"I return these papers to your Grace, so that you may continue what you
were doing. May God preserve your Grace. My house, February 16, 1639."
[18] Referring to Sebastian Vizcaino (VOL. XIV, p. 183). The Englishman
here referred to is doubtless Will Adams (VOL. XXII, p. 169, note 39),
then high in favor with Iyeyasu. Regarding the expulsion of religious
at that time, see VOL. XVIII, p. 81.
[19] A marginal note reads as follows: "Ricca douro is an island which
was discovered by a vessel from Macao. They landed there in order to
repair their galley fireplace, and a week later they perceived that
that earth had been converted into plates of gold. I suffered a violent
tempest in the latitude of that island, as the maps show it; and there
are few vessels that sail in that latitude, without having trouble."
See also notes in VOL. XIV of this series, p. 183; and VOL. XVI,
p. 204.
[20] In the margin is the following note: "Tono in the Japanese
language signifies a person who holds the rank that a duke of Cardone
or a marquis of Carpio would have in Espana." This means a daimio,
or feudal lord (see VOL. XVIII, p. 216).
[21] Following is a translation of the title-page of the book from
which this account is taken: "Relation of the glorious victories on
land and sea won by the arms of our invincible king and monarch, Felipe
IIII, the Great, in the Filipinas Islands against the Mahometan Moros
of the island of Mindanao and their king Cachil Corralat, under the
leadership of Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, knight of the Order
of Alcantara and one of his Majesty's Council of War, and governor
and captain-general of those islands: drawn from various relations
sent from Manila during this year (1638). 1638. With license. Mexico;
at the press of Pedro de Quinones, opposite the Professed House."
[22] Tulio (misprinted Fulio), for Tullius (Cicero). Apparently there
is some error in the reference given in the text, for this citation
from Cicero is not found in the place indicated by it, in the standard
editions of his Epistolae.
[23] Attached to the editions of Quintilian's works are 164
Declamations, which remain out of a collection consisting originally
of 388 of these compositions. It is supposed, however, that these
were written by various persons, at different periods of time.
[24] "It is believed that the number of islands exceeds 1,400, although
thus far no one has stated their number with exactness." (Archipielago
filipino, p. 6.) The latest information (Census of the Philippine
Islands, Washington, 1905, i, p. 185), gives the total number of
islands, however, as not less than 3,141, although the exact number
is still unknown.
[25] This is the literal translation; but it will be remembered,
from previous accounts, that the figure of Christ here referred to
was painted on a sheet of linen or cloth; it was this sheet which
was used by the Moro as a garment.
[26] Camaras were tubes or cylinders which received the charge and
were introduced into the breech of the cannon, sometimes fitted by
pressure, at other times by screwing (see Diego Ufano's Treatise on
military; Brussels, 1617). Some of the ancient pieces of ordnance
had these spare chambers, so that, after a charge had been fired, the
chamber could be changed and operations carried on more rapidly. Thus
they served as do the cartridges of modern breech-loading guns. Some
camaras were used independently of the cannon, for firing salutes. See
Stanley's Vasco da Gama (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1869)
pp. 226, 227, note.
[27] Tawi Tawi is the largest island of a group having the same name,
in the extreme southwest of the Philippine Archipelago, nearly 700
miles distant from Manila. It contains over 100 islands, mostly
very small; but five of these contain ten or more square miles of
area. The island Tawi Tawi contains 187 square miles; its surface
is one of fertile plains interspersed with forests, and broken by
five peaks ranging from 736 to 1,941 feet in height. The islands
are thinly populated (estimated at 1,815 fighting men) by Malayan
tribes supposed to have migrated thither from Borneo--the Suluanos,
Camucones, and Tirones. Navigation among the islands is difficult
and dangerous, except for the small, light native craft; and they
have been the hiding-places of pirates from the earliest times.
[28] Referring to Captain Gines Ros y Aviles, who had been left by
Corcuera as governor of Jolo. Combes gives a detailed account of
all this affair (Hist. Mindanao, Retana's ed., col. 369-395). Ros
applied himself, after Corcuera's departure, to the profits of trade,
and was deceived by the Moros, who pretended submission but planned
to surprise and kill all the Spaniards. The officer next in command,
Gaspar de Morales, with the two Jesuits, finding their warnings
unheeded, sent word to the governor's lieutenant at Zamboanga, Pedro
de Almonte--who immediately went to Jolo, again subdued that island,
and placed Morales in Ros's post as governor. Cf. La Concepcion's
account, Hist. Philipinas, v, pp. 348-359, 412-427.
