CHAPTER II.

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THE INTERNATIONAL MISCELLANY

Of Literature, Art, and Science.

Vol. 1. NEW YORK, OCTOBER 1, 1850. No. 3.

[Illustration:

HENRY BROUGHAM, LORD BROUGHAM AND VAUX.

FROM A SKETCH BY ALFRED CROWQUILL, MADE IN JULY, 1850.]

LORD BROUGHAM.

It is generally understood that this most illustrious Englishman now

living, will, in the course of the present year, visit the United States.

Whatever may be the verdict of the future upon his qualities or his

conduct as a statesman, it is scarcely to be doubted that for the variety

and splendor of his abilities, the extent, diversity and usefulness of

his labors, and that restless, impatient and feverish activity which has

kept him so long and so eminently conspicuous in affairs, he will be

regarded by the next ages as one of the most remarkable personages in the

age now closing--the second golden age of England. Lord Brougham is of a

Cumberland family, but was born in Edinburgh (where his father had

married a niece of the historian Robertson), on the 19th of September,

1779. He was educated at the University of his native city, and we first

hear of him as a member of a celebrated debating society, where he

trained himself to the use of logic. He was not yet sixteen years of age

when he communicated a paper on Light to the Royal Society of London,

which was printed in their transactions; and before he was twenty he had

written discussions of the higher geometry, which, appearing in the same

repository of the best learning, attracted the general attention of

European scholars. In 1802, with his friends Jeffrey, Francis Homer, and

Sidney Smith, he established the Edinburgh Review. In 1806 he published

his celebrated "Inquiry into the Colonial Policy of the European Powers,"

and soon after was called to the English bar, and settled in London,

where he rapidly rose to the highest eminence as a counselor and an

advocate. On the 16th of March, 1808, he appeared in behalf of the

merchants of London, Liverpool, Manchester, &c., before the House of

Commons, in the matter of the Orders in Council restricting trade with

America, and greatly increased his fame by one of the most masterly

arguments he ever delivered. In 1810 he became a member of Parliament,

and he soon distinguished himself here by his speeches on the slave trade

and against the Orders in Council, which, mainly through his means, were

rescinded. Venturing, at the general election of 1812, to contest the

seat for Liverpool with Mr. Canning, he was defeated, and for four years

he devoted himself chiefly to his profession. In this period he made many

of his most famous law arguments, and acquired the enmity of the Prince

Regent by his defense of Leigh Hunt, and his brother, in the case of

their famous libel in "_The Examiner_." In 1816 he commenced those

powerful and indefatigable efforts in behalf of education, by which he is

perhaps best entitled to the gratitude of mankind. As chairman of the

educational committee of forty, he drew up the two voluminous and

masterly reports which disclosed the exact condition of British

civilization, and induced such action on the part of government as

advanced it in ten years more than it had been previously advanced in a

century. In 1820 he displayed in their perfection those amazing powers of

knowledge, reason, invective, sarcasm, and elocution, on the trial of

Queen Caroline, which more than anything else have made

that trial so memorable among legal and forensic conflicts. In 1822 he

made his unparalleled speech in the case of the Dean and Chapter of

Durham against Williams, and in the following year was elected Lord

Rector of the University of Glasgow. On the downfall of the Wellington

administration, in 1830, and the consequent general election, he was

returned to Parliament as one of the members for Yorkshire, and a few

weeks afterward was made Lord High. Chancellor, and elevated to the

peerage under the title of Lord Brougham and Vaux. He continued in the

office of Lord Chancellor until the dissolution of the Melbourne cabinet,

in 1834. In 1823 he wrote his "Practical Observations on the Education of

the People," and was engaged with Dr. Birkbeck in the formation of the

first Mechanics' Institution. In 1827 he was one of the originators of

the London University, and in the same year he founded the Society for

the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, of which he was the first president,

and for which he wrote its first publication, the admirable "Treatise on

the Objects, Pleasures, and Advantages of Science." In 1830 he was

elected a member of the Institute of France, and about the time of his

resignation of the chancellorship he published his "Discourse on Natural

Theology." In 1840 he published his "Historical Sketches of the Statesmen

who flourished in the Time of George the Third;" in 1845-6, "Lives of Men

of Letters and Science who flourished in the Time of George the Third;"

and he has since given to the world works on "The French Revolution," on

"Instinct," "Demosthenes' Oration on the Crown," &c., &c. Collections of

his Speeches and Forensic Arguments, and of his Critical Essays, as well

as the other works above referred to, have been republished in

Philadelphia, by Lea and Blanchard.

In the language of the Editor of his "Opinions", Lord Brougham is

remarkable for uniting, in a high degree of perfection, three things

which are not often found to be compatible. His learning is all but

universal: his reason is cultivated to the perfection of the

argumentative powers; and he possesses in a rare and eminent degree the

gift of eloquence.

Of his learning it may be said that there is scarcely a subject, on which

ingenuity or intellect has been exercised, that he has not probed to its

principles, or entered into with the spirit of a philosopher. That he is

a classical scholar of a high order, is shown by his criticisms on the

internal peculiarities of the works of the ancients and their styles of

composition. They evince an intimate acquaintance with the great master

pieces of antiquity. The book-worms of Universities--those scholastic

giants who are great on small questions of quantity and etymology,--who

buckle on the ponderous armor of the commentators in the contest with

more subtle wits, on the interesting doubt of a wrong reading; such men,

in the spirit of pedantry, have refused to Lord Brougham the merit of

profundity, while they allow that he possesses a sort of superficial

knowledge of the classics; they say that he can gracefully skim the

surface of the stream, but that its depths would overwhelm him. Now,

while this may be true as regards the fact, we dissent from it as regards

the inference. It is a question to be decided between the learned drones

of a by-gone school and the quicker intellects of a ripening age, which

is the better thing,--criticism on words--on accidental peculiarities of

style--or a just and sympathizing conception of the feelings of the poet

or the wisdom of the philosopher. Men are beginning to disregard the

former, while they set a high value upon the latter: so much

laboriously-earned learning is at a discount, and allowance should be

made for the petty spite, the depreciating superciliousness, of

disappointment. Lord Brougham's classical knowledge partakes more of that

intimate regard and appreciation which we accord to the great writers,

than of this pedantry of the schools. Hence the cry of want of depth,

that has been raised against him. Like many other great men of his age,

he has read the authors of Greece and Rome in a spirit that has

identified him with their thoughts and feelings, by taking into account

the circumstances of their times; and the result has been, that he has

exchanged the formalities and critical sharp-sightedness of acquaintance

for the intimacy of friendship.

In point of general political knowledge, and particularly of that branch

called political economy, Lord Brougham stands prominently among his

contemporaries. In his speeches and writings will be found the first

principles of every new view of these subjects that has been taken by the

moderns. Of not a few he has himself been the originator. In the party

history of the last century he is well versed, as many of his speeches

show; and no public man of the present day is so well acquainted with the

theory and practice of the constitution, whether as regards the broad

principles of liberty on which it is based, or its gradual formation

during the different periods of our history. It may not be amiss here to

observe, that notwithstanding his long connection with the movement

party, and the countenance he has from time to time given to measures of

a decidedly liberal cast, he never was, and is still as far from being, a

Democrat. Throughout his career he has been a consistent Liberal: always

advocating such measures of reform as were calculated to remove abuses,

while they in no way affected the stability and integrity of the

institutions of the country. While, on the one hand, he has declared his

most unequivocal opposition to the ballot and universal suffrage, on the

other he has advocated popular education, as the ultimate panacea for all

the evils to be feared from the extension of popular influence.

The legal knowledge of Lord Brougham has been questioned by the members

of the profession whose abuses he desired to reform. It was even said,

that while his elevation to the Chancellorship was the unjustifiable act

of a party to serve party purposes, it was at the same time desirable to

Mr. Brougham in a pecuniary point of view, from a falling off in his

professional practice, caused by his hostility to those abuses. Now,

although this is a question really of more interest to lawyers, than to

the public in general, and one which might, therefore, be left to their

decision, yet there was an _animus_ at the time among this class of men,

that rendered them not disinterested judges. Their opinion therefore must

be taken with a qualification, as well on the score of particular

immediate drawbacks, as on the score of their general professional

prejudices. Lord Brougham respected too much the principles of justice,

and he too little regarded the technicalities of law, to be agreeable to

that body. He had a faculty too, for giving speedy judgments, and a

determination to prevent unnecessary expenses, that were particularly

disagreeable to men imbued with a conscientious desire that justice

should not be prejudiced by an unprecedented and informal haste in its

dispensation, or by a reduction of the number of its advocates. The new

Lord Chancellor, too, thought that when one or two intelligent barristers

had been engaged at a large expense, and had well stated the case of

their client, it was quite unnecessary that the same ground should be

again gone over by juniors, whose arguments marred more than they helped

the interests of their employers. When, therefore, he either put them

down, or was droned into a short nap, while the industrious advocate was

earning his unnecessary fee, it was a specimen of "the arrogance of an

upstart wholly unacquainted with Chancery Law," or "of an eccentricity

bordering on insanity, and wholly unfitting its exhibitor for the high

and responsible situation he held." Posterity will do justice to Lord

Brougham in this respect. It will be felt to have been impossible that a

man of such vast acquirements, who had been so successful in his

profession, and who had, in all other branches of knowledge, evinced such

clearness of intellect, could have been the inefficient lawyer his

detractors have represented him to be.

There is another great department in which he has proved his

excellence--that of physical science. With the principles of all the

sciences, his works show him to be familiar. His treatise "on the

Objects, Pleasures, and Advantages of Science" is admirable, as a

bird's-eye view of the subject, while at the same time it is an enticing

stimulant to study. The work on "Natural Theology" necessarily touches

upon the physical sciences, and their connection with the great mechanism

of nature. The geometrical and optical papers, published in the

Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society, when he was only fifteen

years of age, show at least a firm groundwork of scientific knowledge.

And if it be said that Lord Brougham's attainments are superficial only,

we say that knowledge of detail does not of itself make a man competent.

The _principles_ of all sciences are a _sine qua non_.

Lord Brougham is eminently clear-headed; and he is distinguished for his

argumentative powers. He has peculiarly the faculty of analysis; that of

keeping in his own mind a comprehensive view of the whole bearings of a

question, even while running at large into the minutest details; no man

detects the fallacy of an opponent's argument more easily; nor can any

man be more skillful in concocting a fallacy to suit a temporary purpose.

Lord Brougham's eloquence most distinguishes him from his contemporaries.

Learning may be acquired; the habit of reasoning may be induced by

constant dialectic contest; but eloquence is far more than these the gift

of nature. Lord Brougham's eloquence savors of the peculiar constitution

of his mind. It is eminently adapted for educated men. He was never

intended for a demagogue; for he never condescends to the art of

pandering to the populace. His speeches are specimens of argumentative

eloquence; and their only defect arises from his fertility of

illustration. The extraordinary information he possesses has induced the

habit of drawing too largely upon it; and he is apt to be led aside from

the straight road of his argument, to elucidate some minor disputed

point. But the argumentative style of which we speak is almost peculiar

to himself. There is a ripeness, a fruitfulness, in his mind, that places

him above the fetters of ordinary speakers. Such men, from the difficulty

of clearing their heads for the contest, too often present a mere

fleshless skeleton, as it were, very convincing to the judgment, but

powerless over the feelings; so that no lasting impression is produced.

But Lord Brougham, from being a master in argument, is free to pursue his

bent in illustration, and thus conjures up a whole picture that dwells on

the mind, and is remembered for its effect on the feelings or the

imagination, even by men whose levity or dullness precluded their being

fixed by the argument. The very structure of his sentences is more

adapted for this kind of speaking than any other. They sometimes appear

involved, to an ordinary mind, from their length, and the abundance of

illustration and explanation which they embrace; but the extraordinary

vigor with which the delivery is kept up, and the liveliness of fancy or

of humor that flashes at every turn of the thought, soon dispel the

temporary cloud.

In irony and in sarcasm, Lord Brougham is unrivaled among the public men

of the day. That his exuberant power of ridicule led him while Lord

Chancellor, into some excess of its use, cannot be denied, although a

ready excuse can be found in the circumstances of his situation. He might

be held to be the representative of liberal principles in a place where

almost the name of Liberal had, till then, been proscribed; and the

animosity toward the new Chancellor, evinced by many peers, was

calculated to induce reprisals. The eccentricities, too, of men of genius

are of such value that they may well be said to atone for themselves.

A quality of Lord Brougham's mind, that is almost as extraordinary as his

extent of information, is its singular activity. His energies never seem

to flag--even for an instant; he does not seem to know what it is to be

fatigued, or jaded. Some such quality as this, indeed, the vastness and

universality of his acquirements called for, in order to make the weight

endurable to himself, and to bear him up during his long career of

political excitement. Take the routine of a day for instance. In his

early life he has been known to attend, in his place in court, on

circuit, at an early hour in the morning. After having successfully

pleaded the cause of his client, he drives off to the hustings; and

delivers, at different places, eloquent speeches to the electors. He then

sits in the retirement of his closet to pen an address to the Glasgow

students, perhaps, or an elaborate article in the Edinburgh Review. The

active labors of the day are closed with preparation for the court

business of the following morning; and then instead of retiring to rest,

as ordinary men would, after such exertions, he spends the night in

abstruse study, or in social intercourse. Yet he would be seen as early

as eight next morning, actively engaged in the Court, in defense of some

unfortunate object of government persecution; astonishing the auditory,

and his fellow lawyers no less, with the freshness and power of his

eloquence.

A fair contrast with this history of a day, in early life, would be that

of one at a more advanced period; say in 1832. A watchful observer might

see the Lord Chancellor in the Court over which he presided, from an

early hour in the morning until the afternoon, listening to the arguments

of counsel, and mastering the points of cases with a grasp that enabled

him to give those speedy and unembarrassed judgments that have so injured

him with the profession. If he followed his course, he would see him,

soon after the opening of the House of Lords, addressing their Lordships

on some intricate question of Law, with an acuteness that drew

approbation even from his opponents, or, on some all-engrossing political

topic, casting firebrands into the camp of the enemy, and awakening them

from the complacent repose of conviction to the hot contest with more

active and inquiring intellects. Then, in an hour or so, he might follow

him to the Mechanics' Institution, and hear an able and stimulating

discourse on education, admirably adapted to the peculiar capacity of

his auditors; and, toward ten perhaps, at a Literary and Scientific

Institution in Marylebone, the same Proteus-like intellect might be found

expounding the intricacies of physical science with a never tiring and

elastic power. Yet, during all these multitudinous exertions, time would

be found for the composition of a discourse on Natural Theology,

that bears no marks of haste or excitement of mind, but presents as calm

a face as though it had been the laborious production of a contemplative

philosopher.

It would be a great mistake that would suppose the man who has thus

multiplied the objects of his exertion to be of necessity superficial;

superficial, that is, in the sense of shallowness or ignorance. Ordinary

minds are bound by fetters, no doubt. Custom has rendered the pursuit of

more than one idea all but impossible to them, and the vulgar adage of

"Jack of all trades, master of none," applies to them in full force. But

it must be remembered that a public man like Lord Brougham, who has

chosen his peculiar sphere of action, and who prefers being of general

utility to the scholar-like pursuit of any one branch of science

exclusively, is not bound to present credentials of full and perfect

mastership, such as are required from a professor of a university. His

pursuit of facts must of necessity be for the purpose of illustrating

general principles in political or moral science; and where more than a

certain amount of knowledge is not laid claim to, the absence of more is

no imputation.

Lord Brougham is thoroughly individualized as regards his talents and all

that constitutes idiosyncratic difference, even while he is identified

with the political and moral advancement of the people. During all the

agitations of a period almost unparalleled, he has remained untainted by

the influence of party spirit. That he has entered, and hotly too, into

almost every question of any moment that has come before the Legislature

during many years is true; but he has never appeared in the character of

a partisan; he has always been the consistent supporter of liberal

measures _per se_, and not because they were the means adopted by a party

to gain political power. With his political steadfastness he has

preserved his intellectual integrity from profanation. For although, had

he early devoted his powers to the study of abstract or practical

science, as a leading and not a subsidiary pursuit, the acuteness of his

mind was such, that he must have risen to eminence upon the basis of

discovery, yet it is no slight proof how little the struggles of the

world affect superior intellects, that he has all along turned aside,

with a never cloying avidity, to the pursuits of mind--to science, to

literature, and to philosophy.

* * * * *

THE WHITE LADY.

The readers of _The International_ may have seen some account of an

apparition said to have been seen recently in the royal palace at Berlin,

and known under the name of the "White Lady." M. Minutoli, lately chief

of the Police at Berlin, has been amusing himself by looking up the

history of this visitant from the unknown world, and has published a

variety of curious particulars respecting her, drawn in a measure from

documents preserved in the royal archives, as well as from old-time

chronicles and dissertations, Latin and German middle age doggerel, and

the records of jurists, historians and theologists. Several persons are

designated in the early history of the family of Hohenzollern as that

unquiet soul who for some three hundred years has performed the functions

of palace-ghost. Many writers agree that she was a Countess named

Orlamünde, Beatrice, or Cunigunde, and that she was desperately in love

with Count Albert of Nuremberg, and was led by her passion to a crime

which is the cause of her subsequent ghostly disquiet. Mr. Minutoli

proves that this lady cannot be the same that alarms the palace with her

untimely visitations. The accounts of the White Lady ascend to 1486, and

she was first seen at Baireuth. Subsequently two ghosts were heard of,

one white and one black. They were several times boldly interrogated and

interesting discoveries arrived at. In 1540, Count Albert the Warrior

laid in wait for the apparition, seized it with his powerful arm and

flung it head over heels down into the castle court-yard. The next

morning the chancellor, Christopher Hass, was found there with his neck

broken, and upon his person a dagger and a letter proving him to have had

treasonable designs. Notwithstanding the spirit has several times been

thus compromised, it has maintained itself to the present day. It was

first seen in Berlin January 1, 1598, eight days before the death of the

Prince Royal John George. When the French invasion took place, it

returned to Baireuth and was patriotic enough to take up its abode in the

new chateau which had never been occupied before the arrival of the

French officer. Even Napoleon called the place _ce maudit chateau_, on

account of its mysterious inhabitant, and had to give up his lodgings

to the ghost. He stopped in the chateau on his way to Russia but when he

returned next year he avoided passing the night there. With regard to the

last appearance at the palace at Berlin just before the late attempt on

the life of the king, and which has been described as "a fearful

apparition of a White Lady dressed in thin and flowing garments, moving

slowly and silently around and around the fountain to the terror of a

corporal standing near the entrance to the silver chamber," M. Minutoli

proves it to have been an old woman once a cook at the chateau who has

since lived there and is known, by the nickname of Black Minna.

* * * * *

[Illustration: MRS. FANNY KEMBLE READING SHAKSPEARE AT THE ST. JAMES'

THEATER.]

MRS. FANNY KEMBLE'S "READINGS" IN LONDON.

MRS. KEMBLE has been giving a series of dramatic readings in London, and

her success in the scene of her early triumphs appears to have been as

decided as it was in New York. She was never in a situation more

agreeable to her temper and ambition than that represented in the above

engraving, which we have copied from one in _The Illustrated News_. She

is triumphant, and "alone in her glory."

