THE KHALIFA'S PERSONAL ACCOUNT OF THE RISE OF THE MAHDI.
Early Life of Mohammed Ahmed, the Mahdi--The Religious
Tarikas--Mohammed Ahmed quarrels with his Religious Superior--He
is refused Forgiveness, and joins a Rival Sheikh--He is joined
by Abdullahi et Taaishi--The Mahdi secretly tells Abdullahi of
his Divine Mission--The Failure to seize Mohammed Ahmed on Abba
Island--The Mahdi's Hejira to Jebel Gedir--He nominates his
Khalifas--The Defeat of Rashed Bey and Yusef Pasha
Shellali--Effect of the Mahdi's Victories in Kordofan--The
Mahdi's Intrigues with the Inhabitants of El Obeid--Futility of
the Steps taken by the Government to cope with the Revolt.
The revolt raised by the so-called Dervish proved to be of a very
serious nature.
This man, Mohammed Ahmed, was born near the Island of Argo, in Dongola,
and was of a poor and obscure family, but who claimed to be "Ashraf," or
descendants of the "Prophet." Their claims to this dignity, however,
were not inquired into or acknowledged by any one. In general he was
known as a Dongolawi. His father was an ordinary fiki, or religious
teacher, and had given him his early instruction in reading the Kuran
and in writing, and when still a child had taken him to Khartum; but he
himself had died on his journey, near Kerreri, and here his son
subsequently erected a tomb to him, known as the "Kubbet es Sayed
Abdullahi" (the dome of Sayed Abdullahi).
Young Mohammed Ahmed was now left entirely to his own resources. He
studied assiduously, and, being of a deeply religious disposition, he
became a great favourite with his master, who taught him to learn the
Kuran by heart, and gave him his early instruction in theology; he
subsequently went to Berber, and became the pupil of the well-known
Mohammed el Kheir (formerly Mohammed ed Dekkeir), who completed his
religious education. He remained for several years in Berber continually
studying, and his unassuming nature, intelligence, and religious zeal
made him a great favourite with his instructors. When he arrived at
manhood he quitted Berber and went to Khartum, where he became a
disciple of the celebrated and highly revered Sheikh Mohammed Sherif,
whose father, Nur ed Dayem, and grandfather, Et Tayeb, had been the
principal exponents of the Sammania Tarika, or doctrine.
The meaning of the word "tarika" is literally "way"; hence "Sheikh et
Tarika" signifies "the guide to the way." The duties of these holy
personages consist in writing a certain number of prayers and texts of
the Prophet, which the devotees are called upon to repeat a certain
number of times, and thus facilitate the "way" to those heavenly
mansions which are the goal of all true believers. The Sheikhs et Tarika
are therefore exponents of various doctrines, and each one bears the
name of the original founder of the order; such as the "Khatmia," the
"Khadria," the "Tegania," the "Sammania," etc. They are held in high
respect by their disciples, who are their most devoted and obedient
adherents.
Mohammed Ahmed soon showed himself a most zealous and ardent supporter
of the Sammania tarika, and became very devoted to its head, Sheikh
Mohammed Sherif. He now went to live on the Island of Abba, on the White
Nile, near Kawa, surrounded by several devoted disciples. They earned a
livelihood by cultivating the lands, and received frequent gifts from
religious persons who passed up or down the Nile. Mohammed Ahmed's
grand-uncle, Mohammed Sharfi, had resided on the island for some years,
and the young zealot had married his daughter. His two brothers,
Mohammed and Hamed, also lived there, drove a good trade in
boat-building, and supported the young fiki, who had hollowed out for
himself a cave in the mud bank, and lived here in almost entire
seclusion, fasting often for days, and occasionally paying a visit to
the head of the order to assure him of his devotion and obedience.
One day it fell out that Mohammed Sherif, as is the custom on such
occasions, had gathered together his Sheikhs and disciples to celebrate
the feast of the circumcision of his sons; he had also given out that
his guests might amuse themselves by singing and dancing as they liked,
and that as such feasts were occasions of rejoicing, he would pardon, in
God's name, any sins that might be committed during the festivities
which were contrary to the religious law. But the godly fiki, Mohammed
Ahmed, pointed out to his friends that singing, dancing, and playing
were transgressions against the laws of God, and that no man, be he even
Sheikh et Tarika, could forgive such sins. These views reached the ears
of Mohammed Sherif, who, entirely disagreeing with Mohammed Ahmed's
arguments, and being withal very angry at this assumption on the part of
his disciple, called on him to justify himself. Consequently Mohammed
Ahmed, in the presence of all the inferior Sheikhs and fikis, came in
the most humble manner before Mohammed Sherif and besought his
forgiveness. Sherif, however, abused him roundly, called him a traitor
and a sedition-monger who had broken his vow of obedience and fidelity,
and ignominiously struck him off the list of disciples of the Sammania
order.
Thoroughly humbled and subdued, Mohammed Ahmed now went to one of his
relatives and asked him to make a sheba;[3] and with this on his neck,
and his head besprinkled with ashes, he again returned in deep
repentance to Mohammed Sherif, begging his forgiveness. The latter,
however, utterly refused to have anything further to say to him, and, in
despair, Mohammed Ahmed returned to his family in Abba. He held the
founders of the Sammania order, Sheikhs Nur ed Dayem and et Tayeb, in
the greatest respect, and to be removed with ignominy from his beloved
tarika was a disgrace too hard to be borne. Shortly afterwards Mohammed
Sherif happened to be in the neighbourhood, and again Mohammed Ahmed
appeared before him in the sheba and ashes, and once more implored
forgiveness. "Be off, you traitor!" shouted Mohammed Sherif. "Get away,
you wretched Dongolawi, who fears not God and opposes his master and
teacher! You have verified the words of the saying, 'Ed Dongolawi
Shaitan mugalled bigild el insan' [The Dongolawi is the devil in the
skin of a man]. By your words you try to spread dissension amongst the
people. Be off with you! I shall never forgive you!"
