, not for the purpose of prohibiting the

chase of certain game, but in order to settle the disposal of the game

when killed. Among them, the man who inflicts the first wound on an

animal has the right to the spoil, no matter how trifling may be the

wound which he inflicts. In case he does not kill the animal himself,

he is bound to give to the hunter who inflicts the fatal wound both

legs of one side.

As to the laws which regulate ordinary life, there is but little that

calls for special notice, except a sort of ordeal for which they have

a great veneration. This is called the ordeal of the Muave, and is

analogous to the corsned and similar ordeals of the early ages of

England. The dread of witchcraft is very strong here, as in other

parts of Southern Africa; but among the Batoka the accused has the

opportunity of clearing himself by drinking a poisonous preparation

called muave. Sometimes the accused dies from the draught, and in

that case his guilt is clear; but in others the poison acts as an

emetic, which is supposed to prove his innocence, the poison finding no

congenial evil in the body, and therefore being rejected.

No one seems to be free from such an accusation, as is clear from Dr.

Livingstone’s account: “Near the confluence of the Kapoe the Mambo,

or chief, with some of his headmen, came to our sleeping-place with a

present. Their foreheads were smeared with white flour, and an unusual

seriousness marked their demeanor. Shortly before our arrival they had

been accused of witchcraft: conscious of innocence, they accepted the

ordeal, and undertook to drink the poisoned muave. For this purpose

they made a journey to the sacred hill of Nehomokela, on which repose

the bodies of their ancestors, and, after a solemn appeal to the unseen

spirit to attest the innocence of their children, they swallowed the

muave, vomited, and were therefore declared not guilty.

“It is evident that they believe that the soul has a continued

existence, and that the spirits of the departed know what those they

have left behind are doing, and are pleased or not, according as their

deeds are good or evil. This belief is universal. The owner of a large

canoe refused to sell it because it belonged to the spirit of his

father, who helped him when he killed the hippopotamus. Another, when

the bargain for his canoe was nearly completed, seeing a large serpent

on a branch of a tree overhead, refused to complete the sale, alleging

that this was the spirit of his father, come to protest against it.

Some of the Batoka believe that a medicine could be prepared which

would cure the bite of the tsetse, that small but terrible fly which

makes such destruction among the cattle, but has no hurtful influence

on mankind. This medicine was discovered by a chief, whose son Moyara

showed it to Dr. Livingstone. It consisted chiefly of a plant, which

was apparently new to botanical science. The root was peeled, and the

peel sliced and reduced to powder, together with a dozen or two of the

tsetse themselves. The remainder of the plant is also dried. When an

animal shows symptoms of being bitten by the tsetse, some of the powder

is administered to the animal, and the rest of the dried plant is

burned under it so as to fumigate it thoroughly. Moyara did not assert

that the remedy was infallible, but only stated that if a herd of

cattle were to stray into a district infested with the tsetse, some of

them would be saved by the use of the medicine, whereas they would all

die without it.

The Batoka are fond of using a musical instrument that prevails, with

some modifications, over a considerable portion of Central Africa. In

its simplest form it consists of a board, on which are fixed a number

of flat wooden strips, which, when pressed down and suddenly released,

produce a kind of musical tone. In fact, the principle of the sansa is

exactly that of our musical-boxes, the only difference being that the

teeth, or keys, of our instrument are steel, and that they are sounded

by little pegs, and not by the fingers. Even among this one tribe there

are great differences in the formation of the sansa.

The best and most elaborate form is that in which the sounding-board of

the sansa is hollow, in order to increase the resonance; and the keys

are made of iron instead of wood, so that a really musical sound is

produced. Moreover, the instrument is enclosed in a hollow calabash,

for the purpose of intensifying the sound; and both the sansa and

the calabash are furnished with bits of steel and tin, which make a

jingling accompaniment to the music. The calabash is generally covered

with carvings. When the sansa is used, it is held with the hollow or

ornamented end toward the player, and the keys are struck with the

thumbs, the rest of the hand being occupied in holding the instrument.