Mrs. Kemble is now about forty years of age. Gentleness is acquired in

three generations; she is removed but two from the most vulgar condition;

and by the mother's side but one. The Kembles of the last age were

extraordinary persons. John Philip Kemble and Mrs. Siddons had both

remarkable genius, and Charles Kemble has been an actor of consummate

talent. Whatever intellect remains in the family is in his children; one

of whom is a man of learning and refinement, another a woman of some

cleverness in musical art, and Frances Anne, of whom we write more

particularly.

The first appearance of Miss Kemble on the stage was on the evening of

the 5th October, 1829, at Covent Garden, and was hazarded with the view

of redeeming the fortunes of the theater. The play was "Romeo and

Juliet," and the heroine was sustained by the debutante with unexpected

power. Her Siddonian countenance and expressive eyes were the general

theme of admiration; while the tenderness and ardor of her action went to

the soul of the spectator, and her well-instructed elocution satisfied

the most critical ear. It was then, also, that her father took the part

of "Mercutio," for the first time. It is recorded that he earned by it

thirteen rounds of applause. Nor was its merit overrated. It was then,

and continued to be, a wonderful impersonation of the poetic-comic ideal.

On the 21st of the same month of October, the performers of Covent Garden

presented to Miss Kemble a gold bracelet as a testimony of the services

which she had rendered to the company by her performance of "Juliet." It

was not until the 9th of December that she had to change her _role_. She

then performed Belvidera in "Venice Preserved," and achieved another

triumph. For some time the part was alternated with that of "Juliet." The

latter, during the season, was performed thirty-six times; the former,

twenty-three. The "Grecian Daughter," and Mrs. Beverley, Portia in "The

Merchant of Venice," Isabella, and Lady Townley, followed, and in all

she was eminently successful. Her season finished on the twenty-eighth

of May, and in it she performed altogether, one hundred and two times.

Her reputation, however, proved to be greater in the metropolis than in

the provinces. Nevertheless, on her return to London, she was greeted

with an enthusiastic reception. The next season was celebrated by the

failure of the "Jew of Aragon," and the affair with Mr. Westmacott;

however, Miss Kemble added to her _répertoire_ the characters of Mrs.

Haller, Beatrice, Lady Constance, and Bianca in "Fazio."

In 1832 she came with her father to the United States, where she played

with unprecedented success in the principal cities, confirming the

reputation she had acquired, of being the greatest British actress of the

age. While here she published her dramas, "The Star of Seville" and

"Francis the First," and at this period she was a frequent contributor

to the literary journals,--many of her best fugitive poems having

appeared in the old "New York Mirror."

In 1834 she retired from the stage, and was married to Mr. Pierce Butler

of Philadelphia, a gentleman of fortune, accomplishments, and an

honorable character. The history of this union is sufficiently notorious.

On both sides there was ambition: it was a distinction to be accepted by

a woman of so much genius; it was a great happiness to change the

dominion of a spendthrift and sometimes tyrannical father for that of a

rich and indulgent husband. But a woman accustomed to the applause of the

theater never yet was content with the repose of domestic life, and she

was of all her sex the most ill-fitted by nature for such an existence.

Her second resort to the stage in 1847, her fortunes at Manchester and in

London, her return to America, her public readings of Shakspeare here,

her divorce, and the very curious and unexplained circumstance of her

translation of a profligate French play, and disposal of it as a piece of

her own original composition, are all matters of too late occurrence to

need recapitulation.

She is a woman of masculine abilities, tastes, and energies; fitted

better for the camp than for the drawing-room, and often evincing a

degree of discontent that she is not a man. She always _acts_, and has

seldom, except when on the stage, the tact or ability even to seem

natural. Her equestrian exhibitions in Boston and New York, during her

more recent visits, illustrated the quality of her aspirations. Every

day, at a particular hour, so that a crowd might assemble to look upon

the performance, her horse was brought to the front of her hotel, and

when mounted, with affected difficulty, made to rear and pitch as if he

never before had felt the saddle or bit, and then to dash off as if upon

a race-course or to escape an avalanche. The letters to her husband, with

much tact but without any necessity displayed to the public, in her

answer to his process for divorce, were admirable as compositions, and

seemed to have been written in the very phrensy of passion; but their

effect upon the reader was changed somewhat when he reflected that she

had been sufficiently self-possessed meanwhile to make _careful copies_

before sending them, to be exhibited, as specimens of her genius, to a

mob of the pit, which never fails to recognize a _point_. Indeed, in

petticoats or in pantaloons, making a show of her "heart" in the

publication of these letters to a gentleman whom she had treated with

every species of contempt, obloquy, and insult, until she had made his

home insupportable, or courting the wondering admiration of country

bumpkins by unsexing herself for feats of horsemanship, or for other

athletic diversions, she is always anxious to produce a sensation,

anxious to stir up the gentle public to a roar.

Still, with all her infirmities of taste and temper, Mrs. Kemble is a

woman of unquestionable and very decided genius; a genius frequently

displayed in literature, where its growth may be traced, in prose, from

her foolish "Journal in America" to her more artistic "Year of

Consolation;" and in poetry, where its development is seen from its

budding in "Frances the First" to its most perfect blossoming in the

recent collection of her "Poems." As an actress, her powers and

qualifications are probably greater than those of any other _tragedienne_

now on the English stage; and her characteristics and supremacy are

likely to be far more profitably as well as distinctly evinced in her

"Shakspeare Readings" than in any appearance before the footlights.

* * * * *

LITERATURE IN AFRICA.

The Bible has been translated into the principal language of eastern

Africa, and the American Bible Society has lately received a copy of

"EVANGELIO za avioondika LUCAS. The Gospel according to St. Luke,

translated into Kinika, by the Rev. JOHN LEWIS KRAPF, Phil. Dr.; Bombay

American Mission Press: T. Graham, printer; 1848." The Kinika language

is spoken by the tribes living south of Abyssinia, toward Zanzibar. Dr.

Krapf is a German missionary, in the service of the Church Missionary

Society. He is now in Germany for the recovery of his health. The

language resembles in some particulars the dialects used in Western

Africa. The _Independent_ copies, as a philological curiosity, the Lord's

Prayer in Kinika:

"Babawehu urie mbinguni, Rizuke zinaro. Uzumbeo uze. Malondogo gabondeke

hahikahi ya zi, za gafiohendeka mbinguni. Mukahewehu utosao, hu-ve suisui

ziku kua ziku. Hu-ussire suisui maigehu; hakika suisui kahiri

huna-mu-ussira kulla mutu akos saye zuluyehu. Si-hu-bumire suisui

magesoni, ela hu-lafie suisui wiini."

* * * * *

[Illustration: SIR DAVID BREWSTER, PRESIDENT OF THE BRITISH

ASSOCIATION.]

THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING.

The British Association for the Advancement of Science assembled this

year at Edinburgh, and its first general meeting was held on Wednesday,

the 31st of July, when Sir DAVID BREWSTER, upon taking the chair,

delivered a very interesting address upon the history of the Association,

and the progress of the Sciences. On Thursday, business began in all the

sections, and in the evening Prof. Bennett delivered a lecture on the

passage of the blood through the minute vesicles of animals, in

connection with nutrition. On Friday, a party of about seventy started

under the direction of Mr. R. Chambers, to examine into the groovings on

the western face of Corstophine Hill, and the striæ on the sandstone

near Ravelstone. They afterward visited Arthur's Seat and St. Margaret's,

where they examined the striated rocks and stones. In the evening there

was a conversazione and promenade. Saturday was devoted to excursions. On

Monday afternoon upward of two hundred members dined together, Sir David

Brewster presiding. In the evening, Dr. Mantell delivered a lecture on

the extinct birds of New Zealand. On Tuesday evening there was a

full-dress promenade and _soirée_. On Wednesday, the general committee

assembled to sanction the grants that had passed the Committee of

Recommendations: and in the afternoon of the same day the concluding

general meeting of the Association, for the accustomed ceremonial

proceedings, was held. The next annual meeting is to take place at

Ipswich, and Mr. Airy, the Astronomer Royal, will preside. The meeting,

altogether, was one of unusual interest; among the persons present were

the chief lights of science, in the empire and from the continent, and

our own country was represented by Prof. Hitchcock and several other

scholars. The papers read in the various sections were numerous, and some

of them are described as of very remarkable freshness and value. They

will soon be accessible in the published Transactions, which will this

year be more voluminous than ever.

The retiring President, Dr. Robinson, at the opening meeting,

congratulated himself on being able to surrender his dominion to his

successor in a more prosperous condition than he had received it, and

spoke in glowing terms of the character and scientific achievements of

that successor, of whose labors he gave a brief but glowing history. Sir

David Brewster, who was one of the founders of the Association, is a

native of Jedburgh, in Roxburgshire; where he was born December 11, 1781.

He was educated for the Church of Scotland, of which he became a

licentiate; and in 1800 he received the honorary degree of M. A. from the

University of Edinburgh. While studying here he enjoyed the friendship

of Robison, who then filled the Chair of Natural Philosophy; Playfair, of

Mathematics; and Dugald Stewart that of Moral Philosophy. In 1808, he

undertook the editorship of the "Edinburgh Encyclopaedia," which was only

finished in 1830. In 1807 he received the honorary degree of LL. D. from

the University of Aberdeen; and in 1808 was elected a Fellow of the Royal

Society of Edinburgh. Between 1801 and 1812 he devoted his attention

greatly to the study of Optics; and the results were published in a

"Treatise on New Philosophical Instruments," in 1813. In 1815 he received

the Copley Medal of the Royal Society for one of his discoveries in

optical science; and soon after was admitted a Fellow of that body. In

1816, the Institute of France adjudged to him half of the physical prize

of 3000 francs, awarded for two of the most important discoveries made in

Europe, in any branch of science, during the two preceding years; and in

1819, Dr. Brewster received from the Royal Society the Rumford gold and

silver medals, for his discoveries on the Polarization of Light. In 1816

he invented the Kaleidoscope, the patent-right of which was evaded, so

that the inventor gained little beyond fame, though the large sale of the

instrument must have produced considerable profit. In 1819, in

conjunction with Dr. Jameson, he established the "_Edinburgh

Philosophical Journal_"; and subsequently he commenced the "_Edinburgh

Journal of Science_," of which sixteen volumes appeared. In 1825, the

Institute of France elected him a Corresponding Member; and he has

received the same honor from the Royal Academies of Russia, Prussia,

Sweden, and Denmark. In 1831, he received the Decoration of the

Hanoverian Guelphic Order; and in the following year, the honor of

Knighthood from William the Fourth.

Sir David Brewster has edited and written various works, besides

contributing largely to the _Edinburgh Review_, the _Transactions of the

British Association_, and other scientific societies, and the _North

British Review_. Among his more popular works are "A Treatise on the

Kaleidoscope;" an original Treatise on Optics for the _Cabinet

Cyclopaedia;_ and Letters on Natural Magic and a Life of Sir Isaac Newton

for the "Family Library." The latter work has been translated into

German.

Sir David Brewster is likewise one of the editors of the _London and

Edinburgh Philosophical Magazine_.

The discoveries of Sir David Brewster range from the kaleidoscope to the

law of the angle of polarization, the physical laws of metallic

reflection, and the optical properties of crystals; and the venerable

philosopher is the author of an immense number of facts and practical

applications in every branch of optics.

* * * * *

The AMERICAN SCIENTIFIC ASSOCIATION assembled this year at New Haven, and

Was presided over by Alex. D. Bache, LL. D. of the Coast Survey. It was

attended by many of the most eminent men of science in this country,

among whom were President Woolsey, Professor Denison Olmsted, the elder

and the younger Silliman, E. C. Herrick, and E. Loomis, of Yale College;

Professors Louis Agassiz, E. N. Hosford and Benjamin Pierce of Harvard

University; Lieutenant Charles H. Davis, U. S. N.; Professor O. M.

Mitchell, Superintendent of the Cincinnati Observatory; Dr. A. L. Elwyn

of Philadelphia; Professor Walter R. Johnson of Washington; Professor

Joseph Henry, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution; William C.

Redfield of New York; and an unusual number of amateur scholars from

various parts of the Union. There were several papers of remarkable

value, among which that of Mr. Squier, our Charge d'Affaires for Central

America, was perhaps at this period of the most general interest. Others

were puerile, and as unfit in subject as in ability for presentation in

such an assembly. It is to be regretted that the Association does not

adopt the only protection against such discreditable annoyances, by

insisting upon the submission of everything offered for its consideration

to a competent private committee.

* * * * *

A GREAT NATIONAL SOCIETY FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING, is said to have

been discussed recently at the meetings of inferior societies, and we

have read a circular upon the subject, which contemplates a convention of

scholars and men of letters, at Washington, some time in the coming

winter. The American Philosophical Society, founded by Franklin, and made

respectable by the labors of many eminent men, is no longer in authority,

and its proceedings command little attention. The various societies for

the cultivation of the natural sciences, in Philadelphia, Boston, and

New York, are undoubtedly accomplishing much good, but the spheres and

degrees of their influence would be greatly enlarged under a central

organization. In such a design, the initiative should be taken by men of

nerve as well as men of abilities, so that the dead weights of mediocrity

so constantly obtruding into and making ridiculous the present societies,

should be altogether excluded.

Hitherto, in this city, the most reputable and dignified association

connected with the advancement of learning, has been the Ethnological

Society. It is to be feared that with the death of Mr. Gallatin, its

president, and the dispersion of so many of its active members in the

diplomatic service, its action hereafter will deserve less consideration

than has thus far been awarded to it.

LAMARTINE'S APOLOGY FOR HIS CONFIDENCES.

Lamartine has just commenced the publication of a second part of his

Confidences, in the feuilleton of _La Presse_, and precedes it by the

following letter to the editor of that paper, which we translate for _The

International_ from _La Presse_ of July 30. It relates to the way in

which he came to publish the work, and gives a deeply interesting account

of the pecuniary embarrassments under which he had for some time been

laboring, and then eloquently defends the publication of what is real,

and glowing in private life and experience.

_To M. de Girardin:_

In addressing to you, my dear Girardin, this third volume of private

notes, to which the public have given the name of _Confidences_, I cannot

repress an emotion of pain. What I foresaw but too well has happened. I

have opened my life, and it has evaporated. This journal of my

impressions has found grace, indulgence, interest even, with some

readers, if I may judge from the anonymous friends who have written me.

But the unsparing critics, men who mingle even our tears with their ink,

in order to give more bitterness to their sarcasms, have not pardoned

those outbursts of a soul of twenty. They have believed, or have

pretended to believe, that I was seeking a miserable celebrity in the

ashes of my own heart: they have said, that by an anticipation of vanity,

I desired to gather and enjoy in advance, while yet living, the sad

Flowers which might one day grow after me upon my tomb. They have cried

out at the profanation of the inner feeling; at the effrontery of a soul

shown naked; at the scandal of recollections made public; at the venality

of sacred things; at the _simony_ of the poet selling his own fibers to

save the roof and the tree that overshadowed his cradle. I have read and

heard in silence all their malign interpretations of an act, the true

nature of which had been revealed to you long before it was to the

public. I have answered nothing. What could I say? The appearances were

against me. You alone knew that these notes had long existed, shut up in

my casket of rosewood, along with the ten volumes of the notes of my

mother; that they were intended never to be taken thence; that I rejected

the first suggestion of publishing them, with all possible warmth of

resolution; that I refused the ransom of a king for those leaves of no

real value; and that finally, one day--a day for which I reproach

myself-constrained fatally to choose between the necessity of selling my

poor _Charmettes_--_Charmettes_, as dear and more holy than the

_Charmettes_ of the _Confessions_--and the necessity of publishing these

pages, I preferred myself to suffer rather than cause suffering to good

old servants, by selling their roofs and their vines to strangers. With

one hand I received the price of the _Confidences_, and with the other I

gave it to others in order to purchase time.

Behold here all the crime that I am expiating.

And let the critics rejoice till their vengeance is satiated. This

sacrifice was in vain. It is in vain that I have cast upon the wind these

leaves, torn from the book of my most pious memories. The time that their

price procured has not proved sufficient to conduct me to the threshold

of that abode where we cease to regret anything. My _Charmettes_ have

been sold. Let them be content. I have had the shame of publishing these

_Confidences_, but not the joy of having saved my garden. Steps of

strangers will efface there the steps of my father and mother. God is

God, and sometimes he commands the wind to uproot the oak of a hundred

years, and man to uproot his own heart. The oak and the heart are his, we

must yield them to him, and yield him therewith justice, glory, and

benedictions!

And now that my acceptance of these critics is complete, and that I

confess myself guilty, and still more, afflicted--am I as guilty as they

say, and is there no excuse, which, in the eyes of indulgent and

impartial readers, can extenuate my crime?

In order to judge as to this, I have but one question to ask you, and the

public, which deigns with distracted finger to turn these pages. My

question is this:

Is it to myself, or to others, that the published pages of these

_Confidences_ can have done injury in the view of those who have read

them? Is there a single man now living, is there a single memory of one

of the dead, on whom these recollections have cast an odious or even

unfavorable light, whether on his name, his family, his life, or his

grave? Have they brought sadness to the soul of our mother in the heaven

where she resides? Has the manly face of our father been lessened in the

respect of his descendants? Has _Graziella_, that precocious and withered

flower of my early manhood, received aught beyond a few tears of young

girls shed on a tomb at Portici? Has Julia, the worship of my young

enthusiasm, lost in the imagination of those who know the name, that

purity which she has preserved in my heart? And my masters, those pious

Jesuits, whose name I love not, but whose virtue I venerate; my friends,

dearest and first harvested, Virieu Vignet, the Abbe Dumont, could they

complain, returning here below, that I have disfigured their beautiful

natures, discolored their noble images, or soiled one place in their

lives? I appeal to all who have read. Would a single shade command me to

efface a single line? Many of whom I have spoken are still living, or

their sisters, or their sons, or their friends: have I humiliated them?

They would have told me.

No! I have embalmed only pure recollections. My shroud was poor, but it

was spotless. The modest name I have wrapped there for myself will

neither be adorned nor dishonored by it. No tenderness will reproach me;

no family will accuse me of profanation in naming it. A remembrance is an

inviolable thing because it is voiceless, and must be approached with

piety. I could never console myself if I had allowed to fall from this

life into that other life, whence no one can answer, one word which could

wound those absent immortals whom we call the dead. I desire that not a

single word, thoughtfully uttered, should remain after me against one of

the men who will one day be my survivors. Posterity is not the sewer of

our passions--it is the urn of our memories, and should preserve nothing

but perfumes.

These _Confidences_ have then done injury or caused pain to no one, among

the living or among the dead. I mistake, they have done injury to me, but

to me alone. I have depicted myself such as I was: one of those natures,

alas! so common among the children of women, wrought not of one clay

only, not of that purified and exceptional substance which forms heroes,

saints, and sages, but moulded of every earth which enters into the

formation of the weak and passionate man; of lofty aspirations, and

narrow wings; of great desires, and short hands to reach whither they are

extended; sublime in ideal, vulgar in reality; with fire in the heart,

illusion in the mind, and tears in the eyes; human statues, which attest

by the diversity of the elements that compose them, the mysterious

failings of our poor nature; in which, as in the metal of Corinth, we

find after the fire the traces of all the melted metals which were

mingled and confounded in it, a little gold and much lead. But, I repeat,

whom have I injured but myself?