Kneeling in silence, his head bowed low, Mohammed Ahmed listened to
these scathing words; then, rising, he went sadly away. Tears streamed
down his cheeks; but they were not now tears of repentance. Rage and
anger burned within him, and these feelings were heightened by the
knowledge of his powerlessness to do anything by which to wipe out this
disgrace and insult. Boiling over with indignation, he returned to his
home and announced to his faithful disciples that he had been finally
abandoned by Mohammed Sherif, and that he now intended to apply to
Sheikh el Koreishi, who lived near Mesallamia, to receive him into his
order. This Sheikh had succeeded the holy Sheikh et Tayeb, the
grandfather of Mohammed Sherif, and was one of those authorised to
maintain and teach the Sammania doctrines as he considered right; and on
this account there was considerable jealousy between him and Mohammed
Sherif.
In due time Sheikh el Koreishi's reply was received, saying that he
would accept him gladly. Mohammed Ahmed and his disciples now made all
preparations to proceed to Mesallamia, and were on the point of
starting, when a message was received from Mohammed Sherif, directing
him to appear before him, when he would give him a full pardon, and
permit him to resume his old functions; but to this Mohammed Ahmed sent
back a dignified answer that he felt perfectly innocent of any crime,
and sought no forgiveness from him; and that moreover he had no desire
to lower him in the eyes of the world by bringing about a meeting
between him and "a wretched Dongolawi."
Sheikh Koreishi now received him with open arms; and the incident
between the godly but cunning Mohammed Ahmed and his late spiritual
guide spread far and wide in the Sudan. That an inferior in a religious
order should have refused the forgiveness of his superior was an
unheard-of proceeding; but Mohammed Ahmed did not hesitate now to
proclaim openly that he had left his late superior because he could no
longer have any respect for a master who acted contrary to the religious
law. And in this way he secured an immense amount of public sympathy,
which brought his name prominently forward, and added considerably to
his prestige. Even in distant Darfur the matter was the principal topic
of conversation, and his refusal to accept forgiveness made him the hero
of the hour.
He obtained Sheikh Koreishi's permission to return to Abba, where he
received visitors from all parts, who sought the blessing of this holy
man; and common people now crowded to the island, seeing in him a
sympathetic leader who was bold enough to openly defy his superiors. He
received quantities of gifts, and these he openly distributed amongst
the poor, thus earning the epithet of "Zahed" (the renouncer, or one who
has renounced the good things of this life). He then made a journey
through Kordofan, where the towns and villages abound with religious
fikis of the most ignorant and superstitious description. Amongst them
he had an enormous success. He also wrote a pamphlet, which he
distributed amongst his specially trusted adherents, summoning them as
true believers to do all in their power to purify the religion, which
was becoming debased and insulted by the corruption of the Government
and the utter disregard of the officials for the tenets of the true
faith.
A few months later the Sheikh el Koreishi died, and Mohammed Ahmed and
his disciples lost no time in going at once to Mesallamia, where they
erected a tomb, or dome, to his memory.
It was while here that a certain Abdullahi bin Mohammed, of the Taaisha
section of the Baggara (cattle-owning) tribe of southwestern Darfur,
presented himself to Mohammed Ahmed and sought permission to be admitted
into the Sammania Tarika; his request was granted, and Abdullahi swore
eternal fidelity to his new master. This man was the eldest of the four
sons of Mohammed et Taki, of the Juberat division of the Taaisha tribe,
which in its turn was descended from the "Aulad um Sura." His three
other brothers were Yakub, Yusef, and Sammani; he also had a sister
named Fatma. The father was on bad terms with his relatives, and
determined to proceed on pilgrimage with his whole family to Mecca,
where he resolved to settle, and end his days in close proximity to the
birthplace of his Prophet. Those who knew Et Taki described him as a
good man, scrupulous in his attendance to his religious duties, and
capable of curing diseases and insanity by means of heggabs, or
religious charms; he was also a teacher of the Kuran. Of his sons,
Abdullahi and Yusef were the most unmanageable, and the father had the
greatest difficulty in making them learn by heart even the few passages
from the Kuran necessary for the ordinary prayers. Yakub and Sammani, on
the other hand, had more of their father's quiet disposition, and,
having learnt their verses and commentaries, were able to help him in
his religious duties.
The family had, it appears, joined the Furs in combating Zubeir's entry
to Darfur, and the latter relates how, during the fight at Shakka, he
took Abdullahi prisoner, and was about to have him shot, when some of
the Ulema craved pardon for him, which he granted. Abdullahi, in his
gratitude, subsequently sought out Zubeir secretly, and announced to him
that he had had a dream, in which it had been shown to him that he was
the expected Mahdi, and that he (Abdullahi) was to be one of his
faithful followers. "I told him," relates Zubeir, "that I was not the
Mahdi; but that when I became aware of the wickedness of the Arabs, and
how they blocked the roads, I came to open them and establish trade."
Et Taki and the family quitted their home when Zubeir had concluded
peace, and, travelling _via_ Kalaka to Shakka, they had remained there
two years, and had proceeded thence _via_ Dar Homr and El Obeid to Dar
Gimr, where they remained the guests of the head-Sheikh for some months,
and where Et Taki died, and was buried by the head-Sheikh, Asaker Abu
Kalam, at Sherkéla. Before his death he urged on his eldest son,
Abdullahi to take refuge with some religious Sheikh on the Nile, then
immigrate to Mecca, and never return again to their country.