[29] A village in Laguna, Luzon, on the southwest shore of Laguna
de Bay.
[30] The two Jesuits who remained in Jolo as missionaries, Fathers
Alejandro Lopez and Francisco Martinez.
[31] "Of these [Sangleys] several champan-crews armed themselves to
infest the seas; and, occupying the narrow passages of Marivelez,
they captured various vessels which came from Bisayas and other
provinces to trade.... Armed ships were despatched against them from
Manila, and, despite their resistance, several of their champans were
seized; and the pirates were punished with death, as their insolence
deserved--several of them being baptized, by dint of exhortations,
just before their torture." (La Concepcion, Hist. Philipinas, v,
pp. 429-431). One of these "rigorous modes of punishment" is mentioned
post, on p. 226--that of tearing away the flesh with pincers.
[32] Probably referring to the revolt of the Caragas, 1629-31, and
their murder of several Recollect missionaries at Tandag.
[33] Combes describes very fully this and another Spanish expedition
into the region of Lake Lanao in 1639; and "a third and last one,"
which was unsuccessful, and compelled the Spaniards to retreat,
in 1640. See his Hist. Mindanao (Retana's ed.), col. 145-177.
[34] Referring to the injury sustained by this chief in the explosion
of a mine at the siege of Jolo; it is described by Lopez in his
chronicle for 1637-38 ante, pp. 44, 45.
[35] See Combes's description of Lake Lanao (Hist. Mindanao, Retana's
ed., col. 145-147); lanao means simply "lake," and malanao, "people
of the lake." Cf. A. H. S. Landor's description--in Gems of the East
(New York and London, 1904), pp. 303-308--of the lake legion and
its people. In 1902 the American military authorities constructed
excellent highways from the seacoast to Lake Lanao, from Malabang on
the south to Iligan on the north. A description of this work, with
valuable observations on the character and habits of the Malanao Moros,
appears in the Atlantic Monthly for December, 1903, from the pen of
Major R. L. Bullard, U. S. A., who directed the building of one of
these roads. The Malanaos were never conquered by the Spaniards or
any other people. The present district of Lanao contains part of the
Rangaya range of mountains, 5,000 to 8,500 feet in height; and its
eastern part is traversed by the Pulangui River (Rio Grande). The
lake is twenty-two miles long and sixteen miles wide, and its outlet
is Iligan River.
[36] Apparently referring to the boat which carried passengers from
Manila to the port of Cavite.
[37] Also Zarpana, the modern Rota. Uan apparently means the present
Guam. The place where the ship was wrecked was, according to Diaz
(Conquistas, p. 402), the island of Seypan.
[38] Diaz states (Conquistas, p. 402) that this galleon ("Nuestra
Senora de la Concepcion") was "the largest one built up to that time,"
and that it contained the greatest wealth of the islands. The few
men who escaped to land were afterward rescued by Spanish ships, and
taken back to Manila--save one, a Chinese blacksmith, who spent the
rest of his life there and acquired great influence over the natives.
[39] La Concepcion states (Hist. Philipinas, v, p. 351) that
when Corcuera returned to Manila in triumph, the Confraternity of
La Misericordia gave him 100,000 pesos from its treasury, for the
expenses of the Jolo campaign.
"For Governor Corcuera to secure, even in part, the successful result
that he desired in this conquest, he was obliged to resort, for the
necessary succor, to the treasury of Santa Misericordia; for in this
emergency he found closed on all sides the gates of resource for the
accomplishment of his so laudable designs. He found this aid, as prompt
as liberal, in the sum of 104,609 pesos, two tomins, and one grano,
which the brethren carried to him at the royal offices, as a loan,
to aid his needs and enable him to push forward this conquest, which
depended on such aid." This statement is taken from the Demostracion
historica (MS. in Ayer library; see following note), fol. 7 verso.