This curious instrument is used in accompanying songs. Dr. Livingstone

mentions that a genuine native poet attached himself to the party, and

composed a poem in honor of the white men, singing it whenever they

halted, and accompanying himself on the sansa. At first, as he did

not know much about his subject, he modestly curtailed his poem, but

extended it day by day, until at last it became quite a long ode. There

was an evident rhythm in it, each line consisting of five syllables.

Another native poet was in the habit of solacing himself every evening

with an extempore song, in which he enumerated everything that the

white men had done. He was not so accomplished a poet as his brother

improvisatore, and occasionally found words to fail him. However, his

sansa helped him when he was at a loss for a word, just as the piano

helps out an unskilful singer when at a loss for a note.

They have several musical instruments besides the sansa. One is called

the marimba, and is in fact a simple sort of harmonicon, the place of

the glass or metal keys being supplied by strips of hard wood fixed

on a frame. These strips are large at one end of the instrument,

and diminish regularly toward the other. Under each of the wooden

keys is fixed a hollow gourd, or calabash, the object of which is to

increase the resonance. Two sticks of hard wood are used for striking

the keys, and a skilful performer really handles them with wonderful

agility. Simple as is this instrument, pleasing sounds can be produced

from it. It has even been introduced into England, under the name of

“xylophone,” and, when played by a dexterous and energetic performer,

really produces effects that could hardly have been expected from it.

The sounds are, of course, deficient in musical tone; but still the

various notes can be obtained with tolerable accuracy by trimming

the wooden keys to the proper dimensions. A similar instrument is

made with strips of stone, the sounds of which are superior to those

produced by the wooden bars.

The Batoka are remarkable for their clannish feeling; and, when a

large party are travelling in company, those of one tribe always keep

together, and assist each other in every difficulty. Also, if they

should happen to come upon a village or dwelling belonging to one of

their own tribe, they are sure of a welcome and plentiful hospitality.

The Batoka appear from all accounts to be rather a contentious people,

quarrelsome at home, and sometimes extending their strife to other

villages. In domestic fights--_i. e._ in combats between inhabitants

of the same village--the antagonists are careful not to inflict fatal

injuries. But when village fights against village, as is sometimes the

case, the loss on both sides may be considerable. The result of such

a battle would be exceedingly disagreeable, as the two villages would

always be in a state of deadly feud, and an inhabitant of one would not

dare to go near the other. The Batoka, however, have invented a plan by

which the feud is stopped. When the victors have driven their opponents

off the field, they take the body of one of the dead warriors, quarter

it, and perform a series of ceremonies over it. This appears to be a

kind of challenge that they are masters of the field. The conquered

party acknowledge their defeat by sending a deputation to ask for the

body of their comrade, and, when they receive it, they go through the

same ceremonies; after which peace is supposed to be restored, and the

inhabitants of the villages may visit each other in safety.

Dr. Livingstone’s informant further said, that when a warrior had slain

an enemy, he took the head, and placed it on an ant-hill, until all

the flesh was taken from the bones. He then removed the lower jaw,

and wore it as a trophy. He did not see one of these trophies worn,

and evidently thinks that the above account may be inaccurate in some

places, as it was given through an interpreter; and it is very possible

that both the interpreter and the Batoka may have invented a tale for

the occasion. The account of the pacificatory ceremonies really seems

to be too consistent with itself to be falsehood; but the wearing of

the enemy’s jaw, uncorroborated by a single example, seems to be rather

doubtful. Indeed, Dr. Livingstone expressly warns the reader against

receiving with implicit belief accounts that are given by a native

African. The dark interlocutor amiably desires to please, and, having

no conception of truth as a principle, says exactly what he thinks will

be most acceptable to the great white chief, on whom he looks as a sort

of erratic supernatural being. Ask a native whether the mountains in

his own district are lofty, or whether gold is found there, and he

will assuredly answer in the affirmative. So he will if he be asked

whether unicorns live in his country, or whether he knows of a race

of tailed men, being only anxious to please, and not thinking that

the truth or falsehood of the answer can be of the least consequence.

If the white sportsman shoots at an animal and makes a palpable miss,

his dusky attendants are sure to say that the bullet went through the

animal’s heart, and that it only bounded away for a short distance.