Leaving his brothers and sister under the care of Sheikh Asaker Abu
Kalam, in accordance with the dying wishes of his father, Abdullahi set
out for the Nile valley; and when making inquiries along the road, he
heard of the dissension between Mohammed Ahmed and his Sheikh, Mohammed
Sherif, and he resolved to go to the former and ask him to allow him to
join the order. "It was a very troublesome journey," said Abdullahi bin
Sayed Mohammed, Khalifat el Mahdi (his full name), to me some years
later, when he first became ruler of the Sudan; for at that time he used
to talk openly to me, and had not learnt to mistrust me, as he did
latterly. In those days, as I shall subsequently relate, he would send
for me and chat with me alone by the hour, seated on his beautifully
made angareb, over which a palm-mat was spread, whilst I sat beside him
on the ground, with my legs tucked up under me. "Yes, indeed, it was a
very troublesome journey," he repeated. "At that time my entire property
consisted of one donkey, and he had a gall on his back, so that I could
not ride him; but I made him carry my water-skin and a bag of corn, over
which I spread my rough cotton garment, and drove him along in front of
me. At that time I wore the wide cotton shirt, like the rest of my
tribe. You remember it, do you not, Abdel Kader? For you have only
recently come from my beautiful country [he always used to call me
"Abdel Kader," unless there happened to be present another man of the
same name, when he would call me "Abdel Kader Saladin," _i. e._,
Slatin]. My clothes and my dialect at once marked me out as a stranger
wherever I went; and when I crossed the Nile, I was frequently greeted
with 'What do you want? Go back to your country; there is nothing to
steal here.' The Nile people do not think well of us," he continued,
"because the merchants going west to Zubeir, in Bahr el Ghazal and to
our countries, were frequently maltreated by the Arabs; and when I asked
them where the Mahdi, who was known as Mohammed Ahmed, lived, they gazed
at me incredulously, saying, 'What are you going to him for? He would
not soil his lips by even mentioning the name of your race.' Every one,
however, did not treat me in this way; some would take pity on me and
direct me. Once, when passing through a village, the people wanted to
take my donkey away, saying that it had been stolen from them the year
before; and they would have succeeded, had not an elderly and
God-fearing man interposed and allowed me to pursue my way. I was
continually mocked and hooted at during my long journey; and had not a
few people out of sheer pity occasionally given me some food, I must
have starved. At length I reached Mesallamia, and here I found the Mahdi
busily engaged in building the tomb of the late Sheikh el Koreishi. On
seeing him I entirely forgot all the troubles I had suffered on my
journey, and was content to simply look at him and listen to his
teaching. For several hours I was too timid to dare to speak to him; but
at length I plucked up courage, and in a few words told him my story,
and about the sad condition of my brothers and sister, and I begged him,
for the sake of God and His Prophet, to allow me to become one of his
disciples. He did so, and gave me his hand, which I kissed most
fervently, and I swore entire submission to him as long as I lived. This
oath I kept most scrupulously until the angel of death overtook him; and
some day he will overtake us, and therefore we should ever be ready to
meet him."
Pausing for a moment, he gazed at me, and I at once said, "Yes, indeed,
sire, you have faithfully kept your promise; and the Lord God Almighty
has rewarded you; for you, who at one time were despised and rejected,
have now become absolute lord and sovereign of this land. Those who
insulted you at that time should indeed be thankful that you have not
wreaked vengeance on their heads. A man capable of such restraint must
indeed be the successor of the Prophet." Abdullahi, I knew, loved praise
and flattery, and on this occasion I perhaps almost exceeded the limits;
but I was most anxious that he should continue to tell me his story.
"When I had taken the oath," continued Abdullahi, "the Mahdi called one
of his disciples, named Ali, and said to him, 'You are brethren from
this day; give each other your mutual support, trust in God, and do you,
Abdullahi, obey the orders of your brother.' Ali was very good to me; he
was as poor as myself, but when the Mahdi sent him any food he always
shared it fairly with me. During the day we carried bricks required for
building the tomb, and at night we slept side by side. In a month the
dome was complete. At this time the Mahdi received hundreds of visitors,
and had little time to look at or think of me; still, I knew that I had
found a place in his heart, and he appointed me one of his
flag-bearers.[4] When we left Mesallamia, people flocked around us to
gaze at the Mahdi, whom they at that time called only Mohammed Ahmed,
and listen to his teachings and seek his blessing.
"It was in this way that we marched to the Island of Abba. My sandals
were worn out, and I had to give my donkey to a Mukaddum [superior
disciple] to carry a sick man; but at length we reached the Mahdi's
house, and now I fell very ill with dysentery. My brother Ali took me to
his little straw hut, which was scarcely large enough to hold two
people, looked after my food, and, as I was in bed, he used to fetch
water from the river to enable me to perform my 'wadu' [religious
ablution].