[40] These two letters are obtained from a MS. volume in the library
of Edward E. Ayer, of Chicago, entitled: Demostracion historica
de cuantas depredaciones llevan cometidas las Moros desde que se
incorporaron estas Yslas a la Monarquia Espanola; inedidas de toda
especie tomadas por el Gobierno para contenerlos; y indicasiones que
se presentan para hacerles la guerra con mejor fruto que hasta aqui,
a fin de que las Visayas se vean libres de las continuas opresiones
qe. sufren--"Historical exposition of the many depredations which
the Moros have committed, from the time when these islands were
incorporated with the Spanish monarchy; the measures, of all kinds,
taken by the government for curbing them; and indications that
suggest how war may be waged upon them with better results than have
hitherto been secured, to the end that the Visayas may be freed from
the continual cruelties that they suffer." This work (evidently
intended for publication) is undated; but the conjectural date
"1835?" appears on the fly-leaf, which is headed "1a. Parte." As
appears by the introduction to the book, it was written by one of
the members of the Sociedad Economica of the Philippines--founded
by Basco y Vargas in 1780, and reestablished by Folguera in 1819;
and his "only motive in writing it was to meet his obligations to
that society." The MS. is contained in a plainly-bound volume of 291
folios (582 pages), and displays fine, round, legible, and beautiful
handwriting, from several different hands. Folios 1-11 cover the
period antecedent to 1750; the rest of the book, that from 1750 to
1806--more than two-thirds of this part being dated after 1788. The
writer evidently had access to valuable original documents, some
of which, as these letters to La Misericordia, he cites directly;
and his narrative is well and carefully written.
[41] This was Fray Francisco de Zamudio, who had come to Manila in
1636, and acted as provisor-general during the temporary exile of
Archbishop Guerrero.
[42] The great visitor-general of New Spain and the bishop of
Puebla. He had a "special commission to take the residencias of
Cerralvo and Cadereita, and to investigate the commercial relations
with Peru and the Philippine Islands." He was of noble family, although
illegitimate, but was legitimized by his father. He was a man of great
abilities, which won him speedy recognition and high offices until he
decided to enter the priesthood (1629); and, after serving in various
capacities in Spain, he went to Mexico in 1640. He was energetic
and impartial in the exercise of his duties, and before long this
embroiled him with the indolent and easily-influenced viceroy. Finally
he was offered the archbishopric, and at the same time ordered to
assume charge of the government. He refused the archbishopric, but
accepted the latter, and in 1642 assumed that office--which he held
for five months, during which he ruled well and impartially. After
retiring to his bishopric he had various troubles with the Jesuits,
the new viceroy, the archbishop, and others, until he was ordered to
retire to Spain in 1648, where he died bishop of Osma in 1659, much
regretted by the people of his bishopric. See Bancroft's Hist. Mexico,
iii, pp. 98-136.
[43] Meaning that the failure to receive the usual supplies of money
from Mexico had rendered the Manila merchants unable to buy the
goods brought by the Chinese traders--the latter being thus unable
to maintain their shops in Manila, and obliged to return to their
own country.
[44] Apparently some words have been omitted in Ventura del Arco's
transcription; probably it should read, "upon us for our past sins"--or
possibly, "for the past two years."
[45] Spanish, regalos; referring to the articles (mainly those of
luxury) imported from Mexico by citizens of the islands.
[46] Shells or hollow balls, sometimes of clay, sometimes of heavy
canvas, which were filled with combustible substances; when kindled,
they were shot or hurled against the enemy, either to cause injury
by their explosion, or to set his works on fire.
[47] "A mountain called Socol, distant from Calamba a short league"
(Diaz, Conquistas, p. 406).
[48] This was an estate belonging to the Jesuits (Diaz, Conquistas,
p. 408).
[49] Pastells' transcript of this document (Colin's Labor evangelica,
iii, p. 129) contains a few lines of additional matter, as follows:
"Of the whole affair a full relation will, I think, be printed; so I
leave it here, entreating our Lord to look with pity on these islands,
which are so full of misery and poverty."
[50] In passing through Mexico Senor Corcuera found so much cloth
from this [Chinese] commerce stored in the warehouses that, in
consideration for the interests of the merchants, he thought it best
not to send a ship [to Acapulco] that year; as a result, in this year
of 1638 the Chinese found less silver [in the Philippines] than their
business required. It also contributed [to their discontent] that,
since the royal treasury was unable to meet the great expenses of so
many armed fleets and wars, the contributions [levied] on the Chinese
were greater and more exacting--not only in actual money, but in other
necessary supplies." (La Concepcion, Hist. Philipinas, v, p. 429).