“He is our father,” say the natives, “and he would be displeased if we

told him that he had missed.” It is even worse with the slaves, who are

often used as interpreters; and it is hardly possible to induce them to

interpret with any modicum of truth.

THE MANGANJA TRIBE.

On the river Shire (pronounced Sheereh), a northern tributary of the

Zambesi, there is a rather curious tribe called the Manganja. The

country which they inhabit is well and fully watered, abounding in

clear and cool streams, which do not dry up even in the dry season.

Pasturage is consequently abundant, and yet the people do not trouble

themselves about cattle, allowing to lie unused tracts of land which

would feed vast herds of oxen, not to mention sheep and goats.

Their mode of government is rather curious, and yet simple. The country

is divided into a number of districts, the head of which goes by the

title of Rundo. A great number of villages are under the command of

each Rundo, though each of the divisions is independent of the others,

and they do not acknowledge one common chief or king. The chieftainship

is not restricted to the male sex, as in one of the districts a woman

named Nyango was the Rundo, and exercised her authority judiciously, by

improving the social status of the women throughout her dominions. An

annual tribute is paid to the Rundo by each village, mostly consisting

of one tusk of each elephant killed, and he in return is bound to

assist and protect them should they be threatened or attacked.

The Manganjas are an industrious race, being good workers in metal,

especially iron, growing cotton, making baskets, and cultivating the

ground, in which occupation both sexes equally share; and it is a

pleasant thing to see men, women, and children all at work together in

the fields, with perhaps the baby lying asleep in the shadow of a bush.

They clear the forest ground exactly as is done in America, cutting

down the trees with their axes, piling up the branches and trunks in

heaps, burning them, and scattering the ashes over the ground by way

of manure. The stumps are left to rot in the ground, and the corn is

sown among them. Grass land is cleared in a different manner. The grass

in that country is enormously thick and long. The cultivator gathers

a bundle into his hands, twists the ends together, and ties them in a

knot. He then cuts the roots with his adze-like hoe, so as to leave the

bunch of grass still standing, like a sheaf of wheat. When a field has

been entirely cut, it looks to a stranger as if it were in harvest,

the bundles of grass standing at intervals like the grain shocks. Just

before the rainy season comes on, the bundles are fired, the ashes are

roughly dug into the soil, and an abundant harvest is the result.

The cotton is prepared after a very simple and slow fashion, the fibre

being picked by hand, drawn out into a “roving,” partially twisted,

and then rolled up into a ball. It is the opinion of those who have

had practical experience of this cotton, that, if the natives could be

induced to plant and dress it in large quantities, an enormous market

might be found for it. The “staple,” or fibre, of this cotton is not so

long as that which comes from America, and has a harsh, woolly feeling

in the hand. But, as it is very strong, and the fabrics made from it

are very durable, the natives prefer it to the foreign plant. Almost

every Manganja family of importance has its own little cotton patch,

from half an acre to an acre in size, which is kept carefully tended,

and free from weeds. The loom in which they weave their simple cloth is

very rude, and is one of the primitive forms of a weaver’s apparatus.

It is placed horizontally, and not vertically, and the weaver has to

squat on the ground when engaged in his work. The shuttle is a mere

stick, with the thread wound spirally round it, and, when it is passed

between the crossed threads of the warp, the warp is beaten into its

place with a flat stick.

They are a hospitable people, and have a well-understood code of

ceremony in the reception of strangers. In each village there is a

spot called the Boala, _i. e._ a space of about thirty or forty yards

diameter, which is sheltered by baobab, or other spreading trees,

and which is always kept neat and clean. This is chiefly used as a

place where the basket makers and others who are engaged in sedentary

occupations can work in company, and also serves as a meeting-place in

evenings, where they sing, dance, smoke, and drink beer after the toils

of the day.