"One evening he went to fetch the water, but did not return; and the
next day I was told that he had been attacked and killed by a
crocodile,--Allah yerhamu! Allah yeghfurlu! [May God be merciful, may
God forgive him his sins!]" I repeated these words after the Khalifa,
adding, "Sire, how great is your patience! and therefore has God exalted
you. Now may I ask you if, during your illness, the Mahdi paid any
attention to you?" "No," replied Khalifa Abdullahi, "the Mahdi wished to
try me. It was not till after Ali's death, and when I lay helpless in
the hut, that he was told I was ill. One evening he came to see me. I
was too weak to get up, so he sat beside me, and gave me some warm
medida [a sort of meal pap which, mixed with melted butter, is used as a
stimulant] out of my pumpkin gourd, saying, 'Drink that, it will do you
good; trust in God.' He then left me, and shortly afterwards some of the
brethren arrived, and took me, by his order, to a cottage near his own
hut. He himself lived in a simple tukul [straw hut]. From the moment I
had taken the medida which he had given me I felt better; he had said it
would do me good, and the Mahdi always speaks the truth, and cannot
lie." "Yes, indeed," I interposed; "the Mahdi is faithful and true, and
you as his successor have followed exactly in his footsteps." "Once near
him," continued the Khalifa, "I recovered rapidly, for I saw the Mahdi
daily; he was as the light of my eyes, and my mind was at rest. He used
to ask about my family, and said they had better remain in Kordofan for
the present. 'Trust in God' was always the last thing he said to me. He
now used often to come and talk privately with me, and one day he
intrusted me with the secret of his divine mission. He was appointed as
Mahdi by God, he said, and had been taken by the Prophet into the
presence of the apostles and saints. But long before he intrusted me
with his secret--indeed from the first moment I beheld his face--I knew
that he was the messenger of God,--el Mahdi el Muntazer [the expected
guide]. Yes, these were indeed happy days, and we had then no cares or
troubles; and now, Abdel Kader, as it is getting late, you had better go
to bed." "May God grant you a long life, and may He strengthen you to
lead the true believers into the right path," said I; and I quitted his
presence with the usual salute.
In Abdullahi, the Mahdi had a ready instrument at hand for his great
work. It is strange to think that this man might never have risen to any
importance, had he not quarrelled with Mohammed Sherif; but now the
reputation he had already gained amongst the inhabitants of the Gezira
(the country lying between the Blue and White Niles) raised hopes in his
mind that he was destined for a high position. He now began to secretly
tell his special adherents that the time had come when religion must be
purified, that this was to be his work, and that those of them who
wished might join him in it. But he always called himself the slave of
God, and made believe that he was acting entirely on inspiration from
above. Abdullahi was able to give him full information about the western
tribes, who, he said, being powerful and courageous, would gladly seize
an occasion to fight for the religion of God and his Prophet, and to
conquer or die. To secure their adherence he advised Mohammed Ahmed to
make a tour through Kordofan; and, setting out, they proceeded to Dar
Gimr, where Abdullahi's family immediately joined them and became his
faithful adherents. He told them, however, that the time had not yet
come for them to leave their homes; for the present they would be more
useful in inciting the local inhabitants.
From Dar Gimr he proceeded to El Obeid, where he visited all the
principal chiefs and Sheikhs, religious and other, and by inquiring
carefully into their views and opinions, he gradually laid the
foundations for his great design. In the strictest secrecy he told those
of whose fidelity he was assured that he had a divine mission to cleanse
and purify the religion, already polluted and debased by corrupt
officials. In El Obeid his most trusted confidant was the Sayed el
Mekki, the head of the religious Sheikhs; but he advised that for the
present no active steps should be taken, as the Government was very
powerful, and the tribes were too split up and disunited to be able to
raise a revolt. Mohammed Ahmed took a more sanguine view, and between
them it was agreed that Mekki should observe absolute secrecy, and
should take no steps until Mohammed Ahmed should begin the movement,
when he promised him his entire support.
After leaving El Obeid, he proceeded to Tagalla, where he interviewed
Mek Adam Um Daballo, the ruler of the district, who received him very
kindly, but who, on the advice of his Kadi, refused to make any promises
of assistance. He now returned to Abba, _via_ Sherkéla.
During this tour Mohammed Ahmed had full opportunities of seeing for
himself the state of the country, and he was soon convinced that there
was a spirit of the most bitter hostility against the authorities on the
part of the poorer population, who, as I have already pointed out, were
taxed out of all proportion to their property, and who suffered terrible
oppression and tyranny at the hands of the self-seeking and unscrupulous
tax-gatherers who infested the country. Amongst the latter, there were
now a considerable number of Sudanese, who lost no opportunity of
enriching themselves and of putting their relatives in positions of
secondary importance, to help them to this end. As a case in point,
Gordon's nomination of the wealthy Sudanese merchant Elias as Pasha and
Governor-General of Kordofan created an immense amount of ill-feeling in
the country; and the same might be said of his assistant, Abderrahman
ben Naga, also a wealthy Kordofan merchant. Both of them were capable
men, and understood the management of the people; but they worked
entirely for their interests and those of their relatives. Moreover, a
spirit of jealousy became rampant amongst other Sudanese of high rank,
who considered themselves quite as capable of filling high positions as
those who had been selected in preference to them. Consequently, when
Elias Pasha sent orders to Mek Adam to pay his taxes, he refused point
blank, as he was of royal descent. "I pay for goods I buy from
merchants, but I do not pay tribute to them," said Mek Adam proudly to
the officials who had been sent to him. At the same time he sent to El
Obeid to inquire if all the Turks and other "Whites" had died, as the
Government had now given high positions to men who were merely
merchants, instead of to persons of high descent. These were the reasons
for the subsequent discharge of Elias Pasha and Abderrahman from their
official positions, and their substitution by Turks and Egyptians.
As regards the Europeans, there were very few of us; but as a rule we
were liked and respected, because the people trusted our word; but I do
not doubt that we also gave them cause at times to be dissatisfied with
us. With probably the best intentions in the world, we would issue rules
and regulations entirely at variance with the manners, customs, and
traditions of the Sudanese. There is also no doubt that our attitude in
regard to the slave question caused wide-spread discontent. The religion
permitted slavery, and from time immemorial the ground had been
cultivated and the cattle tended by slaves. That slave-hunting and
slave-driving led to the perpetration of the most horrible cruelties and
bloodshed, I do not for a moment hesitate to admit; but this was a
matter of very little concern to the slave-buyers, who as a rule did not
ill-treat their slaves. Now we, by our activity and energy, had not only
made the export of slaves from the Black countries almost impossible,
but we listened to the complaints of slaves against their masters, and
invariably set them free.