[51] Diaz states (Conquistas, p. 403) that besides the Chinese of
the Parian, who were chiefly traders, there were at the time of this
revolt more than 20,000 others scattered through the islands, who were
occupied in tilling the soil, and that of these more than 6,000 were at
work on the rich lands of Calamba. La Concepcion says (ut supra) that
there were 33,000 Chinese living in the islands--too large a number
for safety, after the warning furnished by the insurrection of 1604.
[52] This was Luis Arias de Mora, an advocate belonging to the Manila
Audiencia; according to Diaz (p. 404) he was even more avaricious
and extortionate than his predecessors in the alcaldia of La Lacuna,
and so oppressed those Chinese that in desperation they decided,
to kill him--which they did with much and barbarous cruelty.
[53] Diaz says (p. 404) that the Jesuit Villamayor, who accompanied
the Spaniards, tried to persuade Aduna not to pursue the Chinese;
but the captain refused to listen to him, and went on to his death.
[54] The names in brackets are obtained from Diaz (p. 406); and some
names occurring later in this document are similarly filled out,
from the same source.
[55] Diaz states (p. 406) that the Augustinian friars of Comintan
(the ancient name of Batangas province) after this battle assembled a
large troop of Indians, and with them scoured the surrounding country,
killing the scattered Sangley fugitives.
[56] A visita of the Augustinian mission station at Pasig.
[57] According to Diaz's account (p. 408), the Sangleys of Santa Cruz
attempted to seize Corcuera's person; but he escaped their hands,
ordered the village to be set afire, and then attacked the Chinese,
who numbered some 6,000 men. To check their advance, a detachment of
Spaniards was sent to a certain spot with a troop of Moros, "aimed with
campilans, who had come with the ambassador from Sanguyl." Olaso was
soon recalled to Manila, leaving Santa Cruz defenseless--an imprudent
step, which resulted in loss, "since that post was most necessary
and convenient for guarding the river and the Parian."
[58] Diaz (p. 409) makes this twenty-three, besides a Japanese priest
who accompanied and encouraged his countrymen.
[59] Diaz (p. 408) says that the friars at Tondo gathered the natives
within the convent, "which, as it was very strong and spacious,
was capable of being a sufficient fortification for 6,000 Indians."
[60] "In Binondoc father Fray Francisco de Herrera was fortified, with
the Sangley mestizos, and kept within the walls more than 160 Christian
Sangleys; the governor commanded that these should be taken from that
place, because they were continually making signs and writing notes
[to their countrymen?], and they were conveyed to Manila, to the
public prison, in order to make sure of them." (Diaz, p. 413.)
[61] Diaz states (p. 412) that the governor issued this command,
which was executed by one of the auditors of the Audiencia and the
two alcaldes of the city; "they killed a great many Chinese, although
there were many whom the religious and the citizens concealed."
[62] "By the fire were destroyed more than 3,000 pesos of rents
from the municipal property of the city, and more than 80,000 pesos
of those belonging to private persons, for the houses in which the
Sangleys lived; the riches lost in the property of the Sangleys were
immense, because the looting of these could not be enjoyed on account
of the fire, and because the [military] authorities would not allow
the Spaniards to be diverted from their attention to the defense of
the city." (Diaz, p. 412).
[63] Diaz says that the church was burned; but this probably refers
to its woodwork only.
[64] "On December 5 orders were despatched to the provinces to put to
death all the Sangleys in them--although the opinions of the jurists
[regarding this step] differed." (Diaz, p. 412).
[65] "They burned the magazines, where there were large quantities
of the supplies necessary for the equipment of the galleons" (Diaz,
p. 413).
[66] See p. 156 and note 31, ante.