But they say, these unvailed exposures of sentiments and of life offend

that virginal modesty of soul, of which outward modesty is but an

imperfect emblem? You show ourself unvailed, and you do not blush! Who

then are you?

Alas! I am what you see, a poor writer; a writer, that is to say, a

thinker, in public. I am, less their genius and virtue, what were St.

Augustine, Jean Jacques Rousseau, Chateaubriand, Montaigne, all those men

Who have silently interrogated their souls and replied aloud, so that

their dialogue with themselves might also be a useful conversation with

the century in which they lived, or with the future. The human heart is

an instrument which has neither the same number nor quality of chords in

every bosom, and on which new notes may eternally be discovered and added

to the infinite scale of sentiments and melodies in the universe. This is

our part, poets and writers in spite of ourselves, rhapsodists of the

endless poem that nature chants to men and God! Why accuse me, if you

excuse yourselves? Are we not of the same family of the _Homeridae_, who

from door to door recount histories, of which they are by turns the

historians and the heroes? Is it, then, in the nature of thought to

become a crime in becoming public? A thought, vulgar, critical,

skeptical, dogmatic, may, according to you, be unvailed innocently:

a sentiment, commonplace, cold, not intimate, awaking no palpitation

within you, no response in others, may be revealed without violation of

modesty; but a thought that is pious, ardent, lighted at the fire of the

heart or of heaven, a sentiment burning, cast forth by an explosion of

the volcano of the soul; a cry of the inmost nature, awaking by its

accent of truth young and sympathetic voices in the present age or the

future: and above all, a tear! a tear not painted like those which flow

upon your shrouds of parade, a tear of water and salt, falling from the

eyes, instead of a drop of ink, falling from the pen! This is crime! this

is shame! this is immodesty, for you! That is to say, that whatever is

cold and artificial is innocent in the artist, but what is warm and

natural is unpardonable in the man. That is to say, modesty in a writer

consists in exposing what is false, immodesty in setting forth what is

true. If you have talent, show it, but not your soul, carrying mine away!

Oh, shame! What logic!

But after all, you are right at bottom, only you do not know how to

express it. It is perfectly true that there are mysteries, nudities,

parts of the soul not shameful but sensitive, depths, personalities, last

foldings of thought and feeling, which would cost horribly to uncover,

and which an honorable and natural scruple would never permit us to lay

bare, without the remorse of violated modesty. There is, I agree with

you, such a thing as indiscretion of heart. I felt this cruelly myself,

the first time when, having written certain poetic dreams of my soul

certain too real utterances of my sentiments, I read them to my most

intimate friends. My face was covered with blushes, and I could not

finish. I said to them: "No, I cannot go farther; you shall read it."

"And how is it," answered my friends, "that you cannot read to us what

you are about to give to all Europe to read?" "No," I said, "I cannot

tell why, but I feel no shame in letting the public read it, though I

experience an invincible repugnance to reading it myself, face to face to

only two or three of my friends."

They did not understand me--I did not understand myself. We together

exclaimed at the inconsistency of the human heart. Since then I have felt

the same instinctive repugnance at reading to a single person what cost

me not a single effort of violated modesty to give to the public: and

after having long reflected on it, I find that this apparent

inconsistency is at bottom only the perfect logic of our nature.

And why is this? The reason is, that a friend is somebody and the public

nobody; a friend has a face, the public has not; a friend is a being,

present, hearing, looking, a real being--the public is an invisible

being, a being of the reason, an abstraction; a friend has a name, and

the public is anonymous; a friend is a confidant, and the public is a

fiction. I blush before the one, because he is a man; I do not blush

before the other, because it is an idea. When I write or speak before the

public, I feel myself as free, as exempt from the susceptibilities of one

man to another, as if I were speaking or writing before God and in the

desert; the crowd is a solitude; you see it, you know that it exists, but

you know it only as a mass. As an individual it does not exist. Now this

modesty of which you speak, being the respect of one's self before some

other person, when there is no person distinct on account of the

multitude, becomes without a motive. Psyche blushed under a lamp because

the hand of a single god passed over her, but when the sun gazed at her

with his thousand rays from the height of Olympus, that personification

of the modest soul did not blush before the whole heaven. Here is the

exact image of the modesty of a writer before a single auditor, and of

the freedom of his utterance before all the world. Do you accuse me of

violating mysteries before you? You have not the right: I do not know

you, I have confided nothing to you personally. You are guilty of

impropriety in reading what is not addressed to you. You are _somebody_,

you are not the public. What do you want with me? I have not spoken to

you: you have nothing to say to me, and I nothing to reply.

So thought St. Augustine, Plato, Socrates, Cicero, Cæsar, Bernardin de

St. Pierre, Montaigne, Alfieri, Chateaubriand, and all other men who have

confided to the world the genuine palpitations of their own hearts. True

gladiators they are in the human Colosseum, not playing miserable

comedies of sentiment and style to distract an academy, but struggling

and dying in earnest on the stage of the world, and writing on the sand,

with the blood of their own veins, the heroism, the failings, or the

agonies of the human heart.

Having said this, I resume these notes where I left them, blushing for

one thing only before these critics, that is, for not having either the

soul of St. Augustine or the genius of Jean Jacques Rousseau, in order to

merit, by indiscretions as sacred and touching, the pardon of tender

hearts and the condemnation of narrow minds, that take every movement of

the soul for an obscenity, and hide their faces whenever they are shown a

heart.

* * * * *

BALZAC.

We have news from Paris of the death of Honore De Balzac, one of the most

eminent French writers of the nineteenth century. "Eighteen months ago,"

says a Paris letter, "already attacked by dropsy, he quitted France to

contract a marriage with a Russian lady, to whom he was devotedly

attached. To her he had dedicated 'Seraphitus,' and he had accumulated in

his hotel of the Beaujoin quarters all the luxuries which could

contribute to her pleasure. He returned to France three months ago, in a

state of extreme danger. Last week he underwent an operation for abscess

in his legs: mortification ensued. On the morning of the 18th he became

speechless, and at midnight he expired. His sister, Madame de Surville,

visited his deathbed, and the pressure of her hand was the last sign he

gave of intelligence." We must defer for another occasion what we have

to say of the great novelist-the idol of women, even at seventy-the

Voltaire of our age, as he was accustomed to style himself in

private--the historian of society--French society--as it is. The author

of _Le Peau de Chagrin, Le Physiologie du Marriage, Le Dernier Chauan,

Eugene Grandet_, and the _Scenes de la Vie Parisienne_, and _Scenes de la

Vie de Province_, was one of the marks of the era, and being dead, we

will speculate upon him. At present we can only translate for the

_International_ the following funeral oration by Victor Hugo, pronounced

at his grave:

"GENTLEMEN--The man who has just descended into this tomb is one of those

whom the public sorrow follows to the last abode. In the times where we

are all fictions have disappeared. Henceforth our eyes are fixed not on

the heads that reign but on the heads that think, and the whole country

is affected when one of them disappears. At this day, the people put on

mourning for the man of talent, the nation for the man of genius.

"Gentlemen, the name of Balzac will be mingled in the luminous trace that

our epoch will leave in the future.

"M. de Balzac belonged to that potent generation of writers of the

nineteenth century who came after Napoleon, just as the illustrious

pleiades of the seventeenth century came after Richelieu, and in the

development of civilization a law caused the domination of thought to

succeed the domination of the sword.

"M. de Balzac was one of the first among the greatest, one of the highest

among the best. This is not the place to say all or that splendid and

sovereign intelligence. All his books form only one hook, living,

luminous, profound, in which we see moving all our contemporaneous

civilization, mingled with I know not what of strange and terrible; a

marvelous book, that the poet has entitled comedy, and which he might

have called history; which assumes all forms and all styles: which goes

beyond Tacitus and reaches Suetonius, which crosses Beaumarchais and

reaches Rabelais; a book which is observation itself, and imagination

itself; which is prodigal of the true, the passionate, the common, the

trivial, the material, and which at moments throws athwart realities,

suddenly and broadly torn open, the gleam of the most somber and tragic

ideal.

"Without knowing it, whether he will or not, whether he consents or not,

the author of this strange and immense work is of the mighty race of

revolutionary writers. Balzac goes directly to his object. He assails

modern society face to face. From all he forces something: from some

illusions, from others hope, from these a cry of pain, from those a mask.

He unvails vice and dissects passion. He penetrates and sounds the heart,

the soul, the sentiments, the brain, the abyss that each man has within

him. And by a gift of his free and vigorous nature, by a privilege of the

intelligences of our times,--who, having seen revolutions nearly and with

their own eyes, perceive better the end of humanity and comprehend better

the course of Providence,--Balzac came forth serene and smiling from

those redoubtable studies which produced melancholy in Moliere and

misanthropy in Rousseau.

"This is what he has accomplished among us. Such is the work he has left

us, lofty and solid, a pile of granite, a monumental edifice, from whose

summit his renown will henceforth shine. Great men make their own

pedestals: the future charges itself with their statues.

"His death has struck Paris with stupor. But a few months since he

returned to France. Feeling that he was about to die, he desired to see

his country, like one who on the eve of a long voyage comes to embrace

his mother.

"His life was brief, but crowded; fuller of labors than of days.

"Alas, the powerful and indefatigable laborer, the philosopher, the

thinker, the poet, the man of genius, lived among us the life of storms,

of struggles, of quarrels, of combats, common in all times to all great

men. Today, behold him here at peace. He leaves collisions and

hostilities. The same day he enters on glory and the tomb. Henceforth

he will shine above all the clouds over our heads, among the stars of our

country.

"And you all who are here, are you not tempted to envy him?

"Gentlemen, whatever be our sorrow in the presence of such a loss, let us

resign ourselves to these catastrophes. Let us accept them in their

poignancy and severity. It is good perhaps, and necessary, in an epoch

like ours, that from time to time a great death should communicate a

religious book to minds devoured by doubt and skepticism. Providence

knows what it does when it thus puts a whole people face to face with the

supreme mystery, and gives it Death to meditate upon, which is at once

the great equality and the great liberty.

"Providence knows what it does, for here is the highest of instructions.

There can be in all hearts only austere and serious thoughts when a

sublime spirit majestically makes its entrance upon the other life; when

one of those beings whom the visible wings of genius have long sustained

above the crowd, suddenly puts forth those other wings that we cannot

see, and disappears in the unknown!

"No, it is not the unknown! No, I have already said it on another mournful

occasion, and I shall not weary in repeating it, it is not darkness, it

is light! It is not the end, it is the beginning! It is not nothing, it

is eternity! Is not this true, I ask all that hear me? Such graves as

this are proofs of immortality. In the presence of the illustrious dead

we feel more distinctly the divine destinies of this intelligence called

man, which traverses the earth to suffer and to be purified; and we know

that those who have shone with genius during life, must be living souls

after death."

* * * * *

DR. GUTZLAFF, THE MISSIONARY.

CHARLES GUTZLAFF the famous missionary in China is described in the

_Grenzboten_ by a writer who lately heard him preach at Vienna, as a

short, stout man, with a deep red face, a large mouth, sleepy eyes,

pointed inward and downward like those of a China man, vehement

gesticulations, and a voice more loud than melodious. He has acquired

in his features and expression something like the expression of the

people among whom he lives. His whole manners also, as well as his

face, indicate the genuine son of Jao and Chun, so that the Chinese when

they encounter him in the street salute him as their countryman. We

translate for _The International_ the following sketch of his life and

labors:

Charles Gutzlaff was born in 1803, at Pyritz, a village of Pomerania. His

zeal as an apostle was first manifested some fifteen years ago. He

married an English woman, who was animated with the same aspiration as

himself and who accompanied him on his voyages as a missionary. His

extensive acquaintance with the Chinese and kindred languages even then

made deep impression on Robert Morrison, the founder of the Evangelical

Mission in China, whom he joined in 1831 at Macao, and caused his

Acquaintance to be much sought by the merchants. In 1832 and 1833 he was

employed as an interpreter on board ships engaged in smuggling opium, but

turned this occupation, which in itself was not of a very saintly

character, to his religious ends, by the dissemination of tracts and

Bibles. A missionary journey to Japan which he undertook in 1837 was

without any result. After Morrison's death Gutzlaff was appointed

Chinese Secretary to the British Consulate at Canton, and in 1840 founded

a Christian Union of Chinese for the propagation of the Gospel among

their countrymen. His present journey through Europe has a similar

purpose, the foundation of Missionary Societies for the spread of

Christianity in China.

His literary labors have had an almost incredible extent and variety. He

Himself gives the following enumeration of his writings: "In Dutch I have

written: a History of our Mission and of distinguished Missionaries, and

an appeal for support of the Missionary Work; in German: Sketches of the

Minor Prophets; in Latin: The Life of our Savior; in English: Sketches of

Chinese History; China Opened; Life of Kanghe, together with a great

number of articles on the Religion, History, Philosophy, Literature and

Laws of the Chinese; in Siamese: a Translation of the New Testament, with

the Psalms, and an English-Siamese Dictionary, English-Cambodian

Dictionary and English-Laos Dictionary. These works I left to my

successors to finish, but with the exception of the Siamese Dictionary

they have added nothing to them. In Cochin-Chinese: a Complete Dictionary

Cochin-Chinese-English and English-Cochin-Chinese; this work is not yet

printed. In Chinese: Forty Tracts, along with three editions of the Life

of our Savior; a Translation of the New Testament, the third edition of

which I have carried through the press. Of the Translations of the Old

Testament the Prophets and the two first books of Moses are completed. In

this language I have also written The Chinese Scientific Monthly Review,

a History of England, a History of the Jews, a Universal History and

Geography, on Commerce, a short Account of the British Empire and its

Inhabitants, as well as a number of smaller articles. In Japanese: a

Translation of the New Testament, and of the first book of Moses, two

tracts, and several scientific pamphlets. The only paper to which I now

send communications is the Hong Kong Gazette, the whole Chinese

department of which I have undertaken. Till the year 1842 I wrote for

the Chinese Archives."

The writer in the _Grenzboten_ goes on to say that "so vast a surface as

these writings cover, requires a surprising facility of mind and an

indefatigable perseverance. When you see the man engaged in his

missionary toils you understand the whole at once. He arrives in a city

and hastens to the church which is prepared for his reception. After

preaching for an hour with the greatest energy he takes up his

collection and is gone. He speaks with such rapidity that it is hardly

possible to follow him. Such rapidity is not favorable to excellence

in the work. Of all his writings, only one work is known to me, that

published in Munich, in 1847, under the title of 'Gutzlaffs History of

the Chinese Empire from the earnest times to the Peace of Nankin'. In our

imperfect acquaintance with Chinese history this compendium is not

without value, but it displays no critical power, and is a mere external

compilation and poorly written. From it we learn as good as nothing of

the peculiar customs and state of mental culture of the country. The

whole resembles a Christian History of the World written in the

eighteenth century, Beginning with Adam and Eve, and leaving the Greeks

and Romans out altogether because they were without a divine revelation."

Mr. Gutzlaff's family were recently for several months in the United

States, and the proceedings of the great missionary--second in eminence

only to our own Judson--have always been regarded with much interest by

the American churches.

AUTHORS AND BOOKS

The Asiatic Society at Paris has just held its twenty-eighth yearly

session. According to the report of its Secretary and Financial

Committee, this society has suffered little from the disastrous times

which have fallen on literature generally. In 1848, being uncertain as to

the future, it stopped receiving subscriptions to works with a view to

their publication, and arrested the printing of those which were already

commenced, with the single exception of the Asiatic Journal, which the

members determined not to alter in any case. The series of this journal

is of great value, containing already fifty-five volumes, to which two

new ones are added every year. For many years it has contained only

original articles, though formerly it admitted translations from other

European languages. Of course, in so voluminous a periodical work, the

contents vary in character, but the whole is of the greatest importance

to History, Belles Lettres, and Philology, and should not be wanting in

any public library. The society has now resumed the suspended

publications, beginning with the "Chronicles of Cashmir", by the Austrian

Orientalist Captain Troyer, two volumes of which were issued some time

since. Troyer is a remarkable man. As an Austrian artillery and staff

officer he served in all the wars, from the breaking out of the French

Revolution to the Peace of Paris. While in Italy, he passed some time at

the head-quarters of Lord William Bentinck, as an Austrian Commissioner,

and so gained his esteem and confidence that he was invited to go with

Lord William to Madras as his military secretary. When Lord William

resigned the government of Madras, Troyer remained for some time as

Director of the East India Company's School for Artillery and Engineers,

till finally he resigned and came to Paris. In 1829, Lord William went

again to India as Governor-General, and persuaded Troyer to go with him.

While in India at this time, among other offices Troyer filled that of

Secretary of the Hindoo College. In 1834, when Bentinck again left India,

Troyer once more resigned his functions, and has since been in Paris,

devoting an active and honorable old age to constant labors upon Persian

and Indian literature.

* * * * *

The FRENCH ACADEMY held its annual public session on the 8th of August,

in the presence of a large audience, including almost all the literary

celebrities of the metropolis, both masculine and feminine. The prizes of

victory were given to Napoleon Hurney, who had saved the lives of

fourteen persons, and to Marguerite Briand, for having supported and

taken care for forty-five years of her mistress, who had fallen from

wealth into the extremest poverty. M. de Salvandy, who bestowed these

prizes, delivered the usual eulogy on virtue in general, winding up with

praise of Louis Philippe and his reign, a thing more creditable perhaps

to the fidelity and consistency of the speaker, who has never renounced

his allegiance to the Orleans family, than proper to the occasion.

The literary prizes were distributed by M. Villemain. The grand prize of

ten thousand francs for the best work on the history of France, was given

to Augustin Thierry. Emile Angier received a prize of seven thousand

francs for his comedy of "Gabrielle," and M. Antran one of three thousand

for his "Daughter of Æsehylus." Three ladies got prizes worth two

thousand francs each for works of a popular nature on moral subjects; M.

A. Garnier got one of one thousand for his _Morale Sociale_; M. Martin

the same for his _Philosophie Spiritualiste de la Nature_, and M. Kastus

the same for his _Psycologie d'Aristote_. The crown for the best

specimen of eloquence was awarded to M. Baudrillast for his Eulogy on

Madame de Stael, in which the literary history and character of the

subject were served up in the most florid style. The same writer once

before won the same prize by a eulogy on Turgot. His productions are more

elaborate and showy than substantial and permanent in their character.

It must be said that this Academy is rather a respectable and slow-moving

institutution. The most illustrious names of France are not always

included in the list of its members. Neither Beranger nor Lamenais belong

to it. A writer in the Paris _National_ says that after three hours at

its meeting everybody he met in the street seemed to belong to the time

of Louis XI.