As soon as a stranger enters a village, he is conducted to the Boala,

where he takes his seat on the mats that are spread for him, and awaits

the coming of the chief man of the village. As soon as he makes his

appearance, his people welcome him by clapping their hands in unison,

and continue this salutation until he has taken his seat, accompanied

by his councillors. “Our guides,” writes Livingstone, “then sit down in

front of the chief and his councillors, and both parties lean forward,

looking earnestly at each other. The chief repeats a word, such as

‘Ambuiata’ (our father, or master), or ‘Moio’ (life), and all clap

their hands. Another word is followed by two claps, a third by still

more clapping, when each touches the ground with both hands placed

together. Then all rise, and lean forward with measured clap, and sit

down again with clap, clap, clap, fainter and still fainter, until the

last dies away, or is brought to an end, by a smart loud clap from the

chief. They keep perfect time in this species of court etiquette.”

This curious salutation is valued very highly, and the people are

carefully instructed in it from childhood. The chief guide of the

stranger party then addresses the chief, and tells him about his

visitors,--who they are, why they have come, &c.; and mostly does so in

a kind of blank verse--the power of improvising a poetical narrative

being valued as highly as the court salutations, and sedulously

cultivated by all of any pretensions to station. It is rather amusing

at first to the traveller to find that, if he should happen to inquire

his way at a hut, his own guide addresses the owner of the hut in blank

verse, and is answered in the same fashion.

The dress of this tribe is rather peculiar, the head being the chief

part of the person which is decorated. Some of the men save themselves

the trouble of dressing their hair by shaving it off entirely, but

a greater number take a pride in decorating it in various ways. The

headdress which seems to be most admired is that in which the hair is

trained to resemble the horns of the buffalo. This is done by taking

two pieces of hide while they are wet and pliable, and bending them

into the required shape. When the two horns are dry and hard, they are

fastened on the head, and the hair is trained over them, and fixed in

its place by grease and clay. Sometimes only one horn is used, which

projects immediately over the forehead; but the double horn is the form

which is most in vogue.

Others divide their hair into numerous tufts, and separate them by

winding round each tuft a thin bandage, made of the inner bark of a

tree, so that they radiate from the head in all directions, and produce

an effect which is much valued by this simple race. Some draw the hair

together toward the back of the head, and train it so as to hang down

their backs in a shape closely resembling the pigtail which was so

fashionable an ornament of the British sailor in Nelson’s time. Others,

again, allow the hair to grow much as nature formed it, but train it to

grow in heavy masses all round their heads.

The women are equally fastidious with the men, but have in addition a

most singular ornament called the “pelele.” This is a ring that is not

fixed into the ear or nose, but into the upper lip, and gives to the

wearer an appearance that is most repulsive to an European. The artist

has illustrated its form and effect, in an engraving on page 357. The

pelele is a ring made of ivory, metal, or bamboo, nearly an inch in

thickness, and variable in diameter, sometimes measuring two inches

across. When the girl is very young, the upper lip is pierced close to

the nose, and a small pin inserted to prevent the orifice from closing.

When the wound is healed, the small pin is withdrawn, and a larger one

introduced; and this plan is carried on for years, until at last the

full-sized “pelele” can be worn.

The commonest sort of pelele is made of bamboo, and is in consequence

very light. When a wearer of this pelele smiles, or rather tries to

smile, the contraction of the muscles turns the ring upward, so that

its upper edge comes in front of the eyes, the nose appearing through

its middle. The whole front teeth are exposed by this motion, so as to

exhibit the fashionable way in which the teeth have been chipped, and,

as Livingstone says, they resemble the fangs of a cat or a crocodile.

One old lady, named Chikanda Kadze, had a pelele so wide and heavy

that it hung below her chin. But then she was a chief, and could

consequently afford to possess so valuable an ornament.

The use of the pelele quite alters the natural shape of the jaws. In

the natural state the teeth of the upper jaw are set in an outward

curve, but in a wearer of the pelele the constant, though slight,

pressure of the ring first diminishes the curve, then flattens it, and,

lastly, reverses it. Livingstone suggests that a similar application

of gradual pressure should be applied to persons whose teeth project

forward, not knowing that such a plan has long been practised by

dentists.