[67] Diaz's figures are somewhat different, and more extensive
(p. 413). "In Cavite as many as 1,100 were slain, and more than 600
were seized. In Pampanga, where Santiago Gastelu was alcalde-mayor,
few escaped; for the said alcalde exercised such care and so vigilant
guard that as soon as the order arrived he caused it to be executed
in all places at the same time, so unexpectedly that he gave them
no opportunity to take the defensive; accordingly he beheaded them
all, 1,800 in number, including infidels and those baptised. In the
province of Bulacan, where there were more Sangleys, the slain did
not exceed 500; for as they were farm laborers, and were scattered,
they went away, deserting their houses, and joined the rebels, without
Captain Juan Diaz, the alcalde-mayor of that province, being able to
hinder them.... In the province of Tondo, as many as 300 were beheaded,
because, as the insurrection was going on therein, only those were put
to death who could not easily join the rebels. In the province of Bay
were beheaded 200, of those who had been sheltered in the convents, and
of those who were seized as accomplices of the uprising in Calamba. In
the province of Taal they slew others.... In Pangasinan they beheaded
500 Sangleys, through the energy of the alcalde-mayor, Captain Don
Fernando Suarez Deza; and in that of Ilocos, which was governed by
Sargento-mayor Pedro de Tursis, as many as 100 were slain. The same
was done in the other provinces, by which the forces of the enemy
were diminished, and the revolution checked."
[68] "The leaders in these sacrilegious acts were the Christian
Sangleys, who showed that they were renegades from the faith which
they had pretended to profess." (Diaz, p. 412).
[69] The bracketed words are conjectural, to replace some that are
illegible or worn in the original MS.
[70] "On December 7 Captain Santiago Gastelu arrived from Pampanga
with a large reenforcement of men, and in his company was father Fray
Juan de Sosa, a religious of our father St. Augustine, and minister of
the village of Porac, who came with 800 Zambal archers whose leader
he was in all the fights that occurred, ... urging on the Pampangos,
who were a terror to the enemy; a thousand of them were arquebusiers,
and the [above] 800 were archers." (Diaz, p. 415.)
[71] Some of these are described by Diaz, whose account throughout
is more full and detailed.
[72] "On the way, our people heard how the Aetas from the hills had
gone out to lie in ambush against the Sangleys, and had done them much
damage; for in one place seven Aetas, naked and armed with some bamboo
darts, had rushed in among more than 6,000 Sangleys--of whom they slew
seventy, the Aeta band losing only one of their seven men." (Diaz,
p. 418).
[73] Diaz (p. 418) gives the main credit for this achievement to the
Augustinian friar Juan de Sosa, who offered to dislodge the Chinese
from their camp with his Indian archers--the Spanish troops seconding
the attack of the Indians.
[74] "Cogon (Saccharum koenigii): a rapidly growing plant reaching
three meters (about 10 ft.) in height, and forming a tangled mass
only penetrable by fire or knife. The areas are burned over during
the dry season, the young shoots being cut for cattle fodder
when 18 inches high. Where nipa does not grow cogon is used for
thatching." (U. S. Gazetteer of Philippines, p. 71.) E. D. Merrill's
Dictionary of Plant Names (Manila, 1903), p. 52, gives the botanical
name as Imperata arundinacea.
[75] This was Onofre Esbry (Esvri--incorrectly made Esbin by Diaz's
editor); he was a native of Tortosa, and entered the Jesuit order
at the age of fifteen. At the time of this insurrection, Esbry was
but twenty eight years old. In 1647, while sailing to Macao, he was
slain by Chinese pirates, near Sanchon Island. See Murillo Velarde's
Hist. Philipinas, fol. 108 verso, and 154 verso.
[76] The statement in this sentence is not very clearly expressed;
but the apparent meaning is that the Chinese commander was not
officially entitled to the designation of "mandarin," which had
been conferred upon him by the insurgents without due right to
make such appointment. S. Wells Williams says (Middle Kingdom, i,
p. 326): "The word mandarin, derived from the Portuguese mandar,
to command, and indiscriminately applied by foreigners to every
grade from a premier to a tide-waiter; it is not needed in English
as a general term for officers, and ought to be disused, moreover,
from its tendency to convey the impression that they are in some
way unlike their compeers elsewhere." See his account of the Chinese
government, general, provincial, and local, and the classes of the
Chinese people (pp. 322-352); also Winterbotham's description of the
"mandarins of arms," or military officers, in his Chinese Empire, ii,
pp. 8-10. Cf. note on civil mandarins, in VOL. XIX of this series,
p. 44.
[77] "For more than six months, it was impossible to drink the water
in the rivers, they were so corrupted by the dead bodies; nor did
the people eat fish in a circuit of many leguas, since all these were
fattened on human flesh." (Diaz, p. 427).