* * * * *

EDWARD EVERETT has been many years engaged in the collection and

arrangement of materials for a systematic Treatise on the Modern Law of

Nations; more especially in reference to those questions which nave been

discussed between the governments of the United States and Europe since

the Peace of 1783. This will be Mr. Everett's "life poem." Hitherto he

has written nothing very long except the "Defense of the Christian

Religion," published when he was about twenty-one years of age. We have

just received from Little & Brown their edition of the "Orations and

Speeches" of Mr. Everett, in two very large and richly-printed volumes,

which we shall hereafter notice more largely. These are to be followed,

at the author's leisure, by his Political Reports and Speeches and

Official Papers, in two large volumes, and his contributions to the

_North American Review_, which, if all included, we think will make four

others: so that his works, beside the new treatise above mentioned, will

be completed in not less than eight volumes. We are gratified at the

prospect of such a collection of these masterpieces of rhetoric, so full

of learning and wisdom, and infused by so genial a spirit. We wish some

publisher would give us in the same style all the writings of Alexander

Everett.

CHARLES MACKAY has lately published in London, a work upon which he had

long been engaged, under the title of "Progress of the Intellect." We

suspect, from the reviewals of it which appear in the journals, that it

is of the German free thinking class of philosophical histories. It

embraces dissertations on Intellectual Religion, Ancient Cosmogony, the

Metaphysical Idea of God, the Moral Notion of God, the Theory of

Mediation, Hebrew Theory of Retribution and Immortality, the Messianic

Theory prevailing in the days of Jesus, Christian Forms and Reforms, and

Speculative Christianity. And these dissertations are written with an

eloquence and power unexampled in a work of so much learning.

* * * * *

M. AND MAD. DE LAMARTINE having returned from the East, are at present

Staying at the Villa du Prado, a branch of the Hotel des Empereurs, a

pleasant house on the banks of the Huveaune, in the midst of the most

beautiful landscape. It was in a country box, upon the Avenue du Prado,

that Lamartine wrote, in 1847, his "Histoire des Girondins." Lamartine is

pleased with his Smyrna estate; he was received there by his vassals _en

grand seigneur_, but he found that he would be obliged to expend a good

deal of money before the estate would be profitable.

* * * * *

THEODORE PARKER'S "Massachusetts Quarterly Review," is dead, and--God be

Praised that New England refused to support it any longer. Mr. Parker

says in the farewell to his readers, that the work "has never become what

its projector designed that it should be;" and expresses a hope that

"some new journal will presently be started, in a more popular form,

which will promote the great ideas of our times, by giving them an

expression in literature, and so help them to a permanent organization in

the life of mankind."

* * * * *

CAPT. SIR EDWARD BELCHER, R.N., known in the literary and scientific

world by his extensive voyages of survey and discovery, is now on a visit

to New York, whence he will shortly proceed to Texas. Sir Edward Belcher

is a gentleman of remarkable energy of character, and of eminent

abilities.

* * * * *

A LETTER from M. Guizot, assigning the motives of his refusal to appear

as a candidate of the Institute for a seat in the Superior Council of

Public Instruction, is published by the _Espérance_ of Nancy. The

Principles avowed by M. Guizot lead directly to a separation of Church

and State.

* * * * *

JOHN G. SAXE will soon publish a new poem which he delivered recently at

the commencement of Middlebury College, with the applause which crowns

all his efforts in this way.

* * * * *

A RE-ISSUE of the Complete Works of Eliza Cook will be shortly commenced

in her Journal, and continued weekly until completed.

* * * * *

THE INSTITUTE OF GOETHE has just been founded by the government of Saxe

Weimar. It consists simply of a prize of twenty thousand francs offered

to the competition of the literary and artistic world. The first year it

will be given to the best among the poems, romances, and dramatic works

submitted; the second year to the best picture; the third year to the

best piece of statuary; the fourth year to the best piece of music,

whether sacred or profane, opera or oratorio. This circle having been

completed, the prize will next be given as at the first year; and so on

in regular succession. The successful competitor is to remain proprietor

of his work, as are all the others. The prize will he allotted by two

committees, one at Weimar the other at Berlin. The establishment of the

fund was celebrated at Weimar on the 23d of August.

* * * * *

GIFFORD, some five-and-twenty years ago, declared that all the fools of

the country had taken to write plays; and it would appear that all the

dull Englishmen of our day have taken to write pamphlets on the

slave-trade. The London _Times_ is very severe upon a book just issued by

Mr. W. Gore Ouseley, who was several years British Charge d'Affaires at

Rio, as such conducted a voluminous correspondence on the subject with

the government of Brazil, and might have been expected to have there

learned something on the slave-trade worth telling. According to his

reviewer he appears, however, to be one of that class of persons

described by Sterne, who, traveling from Dan to Beersheba, found all to

be barren; and no amount of observation can in any human being supply

defective reasoning faculties. So, says the _Times_, he has little or

nothing to say about the Brazilian slave-trade that has not been better

said a thousand times before; and when he does venture on a special

statement of his own, it topples down the whole superstructure of his

argument.

A work of rather more interest is "Seven Years' Service on the Slave

Coast of Africa", by Sir Henry Huntley, who, when a lieutenant in the navy

in 1831, was ordered to the scene of his observations. Shortly after his

arrival, he was appointed to the independent command of a small vessel,

in which he visited stations, looked out for slavers, chased them when he

saw them, and captured them when he could. A few years subsequently he

was nominated Governor of the settlements on the Gambia. His two volumes

contain his adventures during the whole or nearly the whole of his seven

years' service upon the station; the last closing abruptly in the middle

of preparations for a congress of black kings. The public is already

familiar with many of the topics, from the occasional narratives of

voyages and adventures along the coast. Visits to the commandants of the

so-called castles; a description of the European and native mode of life

at the settlements; accounts of the slave-stations, the slave-dealers,

the slaves, and the slave-trade, together with sketches of more

legitimate commerce, and occasional trips to the islands lying off the

coast, for change of air and fresh supplies, are frequent features. Sir

Henry Huntley's duties sometimes brought him in contact with native

chiefs, and continually with slavers, in the search, the capture, and the

pursuit. During the latter part of his career, the office of Governor

gave great variety and largeness to his subjects; consisting of public

business, palavers with native potentates, and matters connected with

home policy. In point of literary character this work very nearly

resembles the author's "Peregrine Scramble." Indeed, the "Seven Years'

Service" is a sort of continuation of that book, without the form of

fiction.

* * * * *

M. JULES LECHEVALIER, known in this country chiefly as one of the foreign

Correspondents of _The Tribune_, but in Europe as an able writer on the

Social Sciences, has recently delivered in Paris and Berlin, and in

London, (where he is residing as a political exile,) a series of

lectures, which will soon be given to the world in a volume, upon the

subject of his favorite studies. M. Lechevalier's system, which he

denominates "New Political Economy," is based upon the principle of

association, in opposition to that of competition and _laissez-faire_,

which constitute the groundwork of the school of the present political

economists. In the course of his series he pointed out the gradual

tendency of the competitive principle to produce extremes of riches and

poverty, and ultimately revolutions, and maintained, that by the adoption

of the associative principle alone, society can be preserved from

confusion and destruction. He contends that the new political economy,

or _Socialism_, is essentially Conservative, while the present system of

unlimited competition, or buying cheap and selling dear, is destructive,

M. Lechevalier pretends to base his system on the moral principles of

Christ, and maintains that Christianity cannot be practically carried out

in any other way. His lectures abound in examples of the working of the

two opposing systems.

* * * * *

The Doctrinal Tract and Book Society, Boston, are going forward in the

work of re-publishing the old standard works of the New-England theology.

They have issued a fine edition of Bellamy and have procured an edition

of Edwards the younger. They are now about commencing the stereotyping of

Catlin's Compendium, and the whole works of Dr. Hopkins. We wish they

would go back a century further, and give us the best works of Mather and

his contemporaries.

* * * * *

There is a political novel by OTTO MULLER, of Manheim, announced, under

the title _Georg Volker: ein Vreiheits Roman_, which is said to give a

faithful picture of the Baden revolution, and to open with the rise of

the peasantry in the _Ottenwald_.

* * * * *

THE DUC DE LA ROUCHEFOUCAULD's celebrated "Moral Reflections, Sentences,

and Maxims," have just appeared in a new and very much improved

translation, and with notes, pointing out similarities of sentiments in

ancient and modern authors, and sometimes proving that Rochefoucauld's

good things have been made use of without sufficient acknowledgment, by

moderns. There is also an introduction, which dissertates well on the

purpose and quality of the reflections. Such books were once very

popular; but in this country they have not been much read. We have indeed

had numerous editions of "Lacon," and Dr. Bettner's "Acton" has found a

thousand purchasers; but the Rev. Dr. Hooker's "Maxims," which, in our

opinion, are as good as anything of their kind in the English language,

we believe have not attracted attention, and Mr. Simms's "Egeria" has

been printed only in the columns of a newspaper.

* * * * *

A new theory has just been propounded at Paris in a book called

"Armanase," (a Sanscrit word, meaning the "Reign of Capacity"). The author

asserts the present forms of administrative government are injurious

instead of useful to society, and ought to be replaced by institutions of

a new and different order. His principle is, that the sovereignty of the

individual ought to be instituted for that of governments, and that great

associations of mutual assurance may be advantageously substituted for

the existing system of management by office-holders. The author shows

also that the progress of the natural and mechanical sciences will

deliver man from the pressure of the more painful sorts of labor; and

that wealth, freed from the barriers which now hinder its circulation,

would be distributed freely throughout society. Intellectual property

would be seriously guaranteed, and would enrich the men of genius, whose

inventions and discoveries are now profitable, not to the authors, but to

the capitalists who take advantage of them. By this means an important

element of revolutions will be removed. The author proposes, that in

order to prevent all suffering, a civil list shall be set apart for the

people, who will be the king. This civil list is to be composed of a tax

of one per cent., levied on all who have property in favor of those who

have nothing. But, says he, let no one imagine that all would be

dissolution and ruin in this system, without law or government. Crimes

and offenses will be tried by juries, that is to say, by a living code.

Property will no longer be seizable for debt, and the courts will become

useless. Everybody shall have the absolute right to buy land by paying

its possessor ten per cent, on its value: this is to give a chance for

carrying on all sorts of grand public enterprises without trouble from

the proprietors of little pieces of land. It may perhaps be doubted,

whether the "Reign of Capacity" has exhibited any astonishing endowments

in that respect.

* * * * *

THACKERAY, in _Pendennis_, has given offense, it appears, to some of the

gensd'armes of the Press, by his satirical sketches of the literary

profession. Those whose withers are unwrung will admit the truth of many

pages and laugh at the caricature in the rest. In the last number of the

_North British Review_ is a clever article upon the subject, written with

good temper and good sense. Hitherto publishers have been ridiculed and

declaimed against as "tyrants" and "tradesmen,"--made to bear the onus of

"poetical" improvidence, and to sustain the weight of a crime which no

author can pardon--the rejection of manuscripts. The _authors_ have

painted the portraits of publishers; but an ancient fable suggests that

if the _lion_ had painted a certain picture, it would not have been a

lion we should see biting the dust.

* * * * *

M. DE LUYNES is now engaged at Paris in publishing a work on the

antiquities of Cyprus. He has discovered a number of inscriptions

in ancient Cyprian writing, and is having them engraved on copper. The

writing is that which preceded the introduction of the Phoenician

character upon the island, and seems to have no affinity either with that

or with the Assyrian, which is discovered to have been once used there.

The work of M. de Luynes will open a new problem for the philologists. It

will be difficult to decipher the inscriptions and language, unless there

can be found somewhere an ancient Cyprian inscription, with a translation

in some known tongue; but in a time which has read the riddles of the

pyramids, nothing of this sort is to be despaired of. M. de Luynes is the

last of the great French nobles who makes a worthy use of his riches.

* * * * *

SIR ROBERT PEEL left full and specific directions in his will for the

early publication of his political memoirs; and ordered that the profits

arising from the publication shall be given to some public institution

for the education of the working-classes. He believed his manuscripts and

correspondence to be of great value, as showing the characters of the

great men of his age; and directed that his correspondence with the Queen

and Prince Albert shall not be published during their lives without their

express consent. He confided the task of preparing these memoirs to Lord

Mahon and Mr. Cardwell. Their duty will, however, be comparatively light,

though delicate, from the admirable and orderly state in which he left

his papers.

* * * * *

MR. JOHN P. BROWN, author of "The Turkish Nights Entertainments,"

recently published by Putnam, is now on a visit to this country as the

Secretary of the Commissioner of the Sublime Porte, Captain Ammin Bey.

* * * * *

EUGENE SUE'S new romance "The Mysteries of the People," has been

prohibited in Prussia.

* * * * *

M. BURNET DE PESLE has just published the first part of his _Examen

Critique de la Succession des Dynasties Egyptiennes_, a work to which

competent critics assign a high value. He follows the method of

Champollion, rejecting hypotheses and admitting only the testimony of the

historians and monuments. At the same time he treats his subject with

independence and originality, though he advances nothing for the sake of

novelty. The second part of the work will be devoted to the discussion of

the ancient inscriptions, dynasty by dynasty, and reign by reign.

* * * * *

WASHINGTON IRVING is claimed by the English as by both _birth_ and spirit

a British author. In the question of copyright lately before the Vice

Chancellor, the case rested in part upon a plea that Mr. Irving's father

was from the Orkneys and his mother from Falmouth, so that, though he was

born in New York, he was not an _alien_. Still, our "Diedrich

Knickerbocker" was _Colonel_ Irving once, and served in this capacity

against the king, and it will not he safe for him to establish the

position assumed by his publisher.

* * * * *

M. ARAGO, having completed his love-labor in honor of Condorcet, is again

abstracting from scientific pursuits a portion of his time, to prepare a

memoir upon the acts and doings of the Provisional Government of 1848 of

which he was a member. It is said to be a curious work which will

enlighten much that is yet dark in the history of that period, throwing

additional obloquy upon some members, and relieving others of a portion

of that which they have hitherto borne. M. Chemiega is also engaged upon

his own account in similar historical labors.

* * * * *

DR. OLIVER WENDELL HOLMES, on the 9th of September, delivered a poem,

described by a correspondent of the _Commercial Advertiser_ as one of his

finest compositions, before a large audience, assembled to dedicate a

rural cemetery at Pittsfield, Mass.

* * * * *

M. DUGANNE, some of whose songs and dramatic pieces have the ring of true

metal, has just completed a satire entitled "Parnassus in Pillory," and

with the motto, "Lend me your ears." We have seen some advance sheets of

it, which are full of wit and spirit.

* * * * *

SOUTH CAROLINA has always been prolific of epics. Those of Mr. Simmons,

Dr. Marks of Barhamville, and some others, have been tried, and-the

court of criticism has now before it from the same quarter "America

Discovered, in Twelve Books."

* * * * *

JOHN NEAL has given notice of his intention to write a history of

American Literature "in two large octavo volumes," and he invites authors

who are not afraid to show their books, to send them to him at Portland

without delay.

* * * * *

"GERMANIA, ITS COURTS, CAMPS AND PEOPLE," is the title of a brace of

volumes by "the _Baroness Blaize de Bury_." And who, pray, is the

Baroness Blaize de Bury? A writer in _The Leader_ answers after this

wise:

"Why, sir, she is somewhat of a myth, making her avatars in literature

with all the caprice and variety of Vishnou or Brougham; her maiden name

of Rose Stewart has not, that we can discover, been stained with

printer's ink, but we trace her as 'Arthur Dudley' in the _Revue des

Deux Mondes_ writing upon Bulwer and Dickens, we next find her as

'Maurice Flassan' in _Les Français Aeints par eux-mémes_. Rumor further

whispereth that she had a finger in 'Albert Lunel,' one of the

eccentricities of an eccentric law-lord, which was hurriedly suppressed,

one knows not why; in the _Edinburgh Review_ she wrote a paper on

Molière, and for Charles Knight's _Weekly Volume_ a pleasant little book

about Racine, on the title-page of which she is styled 'Madame Blaize

Bury;' since that time you observe she has blossomed into a Baroness _de_

Bury! Let us add that she is the wife of Henri Blaze, known as agreeable

critic and the translator of Faust, that she is said to be a great

favorite with the author of 'Albert Lunel,' and that she has the two

novels 'Mildred Vernon' and 'Leonie Vermont' placed to her account: how

many other shapes she may have assumed we know not; are these not enough?

Whether, after all, a flesh-and-blood Madame de Bury exists is more than

We can decide. _Une supposition!_ what if, after all, she should turn out

to be Lord Brougham himself? The restless energy of that Scottish

Phenomenon renders everything possible. _He_ does not agree with Pliny's

witty friend, that it is better to be idle than to do nothing--_satius

est otiosum esse quam nihil agere_."

* * * * *

REV. CHARLES ELLIOT, D.D. of Cincinnati, has published, through the

Methodist printing house of that city, an important work on Slavery, in

two duodecimo volumes. Dr. Ellliot has declined the acceptance of the

Biblical Professorship in McKendree College, on the ground that he is

busily engaged in preparing works for the press, including a thorough

investigation of the Biblical argument in defense of slavery.

* * * * *

A NEW edition of a Lexicon of the Dakota language (of an Indian tribe

near Lake Superior,) has just been completed by the missionaries. It

contains upward of fifteen thousand words. Near thirteen years or more of

labor have been expended upon it.

* * * * *

JUDGE SYDNEY BREESE, late U.S. Senator, at the commencement of Knox

College, delivered a discourse before the Literary Societies on the

Early History of Illinois. It is said to be part of a volume he is

preparing, and had reference to the first ninety years of Illinois

history.

* * * * *

MR. LAYARD, in excavating beneath the great pyramid at Nimroud, had

penetrated a mass of masonry, within which he had discovered the tomb and

statue of Sardanapalus, with full annals of that monarch's reign engraved

on the walls.

* * * * *

MR. H. H. WILSON, F.R.S., has published in London, a collection of

Ancient Hindu Hymns, constituting the First Ashtaka, or Book, of the

Rig-Veda, the oldest Authority for the religious and social institutions

of the Hindus. The translation of the _Rig-Veda-Sonhita_ is valuable for

the scholar who wishes to study the most ancient belief, opinions, and

modes of the Hindus, so far as they can be gathered from hymns addressed

to the deities. At the same time, their mystery or obscurity, increased

by remoteness of years, is perhaps so considerable, that it will require

peculiar learning to profit by the materials this most ancient and

important of the Vedas contains.

* * * * *

DR. SHELTON MACKENZIE, author of "Mornings at Matlock," has been

appointed, through the influence of Lord Brougham, to the office of

official assignee to the Court of Bankruptcy, in Manchester.

* * * * *

The Fine Arts.

THE FINE ARTS IN AMERICA are not in a state of remarkable perfection, if

we may credit a writer in the Augsburg _Allgemeine Zeitung_. This critic

is evidently honest and impartial, but not perfectly well informed. He

supposes that the majority of the artists as well as of the scholars in

the country are emigrants from Europe; and affirms that artists of great

talent, who have been esteemed and encouraged in Europe, have been

reduced to misery in America, and compelled to resort to common labor for

their living. Latterly, however, fashion has brought pictures into

market; and we may now hear, in more refined circles, here and there a

misapplied artistic term, which shows that art is somewhat thought

of. It is characteristic that an American will often bargain for pictures

by the square foot. The New York Art Union has done a good deal of good

in the culture of taste for art, and from the Philadelphia Art Union much

may also be expected. The daguerreotypes taken here may be compared with

the best of Voightländer of Vienna and Williams of Liverpool. The

talbotypes of this country are better than all others. Lithographing is

done mostly by French and Germans; wood-cutting and steel-engraving by

Englishmen and Americans. The products of the latter two resemble

perfectly those of the same arts in England. Dramatic and musical art

are in a feeble condition. The theaters in the great cities have been

visited by the writer, and nothing admirable found in them. They are all

private enterprises, and no great things are to be expected in that line

without the aid of a government. The theaters are built and furnished in

the most elegant and even luxurious style. The Italian Opera in New York

is supplied by European artists whose best days are over. The actors

never rise to any commendable excellence, and the pieces they perform are

well adapted to their talents. Hardly ever is anything classical produced

upon the stage.