Mohammed Ahmed cleverly seized the occasion of all this discontent to
act; he was well aware that religion was the only possible means of
uniting all these discordant elements and widely diversified tribes who
were at continual feud with each other; he therefore declared himself
the "Mahdi el Muntazer"; thus at once creating himself a personality
which must be superior to all others, and hoping by this means to drive
out of the country the hated Turks, Egyptians, and Europeans. But still
he thought the time for an open declaration was not yet ripe; he
therefore continued to increase the number of his trusted adherents,
till at length the nature of his divine mission became an open secret.
Some time previous to this, Rauf Pasha, Governor-General at Khartum, had
been secretly told by Mohammed Sherif of Mohammed Ahmed's intentions;
but it was known that the early differences between the two religious
Sheikhs had greatly embittered Sherif, and consequently the authorities
did not lay much store by his statements, and merely concluded that
Mohammed Ahmed was a holy man who had obtained a certain hold over the
people, owing to his superior sanctity.
But now the Government learnt from quite another source that this man
was a danger to the public peace, and therefore they determined to put
an end to the matter, once and for all.
For this purpose Rauf Pasha sent for Mohammed Bey Abu es Saud, who was
known to Mohammed Ahmed, and despatched him in a steamer to Abba with
orders to bring the Sheikh to Khartum. Mohammed Ahmed's friends,
however, gave him timely warning, and told him that if he came to
Khartum he would in all likelihood be kept there, through the intrigues
of Mohammed Sherif. When, therefore, Saud appeared at Abba, he was
welcomed by Abdullahi and Mohammed Ahmed's brother, who conducted him to
the Sheikh. Abu Saud now informed him of the reports--false he
admitted--which had been circulated about him, and strongly advised him
to come to Khartum and justify himself before his master, the
Governor-General. "What!" shouted Mohammed Ahmed, rising suddenly, and
striking his chest with his hand, "by the grace of God and his Prophet I
am the master of this country, and never shall I go to Khartum to
justify myself."
Abu Saud drew back terrified; he then tried to calm him by soft words;
but Mohammed Ahmed, who had previously planned this scene with Abdullahi
and his brother, continued to talk vehemently, and urged Abu Saud to
believe in the truth of what he said.
Abu Saud was now, however, much concerned about the safety of his own
person, and as soon as he could beat a safe retreat, he did so, and
returned to Khartum to inform the astonished Governor-General of the
failure of his mission.
Mohammed Ahmed now realised that there was no time to be lost; his
future depended entirely on his own immediate exertions, and he did not
hesitate to instantly write to his adherents throughout the length and
breadth of the Sudan, stirring them up against the Government, while he
directed his own immediate followers to prepare forthwith for the Jehad.
In the meantime, Rauf Pasha was not idle; realising, after his interview
with Abu Saud, that the matter was very serious, he resolved to despatch
two companies, each under the command of an adjutant-major, to seize
this fanatic; and thinking to create emulation between them, he promised
that the officer who succeeded in capturing him should be promoted at
once to the rank of major. But this plan only ended in creating discord,
and the consequences were direful in the extreme. The troops, under the
chief command of Abu Saud, were embarked in the steamer, "Ismaïlia,"
which had been armed with a gun, and, quitting Khartum early in August,
1881, they proceeded to Abba; but on the journey discussions arose
between the two officers and Abu Saud. Meanwhile Mohammed Ahmed, who had
news of the despatch of the steamer, collected his people, and,
obtaining help from the Degheim and Kenana tribes near him, whom he
summoned to join in a Jehad, he made all preparations to offer
resistance, stirring up religious enthusiasm by declaring that the
Prophet had appeared to him and announced that all persons taking part
in this religious war should earn the title of "Sheikh Abdel Kader el
Gilani" and "Emir el Aulia,"[5] titles highly prized amongst Moslems.
Now, however, that matters had become really serious, those who came
forward and offered to give up their property and lay down their lives
for the great cause were not numerous.
The steamers arrived off Abba at sunset, and, in spite of Abu Saud's
appeals, the two officers determined to disembark at once. But the
commander, into whose heart fear had entered when he heard Mohammed
Ahmed declaring that he was "master of the land," remained on board with
his gun, and anchored in mid-stream. Both officers, entirely ignorant of
the locality, and each jealous of the other winning the tempting reward,
advanced by different paths in the dead of night along the muddy banks
towards Mohammed Ahmed's settlement. The latter with his adherents had
quitted the huts, and, armed with swords, lances, and clubs, had hidden
themselves in the high grass, whilst the troops, arriving from opposite
directions, now opened a hot fire on the empty village, with the result
that each inflicted considerable loss on the other; and in the midst of
this hopeless confusion the villagers leapt from their ambush and
created terrible havoc amongst the already demoralised men, who fled in
all directions. A few only succeeded in reaching the bank and swimming
out to the steamer; and Abu Saud, now thoroughly terrified, wished to
return instantly to Khartum, but was at last induced by the captain to
stay till the following morning, in the hope of picking up fugitives.
None, however, came, and at dawn he steamed back at full speed, with his
direful news.
The effect of this success on Mohammed Ahmed and his adherents can be
readily understood; they had suffered little or no loss, though he
himself had been slightly wounded in the arm, and Abdullahi, who dressed
the wound, counselled that this little accident should be kept secret
from the rest. Still, the number of his followers was not largely
increased, as the local people were convinced that Government would take
strong measures to suppress the revolt, and they would not risk the
losses which they felt certain would ensue.