[78] "Every day those people knew what their losses were, through the
regular plan that they followed. This was as follows: every ten men
formed a mess; of these, two went out to procure food, six to fight,
and two to guard and attend to their lodging. Every ten troops of these
were under a captain; and a field officer commanded ten captains,
with a thousand men each. Each soldier had a chapa (a bronze coin
that is current among them), and at night each one handed this to
his captain; then all these were counted, and the soldiers knew, by
the number of coins that were lacking, how many men they lost each
day." (Diaz, p. 423.)
[79] In the MS. here and elsewhere, "S. Paloc"--evidently supposed
by the transcriber to be the name of some saint.
[80] In Diaz, "Tabuco, a visita of Quingua."
[81] Diaz relates (p. 414) the plots concocted by the Sangleys for
this insurrection, which was set for Christmas; they were to carry
gifts of fowls on that day, as was their custom, to the Spaniards of
their acquaintance; and were to perform a comedy near one of the gates,
to divert the attention of the citizens from any suspicion of their
designs. Then at an appointed hour they were to kill all the Spaniards,
and take possession of the city. This was frustrated by the premature
rising at Calamba; sixty of those concerned therein were slain by their
own countrymen, because they had not waited till the appointed day.
[82] In the MS., guerra; probably a transcriber's conjecture for a
word poorly written, since the context requires fuerza--referring to
the fort of Santiago at the mouth of Pasig River.
[83] According to Diaz (p. 414), two negroes (slaves), who under
torture confessed that they had aided the insurgents, were hanged.
[84] The name of the smallest coin current in former times, the word
meaning literally "one-fourth." Apparently, the bishop imposed a
slight tax on all who attended mass, for the benefit of the poor
prebendaries. It will be noticed that the word coro has several
different meanings. In this sentence, it means the body of clergy
in the church who chant the sacred offices; above, referring to the
bishop's seat, it meant the place which the clergy occupied during
the church services.
[85] The title-page of the Bocabulario states that additions were made
to it by Claver before sending the work to the press. This friar came
to the Philippines in 1624, and was assigned to the Visayan missions,
where he labored until 1639, when he was sent as procurator to Madrid
and Rome; he died at Madrid, in 1646. Claver wrote several books,
the most important being a history of the Augustinian province of
Philipinas, which has been lost. See Perez's Catalogo, p. 105, and
T. H. Pardo de Tavera's Biblioteca Filipina, pp. 262, 263.
[86] For bibliographical account of Mentrida's works, see Pardo de
Tavera's Biblioteca Filipina (Washington, 1903), pp. 262, 263. They
are as follows: Bocabulario de la lengva Bisaia Hiligvoyna y Haraia
(Manila, 1637), and another edition (Manila, 1841); Arte de la lengua
Bisaya Hiliguayna (Manila, 1818), possibly this was a second edition;
and Ritual para administrar los Santos Sacramentos (Manila, 1630),
reprinted in 1669. Pardo de Tavera says: "He died in 1637, leaving
various works which have since been lost, not having been printed;
Father Agustin Maria says that he had an opportunity to see these in
Panay, about 1770 to 1780."
[87] Colin says (Labor evangelica, Pastells' ed., i, p. 31): "For
greater convenience in governing it, this island of Panay is divided
into two jurisdictions: the territory belonging to that of Panay is
all of the northern coast, from the point of Potol to Bulacabi; the
rest of the island belongs to the jurisdiction of Oton, the principal
[Spanish] post in which, at this time, is at Iloilo--a point which
projects into the sea on the southern coast, between the two rivers of
Tigbauan and Jaro; and makes, with the island of Imaras, a strait half
a legua wide and an open harbor." This would make the jurisdiction of
Fanay correspond to the present province of Capiz; and that of Oton
to the provinces of Antique and Iloilo. The boundaries between these
present divisions are the rugged mountain chains which fill a great
part of the interior of the island, their peaks ranging in height
from 3,500 to 7,200 feet; they render traffic between the provinces
almost impossible, except as it is carried on by way of the sea. The
island of Guimaras is 26 1/2 miles long by 12 miles wide, and has
important fishing and agricultural industries.