The German drama in the United States is spoken of as being in a

condition of even more desperate degradation. The writer's remarks on

that subject will not specially interest our readers; but we trust that

what we have given above from his strictures will be edifying to all whom

it may concern.

* * * * *

FROM ROME we hear of an extensive undertaking about to be commenced in

the way of Catholic Art. The plan is this: Overbeck, whose designs from

Scripture history are familiar to all lovers of Art who have not

overlooked one of the most remarkable geniuses of the times, is now

employed upon fourteen compositions representing the fourteen Stations or

pauses of the Lord on his way to the cross. Part of them are already

done, and to judge from them the series will surpass all previous works

of this great master. These designs are to be multiplied to the greatest

extent and put within the means of churches, convents and even the

poorest classes of the people. They will appear of the size of the

original in colored lithography, which will probably be executed in

Germany. Engravings of half size on copper are to be executed by the

eminent engraver Bartoccini, who is familiar with Overbeck's manner, and

who has worked under him in Germany. Indeed Bartoccini is already best

known from the engravings of Overbeck's designs to the New Testament, the

best of which were from his burin. In addition there are to be editions

of these compositions in middling and small sizes as well as in wood

engravings. The object is to provide something which has real artistic

merit in place of the wretched pictures which are offered for the

devotion of the faithful in so many churches and in Catholic

prayer-books. The Pope himself, to whom the first colored drawings have

been shown, takes a lively interest in the enterprise, and will probably

recommend it in a special circular to all the bishops.

* * * * *

CHARLES MULLER, a German sculptor, whose group, "The Singer's Curse,"

Received the second prize at the Exposition of 1849, at Paris, has

arrived in this country, where he proposes to take up his residence. The

_Tribune_ states that "The Singer's Curse" will soon be exhibited to the

public in this city. It was suggested by one of the finest of Uhland's

works.

* * * * *

The city of Paris is about to erect along the grand avenue of the Champs

Elysées three hundred statues, in marble, of Parisians distinguished in

the administration of the city, in letters, in science, the fine arts or

commerce. The statues will alternate with beautiful little fountains, and

will form rows on each side of the avenue.

* * * * *

POWER'S STATUE OF EVE is now-having been rescued from the waters off the

coast of Spain--on the way to New York, and it will soon be here. The

Prince Demidoff has purchased the figure of the Greek Slave, originally

commenced for Mr. Robb of New Orleans, for £700, being £100 more than Mr.

Robb was to have given for it. The Prince has placed it in a room by

itself, in his palace at St. Donato, near Florence. He is one of the

finest critics of art now living, and his collection of masterpieces

constitutes to the man of taste one of the chief attractions of Italy.

From a letter of Powers now before us, we learn that the model of his

"America" was finished, and on the first of August the marble was about

to be commenced, in the same size. This the sculptor and his friends

think will be his greatest work. We are happy in being able to mention a

fact eminently honorable to a distinguished American gentleman, in this

connection. When the statue of Eve was lost, Powers wrote to the

underwriters to pay the insurance ($6000) to Mr. J.S. Preston of South

Carolina, upon whom the loss was to fall; but Mr. Preston instantly upon

hearing the circumstance directed that every cent of the money should

be sent to the artist, expressing only a regret that the country suffered

the loss of a performance so admirable. Mr. Powers had not at this time

heard of the loss of the statue of Mr. Calhoun. This great work has not

yet been recovered, but Mr. Kellogg has still hopes of its being rescued

in perfect safety.

* * * * *

The Venice _Statuto_ of the 13th August announces that Venice and Italy

have experienced an irreparable loss. The celebrated Barbarigo Gallery,

known for ages, comprised amongst other masterpieces seventeen paintings

of Titian, the Magdalen, Venus, St. Sebastian; the famous portraits of

the Doge Barbarigo, of Philip XIV., &c. After the extinction of the

Barbarigo family, Count Nicholas Giustiniani, the brothers Barbaco, and

the merchants Benetti, who became proprietors of the collection,

presented it to the Government. The Viceroy Raniere offered it for sale

in 1847 to the Austrian Government, which refused to buy it. It has been

lately purchased by the Court of Russia for five hundred and sixty

thousand francs.

* * * * *

PAINTING AND SCULPTURES of the early northern artists from the eighth to

the sixteenth century have just been discovered in great numbers in

Gothland, by Dr. Marilignis, of the Stockholm Royal Academy of Fine Arts.

He was sent to search for them by the Academy, and has spent eighteen

months in his mission. A large proportion of the pictures were found in

chapels built during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and were covered

with thick coats of plaster, which had to be removed with great care. The

results of Dr. Marilignis' investigations will be published by the

Swedish Government.

* * * * *

THE INAUGURATION OF THE STATUE OF LARREY, the famous surgeon of the

Imperial army, at the Val-de-Grace, took place in Paris lately. Among the

assistants at this solemnity not the least interesting portion was a

corps of one hundred invalids upon whom Larrey had operated. The hero of

the day was Dupin, who walked in to the flourish of drums and trumpets at

the head of the commission of the monument. The statue of bronze, by

David, of Angers, was unvailed amid the clang of "sonorous metal blowing

martial sounds." Old Dupin, in a fit of happy inspiration, jumped up on

the chair from which he presided, and delivered perhaps the best speech

he ever made. He drew, in lively touches, the mission of the man whose

hospital is the battle-field, of his intrepid coolness and humane

devotion. Larrey was wounded, while binding the wounds of others, in

Egypt and at Waterloo, in the days of glory and of disaster. The

President of the Assembly spoke with much feeling, and when he came down

from his chair a general rush was made by his friends to embrace him.

* * * * *

THE STANDISH GALLERY OF PICTURES in the Louvre was decreed by the French

courts, a few days before his death, to be the private property of the

late Louis Philippe. It was left to the king by Mr. Frank Hall Standish,

in 1838. The library of this collection is very valuable. It contains

among other rare books the Bible of Cardinal Ximenes, valued alone at

$5000. One of the last acts of Louis Philippe was to present it to the

French people. He was desirous only of vindicating his rights in the

courts. The gallery therefore will not be removed.

* * * * *

THE ANNUAL EXHIBITION OF PICTURES by Düsseldorf artists was opened in

that city about the middle of July. Landscapes are rather predominant. In

their line the works of Alexander Michelis, August Kossler, Weba and

Fischer are the best. Ten pictures of peasant life in Norway by Adolf

Tidemond, a Norwegian artist, are said to display very remarkable merit.

They were retained in the exhibition only a few days, being destined for

the royal chateau of Oskarshall. Of historical pictures there is nothing

worth mentioning.

* * * * *

The _Brussells Herald_ states that the artistic value of the works of art

contained in the churches of Antwerp, eleven in number, is by the late

financial report of the province estimated at 49,763,000 francs-nearly

ten millions of dollars.

* * * * *

LEUTZE'S PICTURE of Washington Crossing the Delaware is nearly finished

at Düsseldorf, and is much praised by several letter-writers who have

seen it.

* * * * *

MR. POWELL, at Paris, expects to finish his picture for the Capitol about

the first of February.

* * * * *

EDGAR ALLEN POE.

By R.W. GRISWOLD.

The family of EDGAR A. POE was one of the oldest and most

reputable in Baltimore. David Poe, his paternal grandfather, was a

Quartermaster-General in the Maryland line during the Revolution, and the

intimate friend of Lafayette, who, during his last visit to the United

States, called personally upon the General's widow, and tendered her

acknowledgments for the services rendered to him by her husband. His

great-grandfather, John Poe, married in England, Jane, a daughter of

Admiral James McBride, noted in British naval history, and claiming

Kindred with some of the most illustrious English families. His father,

David Poe, jr., the fourth son of the Quartermaster-General, was several

years a law student in Baltimore, but becoming enamored of an English

actress, named Elizabeth Arnold, whose prettiness and vivacity more than

her genius for the stage made her a favorite, he eloped with her, and

after a short period, having married her, became himself an actor. They

continued six or seven years in the theaters of the principal cities, and

finally died, within a few weeks of each other, in Richmond, leaving

three children, Henry, Edgar, and Rosalie, in utter destitution.

Edgar Poe, who was born in Baltimore, in January, 1811, was at this

period of remarkable beauty, and precocious wit. Mr. John Allan, a

merchant of large fortune and liberal disposition, who had been intimate

with his parents, having no children of his own, adopted him, and it was

generally understood among his acquaintances that he intended to make him

the heir of his estate. The proud, nervous irritability of the boy's

nature was fostered by his guardian's well-meant but ill-judged

indulgence. Nothing was permitted which could "break his spirit." He must

be the master of his masters, or not have any. An eminent and most

estimable gentleman of Richmond has written to me, that when Poe was only

six or seven years of age, he went to a school kept by a widow of

excellent character, to whom was committed the instruction of the

children of some of the principal families in the city. A portion of

the grounds was used for the cultivation of vegetables, and its invasion

by her pupils strictly forbidden. A trespasser, if discovered, was

commonly made to wear, during school hours, a turnip or carrot, or

something, of this sort, attached to his neck as a sign of disgrace. On

one occasion Poe, having violated the rules, was decorated with the

promised badge, which he wore in sullenness until the dismissal of the

boys, when, that the full extent of his wrong might be understood by his

patron, of whose sympathy he was confident, he eluded the notice of the

schoolmistress, who would have relieved him of his esculent, and made the

best of his way home, with it dangling at his neck. Mr. Allan's anger was

aroused, and he proceeded instantly to the school-room, and after

lecturing the astonished dame upon the enormity of such an insult to his

son and to himself, demanded his account, determined that the child

should not again be subject to such tyranny. Who can estimate the effect

of this puerile triumph upon the growth of that morbid self-esteem which

characterized the author in after life?

In 1816, he accompanied Mr. and Mrs. Allan to Great Britain, visited the

most interesting portions of the country, and afterward passed four or

five years in a school kept at Stoke Newington, near London, by the Rev.

Dr. Bransby. In his tale, entitled "William Wilson," he has introduced a

striking description of this school and of his life here. He says:

"My earliest recollections of a school life are connected with a

large, rambling Elizabethan house, in a misty-looking village of

England, where were a vast number of gigantic and gnarled trees, and

where all the houses were excessively ancient. In truth, it was a

dream-like and spirit-soothing place, that venerable old town. At this

moment, in fancy, I feel the refreshing chilliness of its

deeply-shadowed avenues, inhale the fragrance of its thousand

shrubberies, and thrill anew with undefinable delight, at the deep

hollow note of the church-bell, breaking, each, hour, with sullen and

sudden roar, upon the stillness of the dusky atmosphere in which the

fretted Gothic steeple lay embedded and asleep. It gives me, perhaps,

as much of pleasure, as I can now in any manner experience to dwell

upon minute recollections of the school and its concerns. Steeped in

misery as I am--misery, alas! only too real--I shall be pardoned for

seeking relief, however slight and temporary, in the weakness of a few

rambling details. These, moreover, utterly trivial, and even

ridiculous in themselves, assume, to my fancy, adventitious

importance, as connected with a period and a locality when and where I

recognize the first ambiguous monitions of the destiny which afterward

so fully overshadowed me. Let me then remember. The house. I have

said, was old and irregular. The grounds were extensive, and a high

and solid brick wall, topped with a bed of mortar and broken glass,

encompassed the whole. The prison-like rampart formed the limit of our

domain; beyond it we saw but thrice a week--once every Saturday

afternoon, when, attended by two ushers, we were permitted to take

brief walks in a body through some of the neighboring fields--and

twice during Sunday, when we were paraded in the same formal manner to

the morning and evening service in the one church of the village. Of

this church the principal of our school was pastor. With how deep a

spirit of wonder and perplexity was I wont to regard him from our

remote pew in the gallery, as, with step solemn and slow, he ascended

the pulpit! This reverend man with countenance so demurely benign,

with robes so glossy, and so clerically flowing, with wig so minutely

powdered, so rigid and so vast,--could this be he who, of late, with

sour visage, and in snuffy habiliments, administered, ferule in hand,

the Draconian Laws of the academy? Oh, gigantic paradox, too utterly

monstrous for solution! At an angle of the ponderous wall frowned a

more ponderous gate. It was riveted and studded with iron bolts, and

surmounted with jagged iron spikes. What impressions of deep awe did

it inspire! It was never opened save for the three periodical

egressions and ingressions already mentioned; then, in every creak of

its mighty hinges, we found a plenitude of mystery--a world of matter

for solemn remark, or for more solemn meditation. The extensive

inclosure was irregular in form, having many capacious recesses. Of

these, three or four of the largest constituted the play-ground. It

was level, and covered with fine hard gravel. I well remember it had

no trees, nor benches, nor anything similar within it. Of course it

was in the rear of the house. In front lay a small parterre, planted

with box and other shrubs; but through this sacred division we passed

only upon rare occasions indeed--such as a first advent to school or

final departure thence, or perhaps, when a parent or friend having

called for us, we joyfully took our way home for the Christmas or

Midsummer holidays. But the house!--how quaint an old building was

this!--to me how veritably a palace of enchantment! There was really

no end to its windings--to its incomprehensible subdivisions. It was

difficult, at any given time, to say with certainty upon which of its

two stories one happened to be. From each room to every other there

were sure to be found three or four steps either in ascent or descent.

Then the lateral branches were innumerable--inconceivable--and so

returning in upon themselves, that our most exact ideas in regard to

the whole mansion were not very far different from those with which we

pondered upon infinity. During the five years of my residence here, I

was never able to ascertain with precision, in what remote locality

lay the little sleeping apartment assigned to myself and some eighteen

or twenty other scholars. The school-room was the largest in the

house--I could not help thinking, in the world. It was very long,

narrow, and dismally low, with pointed Gothic windows and a ceiling of

oak. In a remote and terror-inspiring angle was a square inclosure of

eight or ten feet, comprising the _sanctum_, 'during hours,' of our

principal, the Reverend Dr. Bransby. It was a solid structure, with

massy door, sooner than open which in the absence of the 'Dominie,' we

would all have willingly perished by the _peine forte et dure_. In

other angles were two other similar boxes, far less reverenced,

indeed, but still greatly matters of awe. One of these was the pulpit

of the 'classical' usher, one of the 'English and mathematical.'

Interspersed about the room, crossing and recrossing in endless

irregularity, were innumerable benches and desks, black, ancient and

time-worn, piled desperately with much-bethumbed books, and so

beseamed with initial letters, names at full length, grotesque

figures, and other multiplied efforts of the knife, as to have

entirely lost what little of original form might have been their

portion in days long departed. A huge bucket with water stood at one

extremity of the room, and a clock of stupendous dimensions at the

other.

"Encompassed by the massy walls of this venerable academy, I passed,

yet not in tedium or disgust, the years of the third lustrum of my

life. The teeming brain of childhood requires no external world of

incident to occupy or amuse it; and the apparently dismal monotony of

a school was replete with more intense excitement than my riper youth

has derived from luxury, or my full manhood from crime. Yet I must

believe that my first mental development had in it much of the

uncommon--even much of the _outre_. Upon mankind at large the events

of very early existence rarely leave in mature age any definite

impression. All is gray shadow--a weak and irregular remembrance--an

indistinct regathering of feeble pleasures and phantasmagoric pains.

With me this is not so. In childhood I must have felt with the energy

of a man what I now find stamped upon memory in lines as vivid, as

deep; and as durable as the _exergues_ of the Carthaginian medals. Yet

the fact--in the fact of the world's view-how little was there to

remember. The morning's awakening, the nightly summons to bed; the

connings, the recitations; the periodical half-holidays and

perambulations; the playground, with its broils, its pastimes, its

intrigues; these, by a mental sorcery long forgotten, were made to

involve a wilderness of sensation, a world of rich incident, an

universe of varied emotion, of excitement the most passionate and

spirit-stirring. '_Oh, le bon temps, que se siecle de fer!_'"

In 1822, he returned to the United States, and after passing a few

months at an academy in Richmond, he entered the University at

Charlottesville, where he led a very dissipated life; the manners which

then prevailed there were extremely dissolute, and he was known as the

wildest and most reckless student of his class; but his unusual

opportunities, and the remarkable ease with which he mastered the most

difficult studies, kept him all the while in the first rank for

scholarship, and he would have graduated with the highest honors, had

not his gambling, intemperance, and other vices, induced his expulsion

from the university.

At this period he was noted for feats of hardihood, strength, and

activity; and on one occasion, in a hot day of June, he swam from

Richmond to Warwick, seven miles and a half, against a tide running

probably from two to three miles an hour.[A] He was expert at fence, had

some skill in drawing, and was a ready and eloquent conversationist and

declaimer.

[Footnote A: This statement was first printed during Mr. Poe's lifetime,

and its truth being questioned in some of the journals, the following

certificate was published by a distinguished gentleman of Virginia:

"I was one of several who witnessed this swimming feat. We accompanied

Mr. Poe in boats. Messrs. Robert Stannard, John Lyle, (since dead) Robert

Saunders, John Munford, I think, and one or two others, were also of the

party. Mr. P. did not seem at all fatigued, and _walked_ back to Richmond

immediately after the feat--which was undertaken for a wager.

"ROBERT G. CABELL."]

His allowance of money while at Charlottesville had been liberal, but he

quitted the place very much in debt; and when Mr. Allan refused to accept

some of the drafts with which he had paid losses in gaming, he wrote to

him an abusive letter, quitted his house, and soon after left the country

with the quixotic intention of joining the Greeks, then in the midst of

their struggle with the Turks. He never reached his destination, and we

know but little of his adventures in Europe for nearly a year. By the end

of this time he had made his way to St. Petersburg, and our Minister in

that capital, the late Mr. Henry Middleton, of South Carolina, was

ummoned one morning to save him from penalties incurred in a drunken

debauch. Through Mr. Middleton's kindness he was set at liberty and

enabled to return to this country.

His meeting with Mr. Allan was not very cordial, but that gentleman

declared himself willing to serve him in any way that should seem

judicious; and when Poe expressed some anxiety to enter the Military

Academy, he induced Chief Justice Marshall, Andrew Stevenson, General

Scott, and other eminent persons, to sign an application which secured

his appointment to a scholarship in that institution.

Mrs. Allan, whom Poe appears to have regarded with much affection, and

who had more influence over him than any one else at this period, died on

the 27th of February, 1829, which I believe was just before Poe left

Richmond for West Point. It has been erroneously stated by all Poe's

biographers, that Mr. Allan was now sixty-five years of age, and that

Miss Paterson, to whom he was married afterward, was young enough to be

his granddaughter. Mr. Allan was in his forty-eighth year, and the

difference between his age and that of his second wife was not so great

as justly to attract any observation.