Mohammed Ahmed, strongly urged by Abdullahi and his brothers to
increase the distance between himself and the Khartum authorities, now
resolved to retreat to southern Kordofan; and to avoid this move being
considered a flight, he announced to his adherents that he had received
an inspiration to proceed to Jebel Masa,[6] and there await further
Divine instructions. Before quitting Abba, he appointed, also in
accordance with the Divine Will, his four Khalifas. The first of these
was Abdullahi, who (the precedent of the Prophet being adopted)
represented the Khalifa Abu Bakr es Sadik; Ali Wad Helu, of the Degheim
tribe (White Nile), was chosen to represent the Khalifa Omar ibn el
Khattab; and the representative of the fourth Khalifa, Ali el Karrar,
was Mohammed esh Sherif, one of Mohammed Ahmed's relatives, who was then
only a boy. The chair of the third Khalifa, Osman ibn Affan, was not
filled for the moment, but was subsequently offered to and refused by
the great Sheikh Es Sennusi, of Northern Africa.
To move this large following across the river was now a matter of some
difficulty, for the people who owned boats, fearing that they might be
accused of complicity, at first refused; but at length all--including a
large contingent of Degheim and Kenana Arabs, who joined at the last
moment--were transferred to the west bank; and, advancing into the Dar
Gimr country, Mohammed Ahmed summoned the inhabitants of the districts
through which he passed to follow him to Jebel Masa. The greatest
enthusiasm now prevailed amongst his followers, who lost no opportunity
of telling the credulous and superstitious populations through which
they passed, of the wonderful miracles performed by the Mahdi. On one
occasion, quite ignorant of any danger, he halted with only a few
followers in close proximity to the camp of a certain adjutant-major
named Mohammed Guma, who, with a party of sixty soldiers, was collecting
taxes. The latter, fearing the responsibility he might incur by
attacking him without orders, referred to El Obeid for instructions; but
long before they arrived the Mahdi had rejoined the bulk of his people
and had continued his march; so this golden opportunity was lost. Years
afterwards I met the unfortunate Guma in a sad and miserable plight in
Omdurman. "Ah!" said he, "if I had only known then that I should be
reduced to walking about barefoot, and begging my bread, I should not
have asked for instructions, and so allowed that wretched Dongolawi to
escape; it would have been better to have been killed than to have
endured the miseries of this wretched existence."
Another excellent opportunity of capturing him was also lost. It
happened that Giegler Pasha had been ordered to come to El Obeid to
represent the Governor-General in connection with a case of embezzlement
by a district inspector and wealthy Sudan merchant named Abdel Hadi;
hearing that the so-called Mahdi was in the neighbourhood, he
despatched, towards the end of September, Mohammed Said Pasha with four
companies to arrest him and bring him to El Obeid. But either by design
or through carelessness the expedition failed in its object; the troops,
apparently, halted during the day at the place in which the rebels had
slept the previous night, and after thus uselessly wasting three days,
they returned to El Obeid, the result being that they were discredited
as being afraid to attack, and the Mahdi's prestige rose
proportionately.
It had been Mohammed Ahmed's intention to stay for a time at Jebel
Tagalla; but Mek Adam, learning of this, sent one of his sons to him
with a gift of corn and sheep, bearing a message that he thought he had
better retire further into the interior. He was therefore obliged to
continue his journey, and after a long and troublesome march at length
reached Jebel Gedir, where, in addition to the local inhabitants, a
section of the Kenana tribe now resided.
At this time Rashed Bey was Governor of Fashoda; and, being fully
informed of the Mahdi's movements, resolved to attack him before he
became more powerful. A German named Berghof was also in Fashoda. He was
formerly a photographer in Khartum, but Rauf Pasha had sent him up the
river as an inspector for the suppression of slavery. Rashed now
advanced, accompanied by Berghof and Kaiku Bey, king of the Shilluks,
towards Gedir. Entirely underrating the enemy with whom he had to deal,
he marched with no military precautions, fell into a carefully prepared
ambush, and some fourteen hundred of his men were annihilated. So sudden
was the attack that there was not even time to fire a rocket. Rashed and
a few of his personal attendants made a gallant defence, but were soon
overpowered by superior numbers and killed.
This defeat occurred on 9th December, and Mohammed Ahmed no longer
hesitated to call himself the Mahdi. His prestige, especially in the
eyes of the Arabs, rose enormously; nevertheless, his relations with his
immediate neighbours were not of the best. Khalifa Abdullahi, in
subsequent conversations with me in Omdurman, referred to this period,
as far as I can recollect, in the following words: "We arrived at last
at Gedir, thoroughly tired out after our long and troublesome journey.
The Mahdi had only one horse, and that of the inferior Abyssinian breed,
while I had to walk almost the whole distance; but God grants strength
to those true believers who are ready to lay down their lives for the
faith. My brothers, Yakub, Yusef, and Sammani had joined us with their
families, also my stepmother, who was nursing my baby at her breast. My
brother Harun, too, would not stay behind, so he also joined us. I was
always greatly concerned about my wife, stepmother, and child, who is
Osman Sheikh ed Din, whom you now see before you. It did not so much
matter for us men; troubles and afflictions are sent us by God, and we
bear them, only too thankful that we should be chosen by Him to raise
the faith which had been trodden down to the dust, and to teach our
brethren. But," said he, smiling, "teaching won't bring us food for our
women and children. People flocked to us in crowds, it is true; but most
of them were even more destitute than ourselves, and came to us for
support. Those who were well off shunned us,--riches are the curse of
this world,--and those who have them will be deprived of the joys of
Paradise. The people whose countries we crossed did not give us much
help; but the little he got the Mahdi graciously offered to the
pilgrims, whom he considered as his guests. When I heard the women and
children weeping, I felt sometimes that my heart would break; but when I
gazed at the Mahdi's face I trusted in God and became at rest. Patience,
Abdel Kader, is the highest virtue. Practise that, and God will reward
you."