[88] One of the most notable names in Philippine missionary annals
is that of Agustin de San Pedro (his family name Rodriguez), born in
Portugal in 1599. He was a student in the university of Salamanca,
but, desiring to enter the religious life, he assumed the habit of
a Recollect Augustinian at Valladolid, and made his profession at
the age of twenty. Three years later, he set out for the Philippine
mission, and soon after reaching Manila was sent to Mindanao. There
he labored with the Indians in the districts of Butuan, Habongan,
Linao, Cagayan, Tandag, and Romblon; and accompanied the expedition
of Atienza Ibanez (1639) to Lake Malanao. Retana and Pastells
(in their edition of Combes's Hist. Mindanao, col. 725) state that
this missionary converted some 10,000 natives to Catholicism. More
than that, he aided in the defense of his converts, several times
fighting at their head against their heathen and piratical enemies;
and, having been as a student proficient in mathematics and military
science, he constructed forts in the Christian villages which
enabled them to repel their invaders, and taught the natives the
art of fortification. Fray Agustin died in Romblon, in 1653. See
accounts of his life and exploits in Prov. S. Nicolas de Tolentino,
pp. 290-292; and La Concepcion's Hist. Philipinas, v, pp. 362-391
(which will appear in a later volume of this series).
[89] This expedition, departing from Tandag (on the north-eastern coast
of Surigao, the easternmost province of Mindanao), sailed northwest
to the point near the town of Surigao, then, passing through the
strait of that name, southwest into Iligan Bay on the north shore
of the island. Ascending the Iligan River (which is the outlet of
Lake Lanao), they reached the lake, after a journey of sixteen and
one-half miles. Now, as then, the valley of the river and the vicinity
of the lake are thickly settled, and the Moro inhabitants carry on
extensive industries in agriculture and commerce. On the Jesuit Atlas
de Filipinas (Washington, 1900), map no. 27, appears a village named
P. Capitan--evidently in memory of the soldier-missionary Fray Agustin;
but no such name is given in the U. S. Gazetteer of the islands.
[90] Marginal note: "This relation has been translated from a Spanish
manuscript existing in the library of Don Carlo del Pezzo."
This relation is unsigned, and undated, but Rev. Pablo Pastells, S.J.,
said during the course of a conversation with one of the Editors,
in 1903, that the author was undoubtedly Father Diego de Bobadilla;
and in his edition of Colin's Labor evangelica (Barcelona, 1904),
he says (iii, p. 798, note): "This father [i.e., Father Bobadilla]
was the author in 1640 of the famous relation which was translated
by Melquisedec Thevenot."
[91] See our VOLS. I and II for the history of these early
expeditions. It will be noticed that the author of the present relation
is inaccurate in regard to the date of the voyage of Villalobos,
and that he omits mention of some of the early voyages.
[92] That is "Birth follows the womb."
[93] See VOL. XXII, p. 300, note 61.
[94] For this expedition to Mindanao by Hurtado de Corcuera, see
previous documents. This reference proves the present relation to
have been written in 1640, as the expedition above mentioned occurred
in 1637.
[95] Visayan name (also colocolo, elsewhere) of the fishing gannet
(Sula piscatrix). Delgado says (Historia, p. 820) that he had a tame
one in his house, which would bring home fish that it had caught,
and carry them to the kitchen.
[96] French, Estang du Roy ("the King's Pool"); evidently referring
to the hot springs near Laguna de Bay (see VOL. XIV, p. 211), and
the word Roy is probably a misprint for Bay.
[97] It is Chirino who is here (although inexactly) cited; see
VOL. XII, p. 236.
[98] See Chirino's account, in VOL. XII, p. 241; he says that the
art of writing was imparted to the Visayans by the Tagals.
[99] Marginal note: "Prudish" (melindrosa).
[100] That is, "star-thistles"--the common name of a genus (Tribulus)
of plants, which bears prickly fruits, very injurious to the feet of
animals or men. The military instrument called "caltrop" resembles
that fruit, from which it may have been evolved; and the appellation
tribolo is one of the etymological elements in "caltrop."
[101] See the Cleveland reissue of the Jesuit Relations, lxv, p. 131,
for a description of head-compression by the North American Indians.
[102] Mt. Bulusan, near the center of the province of Sorsogon, Luzon;
at present "almost extinct, but at times emits an abundance of watery
vapor and sulphurous fumes" (Report of U. S. Philippine Commission,
1900, iii, p. 149).