For a few weeks the cadet applied himself with much assiduity to his

studies, and he became at once a favorite with his mess and with the

officers and professors of the Academy; but his habits of dissipation

were renewed; he neglected his duties and disobeyed orders; and in ten

months from his matriculation he was cashiered.

He went again to Richmond, and was received into the family of Mr. Allan,

who was disposed still to be his friend, and in the event of his good

behavior to treat him like a son; but it soon became necessary to close

his doors against him forever. According to Poe's own statement he

ridiculed the marriage of his patron with Miss Paterson, and had a

quarrel with her; but a different story,[B] scarcely suitable for

repetition here, was told by the friends of the other party. Whatever the

circumstances, they parted in anger, and Mr. Allan from that time

declined to see or in any way to assist him. Mr. Allan died in the spring

of 1834, in the fifty-fourth year of his age, leaving three children to

share his property, of which not a mill was bequeathed to Poe.

[Footnote B: The writer of an eulogium upon the life and genius of Mr.

Poe, in the _Southern Literary Messenger_, for March, 1850, thus refers

to this point in his history:

"The story of the other side is different: and if true, throws a dark

shade upon the quarrel, and a very ugly light upon Poe's character. We

shall not insert it, because it is one of those relations, which we

think, with Sir Thomas Browne, should never be recorded,--being

'verities whose truth we fear and heartily wish there were no truth

therein ... whose relations honest minds do deprecate. For of sins

heteroclital, and such as want name or precedent, there is ofttimes a sin

even in their history. We do desire no record of enormities: sins should

he accounted new. They omit of their monstrosity as they fall from their

rarity; for men count it venial to err with their forefathers, and

foolishly conceive they divide a sin in its society.... In things of this

nature, silence commendeth history: 'tis the veniable part of things

lost; wherein there must never arise a Pancirollus, nor remain any

register but that of hell.'"]

Soon after he left West Point Poe had printed at Baltimore a small volume

of verses, ("Al Aaraaf," of about four hundred lines, "Tamerlane," of

about three hundred lines, with smaller pieces,) and the favorable manner

in which it was commonly referred to confirmed his belief that he might

succeed in the profession of literature. The contents of the book appear

to have been written when he was between sixteen and nineteen years of

age; but though they illustrated the character of his abilities and

justified his anticipations of success, they do not seem to me to evince,

all things considered, a very remarkable precocity. The late Madame

d'Ossoli refers to some of them as the productions of a boy of eight or

ten years, but I believe there is no evidence that anything of his which

has been published was written before he left the university. Certainly,

it was his habit so constantly to labor upon what he had produced--he was

at all times so anxious and industrious in revision--that his works,

whenever first composed, displayed the perfection of his powers at the

time when they were given to the press.

His contributions to the journals attracted little attention, and his

hopes of gaining a living in this way being disappointed, he enlisted

in the army as a private soldier. How long he remained in the service I

have not been able to ascertain. He was recognized by officers who had

known him at West Point and efforts were made, privately, but with

prospects of success, to obtain for him a commission, when it was

discovered by his friends that he had deserted.

He had probably found relief from the monotony of a soldier's life in

literary composition. His mind was never in repose, and without some such

resort the dull routine of camp or barracks would have been

insupportable. When he next appears, he has a volume of MS. stories,

which he desires to print under the title of "Tales of the Folio Club."

An offer by the proprietor of the Baltimore _Saturday Visitor_, of two

prizes, one for the best tale and one for the best poem, induced him to

submit the pieces entitled "MS. Found in a Bottle," "Lionizing," "The

Visionary," and three others, with "The Coliseum," a poem, to the

committee, which consisted of Mr. John P. Kennedy, the author of

"Horse-Shoe Robinson;" Mr. J.H.B. Latrobe, and Dr. James H. Miller. Such

matters are usually disposed of in a very off-hand way: Committees to

award literary prizes drink to the payer's health in good wines, over

unexamined MSS., which they submit to the discretion of publishers, with

permission to use their names in such a way as to promote the publishers'

advantage. So perhaps it would have been in this case, but that one of

the committee, taking up a little book remarkably beautiful and distinct

in caligraphy, was tempted to read several pages; and becoming

interested, he summoned the attention of the company to the half-dozen

compositions it contained. It was unanimously decided that the prizes

should be paid to "the first of geniuses who had written legibly." Not

another MS. was unfolded. Immediately the "confidential envelope" was

opened, and the successful competitor was found to bear the

scarcely-known name of Poe. The committee indeed awarded to him the

premiums for both the tale and the poem, but subsequently altered their

decision, so as to exclude him from the second premium, in consideration

of his having obtained the higher one. The prize tale was the "MS. found

in a Bottle." This award was published on the twelfth of October, 1833.

The next day the publisher called to see Mr. Kennedy, and gave him an

account of the author, which excited his curiosity and sympathy, and

caused him to request that he should be brought to his office.

Accordingly he was introduced. The prize-money had not yet been paid, and

he was in the costume in which he had answered the advertisement of his

good fortune. Thin, and pale even to ghastliness, his whole appearance

indicated sickness and the utmost destitution. A well-worn frock-coat

concealed the absence of a shirt, and imperfect boots disclosed the want

of hose. But the eyes of the young man were luminous with intelligence

and feeling, and his voice and conversation and manner, all won upon the

lawyer's regard. Poe told his history, and his ambition, and it was

determined that he should not want means for a suitable appearance in

society, nor opportunities for just display of his abilities in

literature. Mr. Kennedy accompanied him to a clothing-store, and

purchased for him a respectable suit, with changes of linen, and sent him

to a bath, from which he returned with the suddenly regained style of a

gentleman.

His new friends were very kind to him, and availed themselves of every

Opportunity to serve him. Near the close of the year 1834 the late Mr.

T.W. White established in Richmond the _Southern Literary Messenger_. He

was a man of much simplicity, purity, and energy of character, but not a

writer, and he frequently solicited his acquaintances' literary

assistance. On receiving from him an application for an article, early in

1835, Mr. Kennedy, who was busy with the duties of his profession,

advised Poe to send one, and in a few weeks he had occasion to inclose

the following answer to a letter from Mr. White:

"BALTIMORE, April 13, 1835.

"_Dear Sir_: Poe did right in referring to me. He is very clever with his

pen--classical and scholarlike. He wants experience and direction, but I

have no doubt he can be made very useful to you. And, poor fellow! he is

_very_ poor. I told him to write something for every number of your

magazine, and that you might find it to your advantage to give him some

permanent employ. He has a volume of very bizarre tales in the hands of

----, in Philadelphia, who for a year past has been promising to publish

them. This young fellow is highly imaginative, and a little given to the

_terrific_. He is at work upon a tragedy, but I have turned him to

drudging upon whatever may make money, and I have no doubt you and he

will find your account in each other."

In the next number of the "Messenger" Mr. White announced that Poe was

its editor, or in other words, that he had made arrangements with a

gentleman of approved literary taste and attainments to whose especial

management the editorial department would be confided, and it was

declared that this gentleman would "devote his exclusive attention to

the work." Poe continued, however, to reside in Baltimore, and it is

probable that he was engaged only as a general contributor and a writer

of critical notices of books. In a letter to Mr. White, under the date of

the thirtieth of May, he says:

"In regard to my critique of Mr. Kennedy's novel, I seriously feel

ashamed of what I have written. I fully intended to give the work a

thorough review, and examine it in detail. Ill health alone prevented me

from so doing. At the time I made the hasty sketch I sent you, I was so

ill as to be hardly able to see the paper on which I wrote, and I

finished it in a state of complete exhaustion. I have not, therefore,

done anything like justice to the book, and I am vexed about the matter,

for Mr. Kennedy has proved himself a kind friend to me in every respect,

and I am sincerely grateful to him for many acts of generosity and

attention. You ask me if I am perfectly, satisfied with your course. I

reply that I am--entirely. My poor services are not worth what you give

me for them."

About a month afterward he wrote:

"You ask me if I would be willing to come on to Richmond if you should

have occasion, for my services during the coming winter. I reply that

nothing would give me greater pleasure. I have been desirous for some

time past of paying a visit to Richmond, and would be glad of an

reasonable excuse for so doing. Indeed I am anxious to settle myself in

that city, and if, by any chance, you hear of a situation likely to suit

me, I would gladly accept it, were the salary even the merest trifle. I

should, indeed, feel myself greatly indebted to you if through your means

I could accomplish this object. What you say in the conclusion of your

letter, in relation to the supervision of proof-sheets, gives me reason

to hope that possibly you might find something for me to do in your

office. If so I should be very glad--for at present only a very small

portion of my time is employed."

He continued in Baltimore till September. In this period he wrote several

long reviews, which for the most part were rather abstracts of works than

critical discussions, and published, with others, "Hans Phall," a story

in some respects very similar to Mr. Locke's celebrated account of

Herschel's Discoveries in the Moon. At first he appears to have been ill

satisfied with Richmond, or with his duties, for in two or three weeks

after his removal to that city we find Mr. Kennedy writing to him:

"I am sorry to see you in such plight as your letter shows you in. It is

strange that just at this time, when everybody is praising you, and when

fortune is beginning to smile upon your hitherto wretched circumstances,

you should be invaded by those blue devils. It belongs, however, to your

age and temper to be thus buffeted--but be assured, it only wants a

little resolution to master the adversary forever. You will doubtless do

well henceforth in literature, and add to your _comforts_ as well as to

your reputation, which it gives me great pleasure to assure you is

everywhere rising in popular esteem."

But he could not bear his good fortune. On receiving a month's salary he

gave himself up to habits which only necessity had restrained at

Baltimore. For a week he was in a condition of brutish drunkenness, and

Mr. White dismissed him. When he became sober, however, he had no

recourse but in reconciliation, and he wrote letters and induced

acquaintances to call upon Mr. White with professions of repentance and

promises of reformation. With his usual considerate and judicious

kindness that gentleman answered him:

"_My dear Edgar_: I cannot address you in such language as this occasion

and my feelings demand: I must be content to speak to you in my plain

way. That you are sincere in all your promises I firmly believe. But when

you once again tread these streets, I have my fears that your resolutions

will fail, and that you will again drink till your senses are lost. If

you rely on your strength you are gone. Unless you look to your Maker for

help you will not be safe. How much I regretted parting from you is known

to Him only and myself. I had become attached to you; I am still; and I

would willingly say return, did not a knowledge of your past life make me

dread a speedy renewal of our separation. If you would make yourself

contented with quarters in my house, or with any other private family,

where liquor is not used, I should think there was some hope for you.

But, if you go to a tavern, or to any place where it is used at table,

you are not safe. You have fine talents, Edgar, and you ought to have

them respected, as well as yourself. Learn to respect yourself, and you

will soon find that you are respected. Separate yourself from the bottle,

and from bottle companions, forever. Tell me if you can and will do so.

If you again become an assistant in my office, it must be understood that

all engagements on my part cease the moment you get drunk. I am your true

friend, T. W. W."

A new contract was arranged, but Poe's irregularities frequently

interrupted the kindness and finally exhausted the patience of his

generous though methodical employer, and in the number of the "Messenger"

for January, 1837 he thus took leave of its readers:

"Mr. Poe's attention being called in another direction, he will decline,

with the present number, the editorial duties of the Messenger. His

Critical Notices for this month end with Professor Anthon's Cicero-what

follows is from another hand. With the best wishes to the magazine, and

to its few foes as well as many friends, he is now desirous of bidding

all parties a peaceful farewell."

While in Richmond, with an income of but five hundred dollars a year, he

had married his cousin, Virginia Clemm, a very amiable and lovely girl,

who was as poor as himself, and little fitted, except by her gentle

temper, to be tho wife of such a person. He went from Richmond to

Baltimore; and after a short time, to Philadelphia, and to New York. A

slight acquaintance with Dr. Hawks had led that acute and powerful writer

to invite his contributions to the "New York Review," and he had

furnished for the second number of it (for October, 1837) an elaborate

but not very remarkable article upon Stephens's then recently published

"Incidents of Travel in Egypt, Arabia Petrea, and the Holy Land." His

abilities were not of the kind demanded for such work, and he never wrote

another paper for this or for any other Review of the same class. He had

commenced in the "Literary Messenger," a story of the sea under the title

of "Arthur Gordon Pym"[A], and upon the recommendation of Mr. Paulding

and others, it was printed by the Harpers. It is his longest work, and is

not without some sort of merit, but it received little attention. The

publishers sent one hundred copies to England, and being mistaken at

first for a narrative of real experiences it was advertised to be

reprinted, but a discovery of its character, I believe, prevented such a

result. An attempt is made in it, by simplicity of style, minuteness of

nautical descriptions, and circumstantiality of narration, to give it

that air of truth which constitutes the principal attraction of Sir

Edward Seaward's narrative, and Robinson Cursoe; but it has none of the

pleasing interest of these tales; it is as full of wonders as Munchausen,

has as many atrocities as the Book of Pirates, and as liberal an array of

paining and revolting horrors as ever was invented by Anne Radcliffe or

George Walker. Thus far a tendency to extravagance had been the most

striking infirmity of his genius. He had been more anxious to be intense

than to be natural; and some of his _bizarréries_ had been mistaken for

satire, and admired for that quality. Afterward he was more judicious,

and if his outlines were incredible it was commonly forgotten in the

simplicity of his details and their cohesive cumulation.

[Footnote A: THE NARRATIVE OF ARTHUR GORDON PYM, OF NANTUCKET; comprising

the Details of a Mutiny and Atrocious Butchery on board the American Brig

Grampus, on her way to the South Seas--with an account of the Re-capture

of the Vessel by the Survivors; their Shipwreck, and subsequent Horrible

Sufferings from Famine; their Deliverance by means of the British

schooner Jane Gray; the brief Cruise of this latter Vessel in the

Antarctic ocean; her Capture, and the Massacre of the Crew among a Group

of Islands in the 84th parallel of southern latitude; together with the

incredible Adventures and Discoveries still further South, to which that

distressing calamity gave rise.--I vol. 12mo. pp. 198 New-York, Harper &

Brothers, 1838.]

Near the end of the year 1838 he settled in Philadelphia. He had no very

Definite purposes, but trusted for support to the chances of success as a

magazinist and newspaper correspondent. Mr. Burton, the comedian, had

recently established the "Gentleman's Magazine," and of this he became a

contributor, and in May, 1839, the chief editor, devoting to it, for ten

dollars a week, two hours every day, which left him abundant time for

more important labors. In the same month he agreed to furnish such

reviewals as he had written for the "Literary Messenger," for the

"Literary Examiner," a new magazine at Pittsburgh. But his more congenial

pursuit was tale-writing, and he produced about this period some of his

most remarkable and characteristic works in a department of imaginative

composition in which he was henceforth alone and unapproachable. "The Fall

of the House of Usher" and "Legeia", are the most interesting

illustrations of his mental organization--his masterpieces in a peculiar

vein of romantic creation. They have theunquestionable stamp of genius.

The analyses of the growth of madness in one, and the thrilling

revelations of the existence of a first wife in the person of a second,

in the other, are made with consummate skill; and the strange and solemn

and fascinating beauty which informs the style and invests the

circumstances of both, drugs the mind, and makes us forget the

improbabilities of their general design.

An awakened ambition and the healthful influence of a conviction that his

works were appreciated, and that his fame was increasing, led him for a

while to cheerful views of life, and to regular habits of conduct. He

wrote to a friend, the author of "Edge Hill," in Richmond, that he had

quite overcome "the seductive and dangerous besetment" by which he had so

often been prostrated, and to another friend that, incredible as it might

seem, he had become a "model of temperance," and of "other virtues,"

which it had sometimes been difficult for him to practice. Before the

close of the summer, however, he relapsed into his former courses, and

for weeks was regardless of everything but a morbid and insatiable

appetite for the means of intoxication.

In the autumn he published all the prose stories he had then written, in

two volumes, under the title of "Tales of the Grotesque and the

Arabesque." The work was not salable, perhaps because its contents were

too familiar from recent separate publication in magazines; and it was

not so warmly praised, generally, as I think it should have been, though

in point of style the pieces which it embraced are much less perfect than

they were made subsequently.

He was with Mr. Burton until June, 1840--more than a year. Mr. Burton

Appreciated his abilities and would have gladly continued the connection;

but Poe was so unsteady of purpose and so unreliable that the actor was

never sure when he left the city that his business would be cared for. On

one occasion, returning after the regular day of publication, he found

the number unfinished, and Poe incapable of duty. He prepared the

necessary copy himself, published the magazine, and was proceeding with

arrangements with for another month, when he received a letter from his

assistant, of which the tone may be inferred from this answer:

"I am sorry you have thought it necessary to send me such a letter. Your

troubles have given a morbid tone to your feelings which it is your duty

to discourage. I myself have been as severely handled by the world as you

can possibly have been, but my sufferings have not tinged my mind with

melancholy, nor jaundiced my views of society. You must rouse your

energies, and if care assail you, conquer it. I will gladly overlook the

past. I hope you will as easily fulfill your pledges for the future. We

shall agree very well, thought I cannot permit the magazine to be made a

vehicle for that sort of severity which you think is so 'successful with

the mob.' I am truly much less anxious about making a monthly 'sensation'

than I am upon the point of fairness. You must, my dear sir, get rid of

your avowed ill-feelings toward your brother authors. You see I speak

plainly; I cannot do otherwise upon such a subject. You say the people

love havoc. I think they love justice. I think you yourself would not

have written the article on Dawes, in a more healthy state of mind. I am

not trammeled by any vulgar consideration of expediency; I would rather

lose money than by such undue severity wound the feelings of a

kind-hearted and honorable man. And I am satisfied that Dawes has

something the true fire in him. I regretted your word-catching spirit.

But I wander from my design. I accept your proposition to recommence your

interrupted avocations upon the _Maga_. Let us meet as if we had not

exchanged letters. Use more exercise, write when feelings prompt, and be

assured of my friendship. You will soon regain a healthy activity of

mind, and laugh at your past vagaries."

This letter was kind and judicious. It gives us a glimpse of Poe's theory

of criticism, and displays the temper and principles of the literary

comedian in an honorable light. Two or three months afterward Burton went

out of town to fulfill a professional engagement, leaving material and

directions for completing the next number of the magazine in four days.

He was absent nearly a fortnight, and on returning he found that his

printers in the meanwhile had not received a line of copy; but that Poe

had prepared the prospectus of a new monthly, and obtained transcripts of

his subscription and account books, to be used in a scheme for

supplanting him. He encountered his associate late in the evening at one

of his accustomed haunts, and said, "Mr. Poe, I am astonished: Give me my

manuscripts so that I can attend to the duties you have so shamefully

neglected, and when you are sober we will settle." Poe interrupted him

with "Who are you that presume to address me in this manner? Burton, I

am--_the editor--of the Penn.--Magazine_--and you are--hiccup--_a fool_."

Of course this ended his relations with the "Gentleman's."