The defeat of Rashed Bey awakened the Government to a sense of the
serious nature of the revolt, and an expedition was at once organised
and placed under the command of Yusef Pasha Shellali, who had greatly
distinguished himself in Gessi's campaign in Bahr el Ghazal, and was
noted for his courage and resource. A reinforcement of a battalion of
infantry and some volunteers, under the command of Abdalla Wad Dafalla
(the brother of Ahmed Wad Dafalla), with Abd el Hadi and Sultan Dima,
was also to be sent from Kordofan.
Meanwhile the Mahdi despatched letters in all directions, proclaiming
his victories and his Divine mission. He summoned all to join the Jehad,
giving the name of Ansar[7] to his followers, and promising them
four-fifths of the booty taken in war (the remaining fifth he reserved
for himself), while to those who should fall fighting for God and His
religion he held out the certainty of the fullest enjoyment of the
pleasures of Paradise. Thus did he pander to the main characteristics of
the Sudanese, viz., fanaticism and greed.
Yusef Pasha Shellali's force, which numbered some four thousand men, was
composed of regular infantry under Mohammed Bey Suleiman and Hassan
Effendi Rifki, whom I had previously discharged; the irregular cavalry
were placed under the courageous Shaigia Melek, Taha Abu Sidr, and
leaving Khartum on 15th March, 1882, they proceeded to Kowa, where they
awaited the reinforcements expected from El Obeid.
Abdalla Wad Dafalla, however, found it no easy matter to collect
volunteers. There was a general feeling that it was wrong to fight
against a man of piety, and, moreover, as the Mahdi and his followers
were little else than beggars, there was no enticement of rich plunder
to allure them. Besides all this, Elias Pasha, the richest merchant in
Kordofan and the ex-Governor, was the deadly enemy of the Dafalla
family, and exercised all his influence, which was still considerable,
in preventing men joining him. However, Abdalla had agreed with the
authorities to proceed, and, including regulars, the force with which he
left El Obeid numbered some two thousand men; and joining with the
remainder at Kowa, the entire expedition of six thousand strong
proceeded to Fashoda, which was reached in the middle of May.
After a short rest, Yusef Pasha advanced west, and camped, on the
evening of 6th June, at Mesat, near Jebel Gedir, confident of success.
Why should such men as Yusef Pasha, Mohammed Bey, and Abu Sidr fear a
starving crowd of sickly, half-famished, and almost naked Arabs? Had
they not won victories on the White Nile at Duffilé? Had they not
conquered Bahr el Ghazal, and brought the proud Sultans of Darfur to
submission? What could this ill-armed and ignorant fiki do? Abdalla Wad
Dafalla alone raised a note of warning that they should not underrate
the danger. He had had a fall from his horse when marching out of El
Obeid, which is considered a bad omen in the Sudan; but who was going to
listen to this preacher in the wilderness? They did not even think it
worth while to cut down a few thorn bushes to make a zariba, but merely
picked up a little of the scrub lying close by, and formed a rough
enclosure, utterly inadequate for defence; so the Mahdi's sickly,
half-famished, and almost naked Arabs fell on Yusef Pasha's army in the
early dawn of the 7th June. Dashing through the slight inclosure, they
were on the sleeping soldiers in a moment, and made short work of them.
Yusef Pasha and Abu Sidr were killed in their night-shirts at the doors
of their tents, and in a few minutes there was scarcely a man left
alive. Abu Sidr's concubine rushed at her master's murderers, and shot
two of them with a revolver; but she fell prone over his body, stabbed
to the heart. Abdalla Wad Dafalla, with a few of his attendants, alone
made a short stand; but they soon shared the fate of their companions.
When anything unusual happens in uncivilised countries, it is always
considered by the natives as supernatural; and this was exactly the
effect of Yusef Pasha's disaster on the credulous and superstitious
minds of the Sudanese. For sixty years the country had been governed by
the Turks and Egyptians. If the tribes refused to pay their taxes, they
were invariably punished; and no one dared to question for a moment the
right of the authorities to do so. Now this holy fiki, Mohammed Ahmed,
had suddenly appeared on the scene. With a crowd of ill-armed and
undisciplined men he had inflicted several crushing defeats on the
well-armed and well-equipped Government troops. There could now be no
doubt he was the "Mahdi el Muntazer," the expected Mahdi!
The defeat of Yusef Pasha placed the whole of southern Kordofan in his
hands, and now he was in a position to make good his deficiencies. He
had gained money, arms, horses, and loot of all sorts; and these he
distributed amongst the chiefs of tribes who now flocked to him. They
believed most firmly that he was the true Mahdi, whose only intention
was to uphold the faith, and who had no regard for wealth and property.
The news of the Mahdi's victories now spread far and wide; and, amongst
an uneducated population such as that of Kordofan, the accounts were
exaggerated to a quite ridiculous extent. Roused by the spirit of
fanaticism, numbers of them quitted their homes, and marched to Jebel
Gedir, which was now openly re-named Jebel Masa, while others, gathering
round the local chiefs, prepared to fight against the various Government
posts and stations scattered throughout the country.
This condition of affairs was eminently favourable to the ruling
passions of the nomad Arabs. Under the cloak of a religious war, which
owed its existence to them, they massacred, plundered, and robbed the
natives who, they said, were loyal to the hated Turks; and at the same
time they shook themselves free from the taxation imposed on them by a
Government they detested.
The Mahdi now placed himself in communication with the merchants of El
Obeid, who, through their wealth and connection with the people,
virtually ruled the town and a considerable part of the country. They
thoroughly understood the situation. None knew better the weakness and
effeteness of the Government, and many were prepared to side with the
Mahdi. Elias Pasha was the chief amongst these malcontents, and detested
Ahmed Bey Dafalla, who was a great friend of Mohammed Pasha Said. He was
well aware that these two would, in the event of the defeat of the
rebels, do him all the harm they could. Elias Pasha, therefore, employed
himself actively in secretly collecting adherents for the Mahdi. Many of
the less wealthy merchants anticipated better times should the
Government be overthrown, whilst there were not a few who, though
disinclined to the Mahdi, were driven to espouse his cause by the fear
that, should he prove successful, their wives and property would fall
into the hands of his victorious followers.