[103] Also called balimbin; the fruit of Averrhoa carambola; used for
food and sweetmeats, and also has medicinal qualities. See Blanco's
description, Flora, p. 274; and Delgado's Historia, pp. 505, 506. For
note on santor, see VOL. XVI, p. 87; on banana (Musa), VOL. V, p. 169.
[104] The corot (Dioscorea triphylla) is very common, with leaves
one palmo long, and very small flowers. Its sap is yellow and very
poisonous, and has cleansing power which is utilized to whiten
abaca. The root is very large and is eaten cooked by the Indians,
after having soaked it in the water for three or four days.
The ubi is the Dioscorea alata, and the plant grows rather high and is
widely disseminated. The root is violet in color, and often attains a
great size; it is eaten cooked. The best variety is that known as the
Cebu ubi or ube, which comes from Bohol, and which makes a delicious
jelly. The ubi and analogous roots must be carefully prepared, or else
they prove poisonous. See Blanco's Flora, and U. S. Gazetteer of the
Philippine Islands. Delgado (p. 763) enumerates eight varieties of
this root.
The apari is perhaps the apalia or paria (Montordica balsamina),
a climbing plant, which bears a fruit which is rather bitter to the
taste, and eaten in salads. The juice of its leaves is used instead
of soap. The ripe fruit soaked in olive, cocoa, or beneseed oil makes
an excellent balsam that is used for medicinal purposes.
[105] French, patanes, apparently a misprint for patatas. The camote
or sweet potato (Convolvulus batatas, Linn.; now named Batatas edulis)
is extensively cultivated in the islands. Blanco (Flora, p. 69) cites
Mozo as saying that this plant was carried to the islands from Nueva
Espana; but Blanco regards it as indigenous in the Philippines. Delgado
(pp. 766-768) enumerates twenty-nine varieties of camote.
[106] The Batelan is perhaps the balete; see VOL. XII, p. 214, note
56. For note on dabdab, see ibid., p. 215, note 57.
[107] Apparently a reference to the variety of orange known at the
present day as navel oranges.
[108] For a treatise on the snakes and poisonous animals of the
Philippines, see Delgado's Historia, pp. 889-907. He describes the
omodro as the odto (Hemibungarus collaris)--from the word meaning
"half-day" or "noon," and given to it because the bite proves fatal
if given at noon, but at no other time. It is of various colors and
very furious at the hour of noon. The saua (Python reticulatus) is
the largest snake of the islands and is often domesticated, and is
not poisonous to man.
[109] The dugong (a word corrupted from the Malay name duyong);
not a fish, but a marine mammal (Helicore australis). Crawfurd says
(Dict. Indian Islands, p. 125) that it is found in the shallow seas
of the Malayan archipelago, but is not often captured; and that its
flesh is greatly superior to that of the green turtle. This creature
is one of those from which originated the fable of the mermaids.
[110] Thevenot has translated the Spanish term for Franciscans
(padres de San Francisco or padres franciscanos) into the popular
French term cordeliers, so called because of their girdle. Similarly
he has translated the term for Dominicans (padres de San Domingo or
padres dominicanos) as Jacobins, also the popular French appellation,
so called from the name of the church of St. Jacques, which was
given them in Paris. See Addis and Arnold's Cath. Dict., article
"Franciscans," p. 356; and Chevin's Dict. Latin-Francais, p. 353.
Either Thevenot the translator, or the author, omits mention of
the convent of the Society of Jesus, only the four above mentioned
being given.
[111] The persimmon; see VOL. XVI, p. 180.
[112] A misprint for sibucao (VOL. III, p. 196; XV, p. 256).
[113] There is evidently a play of words in this passage. The French
reads Mais il se trouua bie loing de ses esperances, & auec vn pied de
nez. Pied de nez (literally "a foot of nose") is an exact equivalent of
the Spanish phrase palmo de narices, and the French expression demeurer
avec un pied de nez is equivalent to the Spanish idiom quedar con un
palmo de narices, which signifies "the frustration of one's hopes,"
or "to be left out in the cold."
[114] Apparently a corruption of Zarpana, the name given by its
inhabitants to the island of Rota, one of the Mariannes or Ladrones
Islands.