In November, 1840, Burton's miscellany was merged in "The Casket," owned

by Mr. George R. Graham, and the new series received the name of its

proprietor, who encouraged Poe in its editorship. His connection with

"Graham's Magazine" lasted about a year and a half, and this was one of

the most active and brilliant periods of his literary life. He wrote in

it several of his finest tales and most trenchant criticisms, and

challenged attention by his papers entitled "Autography," and those on

cryptology and ciphers. In the first, adopting a suggestion of Lavater,

he attempted the illustration of character from handwriting; and in the

second, he assumed that human ingenuity could construct no secret writing

which human ingenuity could not resolve; a not very dangerous

proposition, since it implied no capacity in himself to discover every

riddle of this kind that should be invented. He however succeeded with

several difficult cryptographs that were sent to him, and the direction

of his mind to the subject led to the composition of some of the tales of

ratiocination which so largely increased his reputation. The infirmities

which induced his separation from Mr. White and Mr. Burton at length

compelled Mr. Graham to seek for another editor; but Poe still remained

in Philadelphia, engaged from time to time in various literary

occupations, and in the vain effort to establish a journal of his own to

be called "The Stylus." Although it requires considerable capital to

carry on a monthly of the description he proposed, I think it would not

have been difficult, with his well-earned fame as a magazinist, for him

to have found a competent and suitable publisher, but for the unfortunate

notoriety of his habits, and the failure in succession of three persons

who had admired him for his genius and pitied him for his misfortunes, by

every means that tact or friendship could suggest, to induce the

consistency and steadiness of application indispensable to success in

such pursuits. It was in the spring of 1848--more than a year after his

dissociation from Graham--that he wrote the story of "The Gold Bug," for

which he was paid a prize of one hundred dollars. It has relation to

Captain Kyd's treasure, and is one of the most remarkable illustrations

of his ingenuity of construction and apparent subtlety of reasoning. The

interest depends upon the solution of an intricate cypher. In the autumn

of 1844 Poe removed to New York.

It was while he resided in Philadelphia that I became acquainted with

him. His manner, except during his fits of intoxication, was very quiet

and gentlemanly; he was usually dressed with simplicity and elegance; and

when once he sent for me to visit him, during a period of illness caused

by protracted and anxious watching at the side of his sick wife, I was

impressed by the singular neatness and the air of refinement in his home.

It was in a small house, in one of the pleasant and silent neighborhoods

far from the center of the town, and though slightly and cheaply

furnished, everything in it was so tasteful and so fitly disposed that it

seemed altogether suitable for a man of genius. For this and for most of

the comforts he enjoyed in his brightest as in his darkest years, he was

chiefly indebted to his mother-in-law, who loved him with more than

maternal devotion and constancy.

He had now written his most acute criticisms and his most admirable

tales. Of tales, beside those to which I have referred, he had produced

"The Descent into the Maelström," "The Premature Burial," "The Purloined

Letter," "The Murders of the Rue Morgue," and its sequel, "The Mystery of

Marie Roget." The scenes of the last three are in Paris, where the

author's friend, the Chevalier Auguste Dupin, is supposed to reveal to

him the curiosities of his experience and observation in matters of

police. "The Mystery of Marie Roget" was first published in the autumn of

1842, before an extraordinary excitement, occasioned by the murder of a

young girl named Mary Rogers, in the vicinity of New York, had quite

subsided, though several months after the tragedy. Under the pretense of

relating the fate of a Parisian _grisette_, Mr. Poe followed in minute

detail the essential while merely paralleling the inessential facts of

the real murder. His object appears to have been to reinvestigate the

case and to settle his own conclusions as to the probable culprit. There

is a great deal of hair-splitting in the incidental discussions by Dupin,

throughout all these stories, but it is made effective. Much of their

popularity, as well as that of other tales of ratiocination by Poe, arose

from their being in a new key. I do not mean to say that they are not

ingenious; but they have been thought more ingenious than they are, on

account of their method and air of method. In "The Murders of the Rue

Morgue," for instance, what ingenuity is displayed in unraveling a web

which has been woven for the express purpose of unraveling? The reader is

made to confound the ingenuity of the supposititious Dupin with that of

the writer of the story. These works brought the name of Poe himself

somewhat conspicuously before the law courts of Paris. The journal, _La

Commerce_, gave a _feuilleton_ in which "The Murders of the Rue Morgue"

appeared in translation. Afterward a writer for _La Quotidienne_ served

it for that paper under the title of "_L'Orang-Otang_." A third party

accused _La Quotidienne_ of plagiary from _La Commerce_, and in the

course of the legal investigation which ensued, the _feuilletoniste_ of

_La Commerce_ proved to the satisfaction of the tribunal that he had

stolen the tale entirely from Mr. Poe,[A] whose merits were soon after

canvassed in the "_Revue des Deux Mondes_," and whose best tales were

upon this impulse translated by Mme. Isabelle Meunier for the _Democratic

Pacifique_ and other French gazettes.

[Footnote A: The controversy is wittily described in the following

extract from a Parisian journal, _L'Entr*ficte_, of the 20th of October,

1846:

"Un grand journal accusait l'autre jour M. Old-Nick d'avoir volé un

orang-outang. Cet intéressant animal flânait dans le feuilleton de _la

Quotidienne_, lorsque M. Old-Nick le vit, le trouvâ à son goût et s'en

empara. Notre confrère avait sans doute besoin d'un groom. On sait que

les Anglais ont depuis long-temps colonisé les orangs-outangs, et les ont

instruits dans Part de porter bottes. Il paraitrait, toujours suivant le

meme grand journal, que M. Old-Nick, après avoir derobé cet orang-outang

à _la Quotidienne_, l'aurait ensuite cédé au _Commerce_, comme propriété

à lui appartenant. Je sais que M. Old-Nick est un garçon plein d'esprit

et plein d'honneur, assez riche de son propre fond pour ne pas

s'approprier les orangs-outangs des autres; cette accusation me surprit.

Aprés tout, me dis-je, il y a éu des monomanies plus extraodinaires que

celle-là; le grand Bacon ne pouvait voir un bâton de cire à cacheter sans

se l'approprier: dans une conférence avec M. de Metternich aux Tuileries,

l'Empereur s'aperçut que le diplomate autrichien glissait des pains a

cacheter dans sa poche. M. Old-Nick a une autre manic, il fait les

orangs-outangs. Je m'attendais toujours á ce que la _Quotidienne_ jeât

feu et flammes et demandat a grads cris son homme des bois. Il faut vous

dire ques j'avaís la son histoire dans _le Commerce_, elle était

charmante d'esprit et de style, pleine de rapidité et de desinvolture;

_la Quotidienne_ l'avait également publiée, mais en trois feuilletons.

L'orang-outang du _Commerce_ n'avait que neuf colonnes. Il s'agissait

done d'un autre quadrumane litteraire. Ma foi non! c'etait le même;

seulement il n'appartenait ni à _la Quotidienne_, ni au _Commerce_. M.

Old-Nick l'avait emprunté a un romancier Américan qu'il est en train

d'inventer dans la _Revue des Deux-Mondes_. Ce romancier s'appelle Poë;

je ne dis pas contraire. Voilà done un écrivain qui use du droit légitime

d'arranger les nouvelles d'un romancier Américan qu'il a inventé, et on

l'accuse de plagiat, de vol au feuilleton; on alarme ses amis en leu

faisant croire que set ecrivain est possédé de la monomaine des

orangs-outangs. Par la Courchamps! voilà qui me parait léger. M. Old Nick

a écrit au journal en question une réponse pour rétablir sa moralité,

attaquée à l'endroit des orangs-outangs. Cet orang-outang a mis, ces

jours derniers, toute la littérature en émoi; personne n'a cru un seul

instant à l'accusation qu'on a essayé, de faire peser sur M. Old Nick,

d'autant plus qu'il avait pris soin d'indiquer luiméme la cage ou il

avait pris son orang-outang. Ceci va fournir de nouvelles armes à la

secte qui ereit aux romanciers Américans. Le préjugé de l'existence de

Cooper en prendra des nouvelles forces. En attendant que la vérité se

decouvre, nous sommes forcés de convenir que ce Poë est un gaillard bien

fin, bien spirituel, quand il est arré par M. Old-Nick."]

In New York Poe entered upon a new sort of life. Heretofore, from the

Commencement of his literary career, he had resided in provincial

towns. Now he was in a metropolis, and with a reputation which might have

served as a passport to any society he might desire. For the first time

he was received into circles capable of both the appreciation and the

production of literature. He added to his fame soon after he came to the

city by the publication of that remarkable composition "The Raven," of

which Mr. Willis has observed that in his opinion "it is the most

effective single example of fugitive poetry ever published in this

country, and is unsurpassed in English poetry for subtle conception,

masterly ingenuity of versification, and consistent sustaining of

imaginative lift;" and by that of one of the most extraordinary

instances of the naturalness of detail---the verisimilitude of minute

narrative--for which lie was preeminently distinguished, his "Mesmeric

Revelation," purporting to be the last conversation of a somnambule, held

with his magnetizer just before his death, which was followed by the yet

more striking exhibition of abilities in the same way, entitled "The

Facts in the case of M. Vaklemar," in which the subject is represented as

having been mesmerized in _articulo mortis_. These pieces were reprinted

throughout the literary and philosophical world, in nearly all languages,

everywhere causing sharp and curious speculation, and where readers could

be persuaded that they were fables, challenging a reluctant but genuine

admiration.

He had not been long in New York before he was engaged by Mr. Willis and

General Morris as a critic and assistant editor of _The Mirror_. He

remained in this situation about six months, when he became associated

with Mr. Briggs in the conduct of _The Broadway Journal_, which, in

October 1845, passed entirely into his possession. He had now the long

sought but never before enjoyed absolute control of a literary gazette,

and, with much friendly assistance, he maintained it long enough to show,

that whatever his genius, he had not the kind or degree of talent

necessary to such a position. His chief critical writing in _The Broadway

Journal_, were a paper on Miss Barrett's Poems, and a long discussion of

the subject of plagiarism, with especial reference to Mr. Longfellow. In

March, 1845, he had given a lecture at the Society Library upon the

American poets, composed, for the most part, of fragments of his

previously published reviewals; and in the autumn he accepted an

invitation to read a poem before the Boston Lyceum. A week after the

event, he printed in _The Broadway Journal_ the following account of it,

in reply to a paragraph in one of the city papers, founded upon a

statement in the _Boston Transcript_.

"Our excellent friend, Major Noah, has suffered himself to be cajoled by

that most beguiling of all beguiling little divinities, Miss Walter, of

_The Transcript_. We have been looking all over her article with the aid

of a taper, to see if we could discover a single syllable of truth in

it--and really blush to acknowledge that we cannot. The adorable creature

has been telling a parcel of fibs about us, by way of revenge for

something that we did to Mr. Longfellow (who admires her very much) and

for calling her 'a pretty little witch' into the bargain. The facts of

the case seem to be these: We _were_ invited 'deliver'(stand and deliver)

a poem before the Boston Lyceum. As a matter of course, we accepted the

invitation. The audience was 'large and distinguished.' Mr Cushing[B]

preceded us with a very capital discourse. He was much applauded. On

arising we were most cordially received. We occupied some fifteen minutes

with an apology for not 'delivering,' as is usual in such cases, a

didactic poem: a didactic poem, in our opinion, being precisely no poem

at all. After some farther words--still of apology--for the

'indefiniteness' and 'general imbecility' of what we had to offer--all

so unworthy a _Bostonian_ audience--we commenced, and with many

interruptions of applause, concluded. Upon the whole, the approbation was

considerably more (the more the pity too) than that bestowed upon Mr.

Cushing. When we had made an end the audience of course arose to depart;

and about one-tenth of them, probably, had really departed, when Mr.

Coffin, one of the managing committee, arrested those who remained, by

the announcement that we had been requested to deliver 'The Raven.' We

delivered 'The Raven' forthwith--(without taking a receipt)--were very

cordially applauded again--and this was the end of it--with the exception

of the sad tale invented to suit her own purposes, by that amiable little

enemy of ours, Miss Walter. We shall never call a woman 'a pretty little

witch' again as long as we live.

[Footnote B: Hon. Caleb Cushing, then recently returned from his mission

to China.]

"We like Boston. We were born there--and perhaps it is just as well not

to mention that we are heartily ashamed of the fact. The Bostonians are

very well in their way. Their hotels are bad. Their pumpkin pies are

delicious. Their poetry is not so good. Their common is no common

thing--and the duck-pond might answer-if its answer could be heard for

the frogs. But with all these good qualities, the Bostonians have no

soul. They have always evinced toward us, individually, the basest

ingratitude for the services we rendered them in enlightening them about

the originality of Mr. Longfellow. When we accepted, therefore, an

invitation to 'deliver' a poem in Boston, we accepted it simply and

solely, because we had a curiosity to know how it felt to be publicly

hissed--and because we wished to see what effect we could produce by a

neat little _impromptu_ speech in reply. Perhaps, however, we overrated

our own importance, or the Bostonian want of common civility--which is

not quite so manifest as one or two of their editors would wish the

public to believe. We assure Major Noah that he is wrong. The Bostonians

are well-bred--as _very_ dull persons very generally are. Still, with

their vile ingratitude staring us in the eyes, it could scarcely be

supposed that we would put ourselves to the trouble of composing for the

Bostonians anything in the shape of an _original_ poem. We did not. We

had a poem, of about 500 lines, lying by us--one quite as good as

new--one, at all events, that we considered would answer sufficiently

well for an audience of Transcendentalists. _That_ we gave them--it was

the best that we had--for the price--and it _did_ answer remarkably

well. Its name was _not_ 'The Messenger-Star'--who but Miss Walter would

ever think of so delicious a little bit of invention as that? We had no

name for it at all. The poem is what is occasionally called a 'juvenile

poem,' but the fact is it is anything but juvenile now, for we wrote it,

printed it, and published it, in book form, before we had completed our

tenth year. We read it _verbatim_, from a copy now in our possession, and

which we shall be happy to show at any moment to any of our inquisitive

friends. We do not, ourselves, think the poem a remarkably good one: it

is not sufficiently transcendental. Still it did well enough for the

Boston audience--who evinced characteristic discrimination in

understanding, and especially applauding all those knotty passages which

we ourselves have not yet been able to understand.

"As regards the auger of _The Boston Times_, and one or two other

absurdities--as regards, we say the wrath of Achilles--we incurred it-or

rather its manifestation--by letting some of our cat out of the bag a few

hours sooner than we had intended. Over a bottle of champagne, that

night, we confessed to Messrs. Cushing, Whipple, Hudson, Fields, and a

few other natives who swear not altogether by the frog-pond-we

confessed, we say, the soft impeachment of the hoax. _Et hine ille iræ_.

We should have waited a couple of days."

It is scarcely necessary to suggest that this must have been written

before he had quite recovered from the long intoxication which maddened

him at the time to which it refers--that he was not born in Boston-that

the poem was not published in his tenth year, and that the "hoax" was all

an after-thought. Two weeks later he renewed the discussion of the

subject in _The Broadway Journal_, commenting as follows upon allusions

to it by other parties:

"Were the question demanded of us--'What is the most exquisite of

sublunary pleasures?' we should reply, without hesitation, the making a

fuss, or in the classical words of a western friend, the 'kicking up a

bobbery.' Never was a 'bobbery' more delightful than that which we have

just succeeded in 'kicking up' all around about Boston Common. We never

saw the Frogpondians so lively in our lives. They seem absolutely to be

upon the point of waking up. In about nine days the puppies may get open

their eyes. That is to say, they may get open their eyes to certain facts

which have long been obvious to all the world except themselves-the

facts that there exist other cities than Boston--other men of letters

than Professor Longfellow--other vehicles of literary information than

the _Down-East Review_.'

"We had _tact_ enough not to be 'taken in and done for' by the

Bostonians. _Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes_--(for _timeo_ substitute

_contemno_ or _turn-up-your-nose-o_.) We knew very well that among a

certain _clique_ of the Frogpondians, there existed a predetermination to

abuse us under _any_ circumstances. We knew, that write what we would,

they would swear it to be worthless. We knew, that were we to compose for

them a 'Paradise Lost,' they would pronounce it an indifferent poem. It

would have been very weak in us, then, to put ourselves to the trouble of

attempting to please these people. We preferred pleasing ourselves. We

read before them a 'juvenile'--a _very_ 'juvenile' poem--and thus the

Frogpondians were _had_--were delivered up to the enemy bound hand and

foot. Never were a set of people more completely demolished. They have

blustered and flustered--but what have they done or said that has not

made them more thoroughly ridiculous? What, in the name of Momus, is it

_possible_ for them to do or say? We 'delivered' them the 'juvenile

poem,' and they received it with applause. This is accounted for by the

fact, that the _clique_ (contemptible in numbers as in everything else)

were overruled by the rest of the assembly. These malignants did not

_dare_ to interrupt by their preconcerted hisses, the respectful and

profound attention of the majority. We have been told, indeed, that as

many as three or four of the personal friends of the little old lady

entitled Miss Walter, did actually leave the hall during the

recitation--but, upon the whole, this was the very best thing they could

do. We have been told this, we say--we did not _see_ them take their

departure:--the fact is, they belong to a class of people that we make it

a point _never to see_. The poem being thus well received, in spite of

this ridiculous little cabal--the next thing to be done was to abuse it

in the papers. Here, they imagined, they were sure of their game. But

what have they accomplished? The poem, they say, is bad. We admit it. We

insisted upon this fact in our prefatory remarks, and we insist upon it

now, over and over again. It _is_ bad--it is wretched--and what then? We

wrote it at ten years of age--had it been worth even a pumpkin-pie,

undoubtedly we should not have 'delivered' it to _them_. To demonstrate

its utter worthlessness, _The Boston Star_ has copied the poem in full,

with two or three columns of criticism (we suppose), by way of explaining

that we should have been hanged for its perpetration. There is no doubt

of it whatever--we should. The _Star_, however, (a dull luminary,) has

done us more honor than it intended; it has copied our _third_ edition of

the poem, revised and improved. We considered this too good for the

occasion by one-half, and so 'delivered' our _first_ edition with all its

imperfections on its head. It is the first--the original edition--the

_delivered_ edition--which we now republish in our collection of Poems."

When he accepted the invitation of the Lyceum he intended to write an

original poem, upon a subject which he said had haunted his imagination

for years; but cares, anxieties, and feebleness of will, prevented; and a

week before the appointed night he wrote to a friend imploring

assistance. "You compose with such astonishing facility," he urged in his

letter, "that you can easily furnish me, quite soon enough, a poem that

shall be equal to my reputation. For the love of God I beseech you to

help me in this extremity." The lady wrote him kindly, advising him

judiciously, but promising to attempt the fulfillment of his wishes

She was, however, an invalid, and so failed.[C] At last, instead of

pleading illness himself, as he had previously done on a similar

occasion, he determined to read his poem of "Al Aaraaf," the original

publication of which, in 1829, has already been stated.

The last number of the _Broadway Journal_ was published on the third of

January,1846, and Poe soon after commenced the series of papers entitled

"The Literati of New-York City," which was published in _The Lady's Book_

in six numbers, from May to October. Their spirit, boldness, and

occasional causticity caused them to be much talked about, and three

editions were necessary to supply the demand for some numbers of the

magazine containing them. They however led to a disgraceful quarrel, and

this to a premature conclusion. Dr. Thomas Dunn English, who had at one

time sustained the most intimate relations with Poe, chose to evince his

resentment of the critic's unfairness by the publication of a card in

which he painted strongly the infirmities of Poe's life and character,

and alleged that he had on several occasions inflicted upon him personal

chastisement. This was not a wise confession, for a gentleman never

appeals to his physical abilities except for defense. But the entire

publication, even if every word of it were true, was unworthy of Dr.