As for the religious Sheikhs, this movement was one which held out the
highest prospects of promotion for them. They prided themselves that one
of their number had successfully dared to proclaim himself a Mahdi, and
they looked to the time when he or his sons should drive out the hated
Turk, and rule the land. A few--only a very few--sensible people foresaw
the danger which would threaten the country should the Mahdi prove
successful, and these did all they could to prepare the Government for
the coming storm; but their numbers were too small to have any effect.
Elias Pasha now sent his son Omar to acquaint the Mahdi with the
situation, and to beg him to come forthwith to El Obeid; while Mohammed
Pasha Said, realising that this would undoubtedly be the next step, and
deluded with the idea that the people would be prepared to stand a siege
with him, began to dig an enormous ditch round the town, and, at the
suggestion of Ahmed Bey Dafalla, he put the Government buildings in a
state of defence, and built a parapet around them. His parsimonious
ideas, however, led him into a grave error. Instead of laying in large
stores of corn, which the merchants, seeking only their own interests,
were perfectly ready to provide, he refused to pay more than peace
prices. It was, in consequence, rapidly bought up at a higher rate by
those who were already beginning to feel the effects of the disturbed
state of the country; and so he lost the favourable moment to buy.
Meanwhile, massacres in the districts were of almost daily occurrence.
Tax-collectors, detached military posts, and Government officials fell
an easy prey to the bloodthirsty Arabs. The Bederia tribe attacked and
almost annihilated the inhabitants of Abu Haraz, which was a day's march
distant from El Obeid, and only a few men, women, and children succeeded
in reaching the capital; the rest were all killed or taken prisoners
during the flight along the waterless track. Young girls were, of
course, looked upon as valuable booty, and were given water by their
captors; but the older women suffered the most horrible mutilation. Arms
and legs were ruthlessly cut off merely to gain possession of the
bracelets and anklets they wore. A few days later, the town of Ashaf, in
northern Kordofan, was attacked and plundered by the Arabs, though a
defence was made by Nur Angara, who was living there at the time, and
who assisted Sanjak Mohammed Agha Japo, formerly one of Gordon's
kavasses. They were, however, eventually forced to retire on Bara. This
Japo was an old Kurdi, and during the retreat he performed prodigies of
valour. Collecting all the women and young girls in the centre of his
square, he bade them sing songs of victory, saying that such music drove
fear out of all hearts; and, making constant counter-attacks, he
succeeded in bringing almost all the fugitives in safety to Bara.
This town was now attacked, and the Arabs repulsed; but, collecting in
greater numbers under Sheikh Rahma, they completely invested it, and cut
off all supplies.
A mass of Arabs had also collected at Kashgeil; and against these
Mohammed Pasha Said despatched a battalion of regulars, who succeeded in
temporarily dispersing them; but, in doing so, the troops lost so
heavily that virtually it was little short of defeat; and, collecting
again, these Arabs attacked Birket, where the entire garrison of two
thousand men was put to the sword. A similar disaster overtook the
troops at Shatt, on the White Nile, where two hundred were massacred;
but their subsequent attack on Duem was repulsed, with a loss of two
thousand men.
Meanwhile, the emissaries sent by the Mahdi to the Gezira had not been
idle. The Gehéna, Agaliyin, Hawazma, and Hammada Arabs, under Abu Rof,
had attacked and invested Sennar; but the town had been subsequently
relieved by Sanjak Saleh Wad el Mek, who had been despatched thence with
a large force of Shaigia.
The town of Abu Haraz, on the Blue Nile, had been invested by Sherif
Ahmed Taha; and Giegler Pasha, who was acting Governor-General in place
of Rauf Pasha, had arrived in the neighbourhood, and had directed Melek
Yusef of the Shaigia to attack the rebels with an inferior force, which
was defeated. Melek Yusef, disdaining flight had got off his horse, and,
seating himself cross-legged on his farwa (sheepskin), had ordered one
of his slaves to kill him. Giegler had at once proceeded to Khartum,
and, procuring reinforcements, had returned and attacked Ahmed Taha,
who had been killed, and his head sent to Khartum. He had then cleared
the neighbourhood of Sennar of rebels without suffering any serious
loss. In spite, however, of these temporary successes, troubles
increased, and the Government daily received alarming accounts of the
disasters which had overtaken troops and inhabitants in various parts of
the country. In consequence, Abdel Kader Pasha had been despatched to
the Sudan as Governor-General. He had arrived at Khartum on 11th May,
1882, and had busily set to work to place the town in a state of
defence. These measures had some effect on the natives, and it was
evident to them that the Government intended to act resolutely; but, at
the same time, it was perfectly clear to them that these steps were not
merely precautionary, but were rendered absolutely necessary by the very
serious position of affairs. The arsenal and dockyard, ammunition
stores, magazines, and Government archives must be safeguarded against
all eventualities. Besides, one of the first acts of the new
Governor-General was to withdraw to Khartum a portion of the garrisons
of Gallabat, Senhit, and Gera, in which districts there was at present
complete tranquillity.
Meanwhile, Mohammed Ahmed fully realised that to kindle the smouldering
fire into a blazing flame his presence was absolutely necessary. He
therefore accepted Elias Pasha's invitation to come to El Obeid, and,
leaving his uncle, Mahmud Sherif, with a few followers, to look after
his wives and children in Jebel Masa, he descended into the plains, and
marched with his forces towards the wealthy capital of Kordofan.