How this frightful ornament came to be first introduced is unknown. The

reasons which they give for wearing it are rather amusing. A man, say

they, has whiskers and a beard, whereas a woman has none. “What kind of

a creature would a woman be, without whiskers and without the pelele?

She would have a mouth like a man, and no beard!” As a natural result

of wearing this instrument, the language has undergone a modification

as well as the lips. The labial letters cannot be pronounced properly,

the under lip having the whole duty thrown upon them.

[Illustration: (1.) PELELE OR LIP-RING. (See page 356.)]

[Illustration: (2.) BATOKA MEN. (See page 348.)]

In different parts of the country the pelele takes different shapes.

The most valued pelele is a piece of pure tin hammered into a dish-like

shape. Some are made of a red kind of pipeclay, and others of a white

quartz. These latter ornaments are generally cylindrical in form, so

that, as has been well observed, the wearer looks as if she had an inch

or so of wax-candle thrust through the lips, and projecting beyond the

nose. Some of them are so determined to be fashionable that they do not

content themselves with a pelele in the upper lip, but also wear one in

the lower, the effect upon the expression of countenance being better

imagined than described. The pelele is seen to the greatest advantage

in the lake district, where every woman wears it, and where it takes

the greatest variety of form. Along the river it is not so universally

worn, and the form is almost always that of the ring or dish.

In this part of the country the sub-tribes are distinguished by certain

marks wherewith they tattoo themselves, and thereby succeed in still

farther disfiguring countenances which, if allowed to remain untouched,

would be agreeable enough. Some of them have a fashion of pricking

holes all over their faces, and treating the wounds in such a way that,

when they heal, the skin is raised in little knobs, and the face looks

as if it were covered with warts. Add to this fashion the pelele, and

the reader may form an opinion of the beauty of a fashionable woman. If

the object of fashion be to conceal age, this must be a most successful

fashion, as it entirely destroys the lines of the countenance, and

hardens and distorts the features to such an extent, that it is

difficult to judge by the face whether the owner be sixteen or sixty.

One of the women had her body most curiously adorned by tattooing,

and, indeed, was a remarkable specimen of Manganja fashion. She had

shaved all her head, and supplied the want of hair by a feather tuft

over her forehead, tied on by a band. From a point on the top of her

forehead ran lines radiating over the cheeks as far as the ear, looking

something like the marks on a New Zealander’s face. This radiating

principle was carried out all over her body. A similar point was marked

on each shoulder blade, from which the lines radiated down the back and

over the shoulders, and on the lower part of the spine and on each arm

were other patterns of a similar nature. She of course wore the pelele;

but she seemed ashamed of it, probably because she was a travelled

woman, and had seen white men before. So when she was about to speak to

them, she retired to her hut, removed the pelele, and, while speaking,

held her hand before her mouth, so as to conceal the ugly aperture in

her lip.

Cleanliness seems to be unsuitable to the Manganja constitution.

They could not in the least understand why travellers should wash

themselves, and seemed to be personally ignorant of the process. One

very old man, however, said that he did remember once to have washed

himself; but that it was so long ago that he had quite forgotten

how he felt. A very amusing use was once made of this antipathy to

cold water. One of the Manganjas took a fancy to attach himself to

the expedition, and nothing could drive him away. He insisted on

accompanying them, and annoyed them greatly by proclaiming in every

village to which they came, “These people have wandered; they do not

know where they are going.” He was driven off repeatedly: but, as

soon as the march was resumed, there he was, with his little bag over

his shoulder, ready to proclaim the wandering propensities of the

strangers, as usual. At last a happy idea struck them. They threatened

to take him down to the river and wash him; whereupon he made off in a

fright, and never made his appearance again.

Perhaps in consequence of this uncleanliness, skin diseases are rife

among the Manganjas, and appear to be equally contagious and durable;

many persons having white blotches over their bodies, and many others

being afflicted with a sort of leprosy, which, however, does not seem

to trouble them particularly. Even the fowls are liable to a similar

disease, and have their feet deformed by a thickening of the skin.

Sobriety seems as rare with the Manganjas as cleanliness; for they are

notable topers, and actually contrive to intoxicate themselves on their

native beer, a liquid of so exceedingly mild a character that nothing

but strong determination and a capability of consuming vast quantities

of liquid would produce the desired effect. The beer is totally unlike

the English drink. In the first place, it is quite thick and opaque,

and looks much like gruel of a pinkish hue. It is made by pounding the

vegetating grain, mixing it with water, boiling it, and allowing it to

ferment. When it is about two days old, it is pleasant enough, having

a slightly sweetish-acid flavor, which has the property of immediately

quenching thirst, and is therefore most valuable to the traveller, for

whose refreshment the hospitable people generally produce it.

As to themselves, there is some excuse for their intemperate habits.

They do not possess hops, or any other substance that will preserve

the beer, and in consequence they are obliged to consume the whole

brewing within a day or two. When, therefore, a chief has a great

brew of beer, the people assemble, and by day and night they continue

drinking, drumming, dancing, and feasting, until the whole of the

beer is gone. Yet, probably on account of the nourishing qualities of

the beer--which is, in fact, little more than very thin porridge--the

excessive drinking does not seem to have any injurious effect on the

people, many being seen who were evidently very old, and yet who had

been accustomed to drink beer in the usual quantities. The women seem

to appreciate the beer as well as the men, though they do not appear to

be so liable to intoxication. Perhaps the reason for this comparative

temperance is, that their husbands do not give them enough of it. In

their dispositions they seem to be lively and agreeable, and have a

peculiarly merry laugh, which seems to proceed from the heart, and is

not in the least like the senseless laugh of the Western negro.

In this part of the country, not only among the Manganjas, but in other

tribes, the custom of changing names is prevalent, and sometimes leads

to odd results. One day a headman named Sininyane was called as usual,

but made no answer; nor did a third and fourth call produce any result.

At last one of his men replied that he was no longer Sininyane, but

Moshoshama, and to that name he at once responded. It then turned out

that he had exchanged names with a Zulu. The object of the exchange

is, that the two persons are thenceforth bound to consider each other

as comrades, and to give assistance in every way. If, for example,

Sininyane had happened to travel into the country where Moshoshama

lived, the latter was bound to receive him into his house, and treat

him like a brother.

They seem to be an intelligent race, and to appreciate the notion of

a Creator, and of the immortality of the soul; but, like most African

races, they cannot believe that the white and the black races have

anything in common, or that the religion of the former can suit the

latter. They are very ready to admit that Christianity is an admirable

religion for white men, but will by no means be persuaded that it would

be equally good for themselves.

They have a hazy sort of idea of _their_ Creator, the invisible

head-chief of the spirits, and ground their belief in the immortality

of the soul on the fact that their departed relatives come and speak

to them in their dreams. They have the same idea of the muave poison

that has already been mentioned; and so strong is their belief in its

efficacy that, in a dispute, one man will challenge the other to drink

muave; and even the chiefs themselves will often offer to test its

discriminating powers.

When a Manganja dies, a great wailing is kept up in his house for two

days; his tools and weapons are broken, together with the cooking

vessels. All food in the house is taken out and destroyed; and even the

beer is poured on the earth.

The burial grounds seem to be carefully cherished--as carefully,

indeed, as many of the churchyards in England. The graves are all

arranged north and south, and the sexes of the dead are marked by the

implements laid on the grave. These implements are always broken;

partly, perhaps, to signify that they can be used no more, and partly

to save them from being stolen. Thus a broken mortar and pestle for

pounding corn, together with the fragments of a sieve, tell that there

lies below a woman who once had used them; whilst a piece of a net

and a shattered paddle are emblems of the fisherman’s trade, and tell

that a fisherman is interred below. Broken calabashes, gourds, and

other vessels, are laid on almost every grave; and in some instances a

banana is planted at the head. The relatives wear a kind of mourning,

consisting of narrow strips of palm leaf wound round their heads,

necks, arms, legs, and breasts, and allowed to remain there until they

drop off by decay.

The uncivilized races of men in all countries of the world; vol. 1 of 2 Being a comprehensive account of their manners and customs, and of their physical, social, mental, moral and religious characteristics · 第 34 / 75 章