English, unnecessary, and not called for by Poe's article, though that,

as every one acquainted with the parties might have seen, was entirely

false in what purported to be its facts. The statement of Dr. English

appeared in the New York _Mirror_ of the twenty-third of June, and on the

twenty-seventh Mr. Poe sent to Mr. Godey for publication in the _Lady's

Book_ his rejoinder, which would have made about five of the large pages

of that miscellany. Mr. Godey very properly declined to print it, and

observed, in the communication of his decision, that the tone of the

article was regarded as unsuitable for his work and as altogether wrong.

In compliance with the author's wishes, however, he had caused its

appearance in a daily paper. Poe then wrote to him:

"The man or men who told you that there was anything wrong in _the tone_

of my reply, were either my enemies, or your enemies, or asses. When you

see them, tell them so, from me. I have never written an article upon

which I more confidently depend for _literary_ reputation than that

Reply. Its merit lay in its being precisely adapted to its purpose. In

this city I have had upon it the favorable judgments of the best men. All

the error about it was yours. You should have done as I

requested--published it in the _Book_. It is of no use to conceive a plan

if you have to depend upon another for its execution."

Nevertheless, I agree with Mr. Godey. Poe's article was as bad as that of

English. Yet a part of one of its paragraphs is interesting, and it is

here transcribed:

--"Let me not permit any profundity of disgust to induce, even for an

instant, a violation of the dignity of truth. What is _not false_, amid

the scurrility of this man's statements, it is not in my nature to brand

as false, although oozing from the filthy lips of which a lie is the

only natural language. The errors and frailties which I deplore, it

cannot at least be asserted that I have been the coward to deny. Never,

even, have I made attempt at _extenuating_ a weakness which is (or, by

the blessing of God, was) a calamity, although those who did not know me

intimately had little reason to regard it otherwise than a crime. For,

indeed, had my pride, or that of my family permitted, there was

much--very much--there was everything to be offered in extenuation.

Perhaps, even, there was an epoch at which it might not have been wrong

in me to hint--what by the testimony of Dr. Francis and other medical

men I might have demonstrated, had the public, indeed, cared for the

demonstration--that the irregularities so profoundly lamented were the

_effect_ of a terrible evil rather than its cause.--And now let me thank

God that in redemption from the physical ill I have forever got rid of

the moral."

Dr. Francis never gave any such testimony. On one occasion Poe borrowed

fifty dollars from a distinguished literary woman of South Carolina,

promising to return it in a few days, and when he failed to do so, and

was asked for a written acknowledgment of the debt that might be

exhibited to the husband of the friend who had thus served him, he denied

all knowledge of it, and threatened to exhibit a correspondence which he

said would make the woman infamous, if she said any more on the subject.

Of course there had never been any such correspondence, but when Poe

heard that a brother of the slandered party was in quest of him for the

purpose of taking the satisfaction supposed to be due in such cases, he

sent for Dr. Francis and induced him to carry to the gentleman his

retraction and apology, with a statement which seemed true enough for the

moment, that Poe was "out of his head." It is an ungracious duty to

describe such conduct in a person of Poe's unquestionable genius and

capacities of greatness, but those who are familiar with the career of

this extraordinary creature can recall but too many similar anecdotes;

and as to his intemperance, they perfectly well understand that its

pathology was like that of ninety-nine of every hundred cases of the

disease.

[Footnote C: This lady was the late Mrs. Osgood, and a fragment of what

she wrote under these circumstances may be found in the last edition of

her works under the title of "Lullin, or the Diamond Fay."]

As the autumn of 1846 wore on, Poe's habits of frequent intoxication and

his inattention to the means of support reduced him to much more than

common destitution. He was now living at Fordham, several miles from the

city, so that his necessities were not generally known even among his

acquaintances; but when the dangerous illness of his wife was added to

his misfortunes, and his dissipation and accumulated causes of anxiety

had prostrated all his own energies, the subject was introduced into the

journals. The _Express_ said:

"We regret to learn that Edgar A. Poe and his wife are both dangerously

ill with the consumption, and that the hand of misfortune lies heavy

upon their temporal affairs. We are sorry to mention the fact that they

are so far reduced as to be barely able to obtain the necessaries of

life. This is indeed a hard lot, and we hope that the friends and

admirers of Mr. Poe will come promptly to his assistance in his bitterest

hour of need."

Mr. Willis, in an article in the _Home Journal_ suggesting a hospital for

disabled laborers with the brain, said--

"The feeling we have long entertained on this subject, has been freshened

by a recent paragraph in the _Express_, announcing that Mr. Edgar A. Poe

and his wife were both dangerously ill, and suffering for want of the

common necessaries of life. Here is one of the finest scholars, one of

the most original men of genius, and one of the most industrious of the

literary profession of our country, whose temporary suspension of labor,

from bodily illness, drops him immediately to a level with the common

objects of public charity. There was no intermediate stopping-place-no

respectful shelter where, with the delicacy due to genius and culture, he

might secure aid, unadvertised, till, with returning health, he could

resume his labors and his unmortified sense of independence. He must

either apply to individual friends--(a resource to which death is

sometimes almost preferable)--or _suffer down_ to the level where Charity

receives claimants, but where Rags and Humiliation are the only

recognized Ushers to her presence. Is this right? Should there not be, in

all highly civilized communities, an Institution designed expressly for

educated and refined objects of charity--a hospital, a retreat, a home of

seclusion and comfort, the sufficient claims to which would be such

susceptibilities as are violated by the above mentioned appeal in a daily

newspaper."

The entire article from which this paragraph is taken, was an ingenious

apology for Mr. Poe's infirmities; but it was conceived and executed in a

generous spirit, and it had a quick effect in various contributions,

which relieved the poet from pecuniary embarrassments. The next week he

published the following letter:

"_My Dear Willis_:--The paragraph which has been put in circulation

respecting my wife's illness, my own, my poverty, etc., is now lying

before me; together with the beautiful lines by Mrs. Locke and those by

Mrs. ----, to which the paragraph has given rise, as well as your kind

and manly comments in _The Home Journal_. The motive of the paragraph I

leave to the conscience of him or her who wrote it or suggested it. Since

the thing is done, however, and since the concerns of my family are thus

pitilessly thrust before the public, I perceive no mode of escape from a

public statement of what is true and what erroneous in the report alluded

to. That my wife is ill, then, is true; and you may imagine with what

feelings I add that this illness, hopeless from the first, has been

heightened and precipitated by her reception at two different periods, of

anonymous letters,--one inclosing the paragraph now in question; the

other, those published calumnies of Messrs. ----, for which I yet hope to

find redress in a court of justice.

"Of the facts, that I myself have been long and dangerously ill, and that

my illness has been a well-understood thing among my brethren of the

press, the best evidence is afforded by the innumerable paragraphs of

personal and literary abuse with which I have been latterly assailed.

This matter, however, will remedy itself. At the very first blush of my

new prosperity, the gentlemen who toadied me in the old, will recollect

themselves and toady me again. You, who know me, will comprehend that I

speak of these things only as having served, in a measure, to lighten the

gloom of unhappiness, by a gentle and not unpleasant sentiment of mingled

pity, merriment and contempt. That, as the inevitable consequence of so

long an illness, I have been in want of money, it would be folly in me to

deny--but that I have ever materially suffered from privation, beyond the

extent of my capacity for suffering, is not altogether true. That I am

'without friends' is a gross calumny, which I am sure _you_ never could

have believed, and which a thousand noble-hearted men would have good

right never to forgive me for permitting to pass unnoticed and undenied.

Even in the city of New York I could have no difficulty in naming a

hundred persons, to each of whom--when the hour for speaking had

arrived--I could and would have applied for aid with unbounded

confidence, and with absolutely _no_ sense of humiliation. I do not

think, my dear Willis, that there is any need of my saying more. I am

getting better, and may add--if it be any comfort to my enemies--that I

have little fear of getting worse. The truth is, I have a great deal to

do; and I have made up my mind not to die till it is done. Sincerely

yours,

"December 30th, 1846. EDGAR A. POE."

This was written for effect. He had not been ill a great while, nor

dangerously at all; there was no literary or personal abuse of him in the

journals; and his friends in town had been applied to for money until

their patience was nearly exhausted. His wife, however, was very sick,

and in a few weeks she died. In a letter to a lady in Massachusetts, who,

upon the appearance of the newspaper articles above quoted, had sent him

money and expressions of sympathy, he wrote, under date of March 10,

1847:

"In answering your kind letter permit me in the first place to absolve

myself from a suspicion which, under the circumstances, you could

scarcely have failed to entertain--a suspicion of discourtesy toward

yourself, in not having more promptly replied to you.... I could not help

feeling that should you see my letter to Mr. Willis--in which a natural

pride, which I feel you could not blame, impelled me to shrink from

public charity, even _at the cost of truth, in denying those necessities

which were but too real_--I could not help fearing that, should you see

this letter, you would yourself feel pained at having caused me pain-at

having been the means of giving further publicity to an unfounded

report--at all events to the report of a wretchedness which I had thought

it prudent (since the world regards wretchedness as a crime) so publicly

to disavow. In a word, venturing to judge your noble nature by my own, I

felt grieved lest my published denial might cause you to regret what you

had done; and my first impulse was to write you, and assure you, even at

the risk of doing so too warmly, of the sweet emotion, made up of respect

and gratitude alone, with which my heart was filled to overflowing. While

I was hesitating, however, in regard to the propriety of this step, I was

overwhelmed by a sorrow so poignant as to deprive me for several weeks of

all power of thought or action. Your letter, now lying before me, tells

me that I had not been mistaken in your nature, and that I should not

have hesitated to address you; but believe me, my dear Mrs. L----, that I

am already ceasing to regard those difficulties or misfortunes which have

led me to even this partial correspondence with yourself."

For nearly a year Mr. Poe was not often before the public, but he was as

industrious, perhaps, as he had been at any time, and early in 1848

advertisement was made of his intention to deliver several lectures, with

a view to obtain an amount of money sufficient to establish his

so-long-contemplated monthly magazine. His first lecture--and only one at

this period--was given at the Society Library, in New York, on the ninth

of February, and was upon the cosmogony of the Universe: it was attended

by an eminently intellectual auditory, and the reading of it occupied

about two hours and a half; it was what he afterward published under the

title of "Eureka, a Prose Poem."

To the composition of this work he brought his subtlest and highest

capacities, in their most perfect development. Denying that the arcana of

the universe can be explored by induction, but informing his imagination

with the various results of science, he entered with unhesitating

boldness, though with no guide but the divinest instinct,--that sense of

beauty, in which our great Edwards recognizes the flowering of all

truth--into the sea of speculation, and there built up of according laws

and their phenomena, as under the influence of a scientific inspiration,

his theory of Nature. I will not attempt the difficult task of condensing

his propositions; to be apprehended they must be studied in his own terse

and simple language; but in this we have a summary of that which he

regards as fundamental: "The law which we call _Gravity_," he says,

"exists on account of matter having been radiated, at its origin,

atomically, into a _limited_ sphere of space, from one, individual,

unconditional irrelative, and absolute Particle Proper,

by the sole process in which it was possible to satisfy, at the same

time, the two conditions, radiation and equable distribution throughout

the sphere--that is to say, by a force varying in _direct_ proportion

with the squares of the distances between the radiated atoms,

respectively, and the particular center of radiation."

Poe was thoroughly persuaded that he had discovered the great secret:

that the propositions of "Eureka" were true; and he was wont to talk of

the subject with a sublime and electrical enthusiasm which they cannot

have forgotten who were familiar with him at the period of its

publication. He felt that an author known solely by his adventures in the

lighter literature, throwing down the gauntlet to professors of science,

could not expect absolute fairness, and he had no hope but in discussions

led by wisdom and candor. Meeting me, he said, "Have you read 'Eureka?'"

I answered, "Not yet: I have just glanced at the notice of it by Willis,

who thinks it contains no more fact than fantasy, and I am sorry to

see--sorry if it be true--suggests that it corresponds in tone with that

gathering of sham and obsolete hypotheses addressed to fanciful tyros,

the 'Vestiges of Creation;' and our good and really wise friend Bush,

whom you will admit to be of all the professors, in temper one of the

most habitually just, thinks that while you may have guessed very

shrewdly, it would not be difficult to suggest many difficulties in the

way of your doctrine." "It is by no means ingenuous," he replied, "to

hint that there are such difficulties, and yet to leave them unsuggested.

I challenge the investigation of every point in the book. I deny that

there are any difficulties which I have not met and overthrown. Injustice

is done me by the application of this word 'guess:' I have assumed

_nothing_ and proved _all_." In his preface he wrote: "To the few who

love me and whom I love; to those who feel rather than to those who

think; to the dreamers and those who put faith in dreams as in the only

realities--I offer this book of truths, not in the character of

Truth-Teller, but for the beauty that abounds in its truth: constituting

it true. To these I present the composition as an Art-Product

alone:---let us say as a Romance; or, if it be not urging too lofty a

claim, as a Poem. What I here propound is true: therefore it cannot die:

or it by any means it be now trodden down so that it die, it will rise

again to the life everlasting."

When I read "Eureka" I could not help but think it immeasurably superior

as an illustration of genius to the "Vestiges of Creation;" and as I

admired the poem, (except the miserable attempt at humor in what purports

to be a letter found in a bottle floating on the _Mare tenebrarum_,) so I

regretted its pantheism, which is not necessary to its main design. To

some of the objections to his work be made this answer in a letter to Mr.

C.F. Hoffman, then editor of the _Literary World_:

"_Dear Sir_:--In your paper of July 29, I find some comments on 'Eureka,'

a late book of my own; and I know you too well to suppose for a moment,

that you will refuse me the privilege of a few words in reply. I feel,

even, that I might safely claim, from Mr. Hoffman, the right, which every

author has, of replying to his critic _tone for tone_--that is to say, of

answering your correspondent, flippancy by flippancy and sneer by

sneer--but in the first place, I do not wish to disgrace the _World_;

and, in the second, I feel that I never should be done sneering, in the

present instance, were I once to begin. Lamartine blames Voltaire for the

use which he made of (_ruse_) misrepresentation, in his attacks on the

priesthood; but our young students of Theology do not seem to be aware

that in defense or what they fancy to be defense, of Christianity, there

is anything wrong in such gentlemanly peccadillos as the deliberate

perversion of an author's text--to say nothing of the minor _indecora_ of

reviewing a book without reading it and without having the faintest

suspicion of what it is about.

"You will understand that it is merely the _misrepresentations_ of the

_critique_ in question to which I claim the privilege of reply:--the mere

_opinions_ of the writer can be of no consequence to me--and I should

imagine of very little to himself--that is to say if he knows himself,

personally, as well as _I_ have the honor of knowing him. The first

misrepresentation is contained in this sentence:--'This letter is a keen

burlesque on the Aristotelian or Baconian methods of ascertaining Truth,

both of which the writer ridicules and despises, and pours forth his

rhapsodical ecstasies in a glorification of the third mode--the noble art

of _guessing_.' What I _really_ say is this:--That there is no absolute

_certainty_ either in the Aristotelian or Baconian process--that, for

this reason, neither Philosophy is so profound as it fancies itself--and

that neither has a right to sneer at that _seemingly_ imaginative process

called Intuition (by which the great Kepler attained his laws); since

'Intuition,' after all, 'is but the conviction arising from those

_in_ductions or _de_ductions of which the processes are so shadowy as to

escape our consciousness, elude our reason or defy our capacity of

expression.' The second misrepresentation runs thus:--'The developments

of electricity and the formation of stars and suns, luminous and

nonluminous, moons and planets, with their rings, &c., is deduced, very

much according to the nebular theory of Laplace, from the principle

propounded above.' Now the impression intended to be made here upon the

reader's mind, by the 'Student of Theology,' is evidently, that my theory

may all be very well in its way, but that it is nothing but Laplace over

again, with some modifications that he (the Student of Theology) cannot

regard as at all important. I have only to say that no gentleman can

accuse me of the disengenuousness here implied; inasmuch as, having

proceeded with my theory up to that point at which Laplace's theory

_meets_ it, I then _give Laplace's theory in full_, with the expression

of my firm conviction of its absolute truth _at all points_. The _ground_

covered by the great French astronomer compares with that covered by my

theory, as a bubble compares with the ocean on which it floats; nor has

he the slightest allusion to the 'principle propounded above,' the

principle of Unity being the source of all things--the principle of

Gravity being merely the Reaction of the Divine Act which irradiated all

things from Unity. In fact _no_ point of _my_ theory has been even

so much as alluded to by Laplace. I have not considered it necessary,

here to speak of the astronomical knowledge displayed in the 'stars _and_

suns' of the Student of Theology, nor to hint that it would be better to

say that 'development and formation _are_, than that development and

formation _is_. The third misrepresentation lies in a foot-note, where

the critic says:--'Further than this, Mr. Poe's claim that he can account

for the existence of all organized beings--man included--merely from

those principles on which the origin and present appearance of suns and

worlds are explained, must be set down as mere bald assertion, without a

particle of evidence. In other words we should term it _arrant fudge_.'

The perversion at this point is involved in a willful misapplication of

the word 'principles.' I say 'wilful' because, at page 63, I am

_particularly_ careful to distinguish between the principles proper,

Attraction and Repulsion, and those merely resultant _sub_-principles

which control the universe in detail. To these sub-principles, swayed by

the immediate spiritual influence of Deity. I leave, without examination,

_all that_ which the Student of Theology so roundly asserts I account for

on the _principles_ which account for the constitution of suns, &c.

"In the third column of his 'review' the critic says:--'He asserts that

each soul is its own God--its own Creator.' What I _do_ assert is, that

'each soul is, _in part_, its own God--its own Creator.' Just below, the

critic says:--'After all these contradictory propoundings concerning God

we would remind him of what he lays down on page 23--'of this Godhead in

itself he alone is not imbecile--he alone is not impious who propounds

_nothing_. A man who thus conclusively convicts himself of imbecility and

impiety needs no further refutation.' Now the sentence, _as I wrote it_,

and as _I find it_ printed on that very page which the critic refers to

and which _must have been lying before him_ while he quoted my words,

runs thus:--'Of this Godhead, _in itself_, he alone is not imbecile, &c.,

who propounds nothing.' By the italics, as the critic well knew, I design

to distinguish between the two possibilities--that of a knowledge of God

through his works and that of a knowledge of Him in his _essential

nature_. The Godhead, _in itself_, is distinguished from the Godhead

observed _in its effects_. But our critic is zealous. Moreover, being a

divine, he is honest--ingenuous. It is his _duty_ to pervert my meaning

by omitting my italics--just as, in the sentence previously quoted, it

was his Christian duty to falsify my argument by leaving out the two

words, 'in part,' upon which turns the whole force--indeed the whole

intelligibility of my proposition.

"Were these 'misrepresentations' (_is_ that the name for them?) made for

any less serious a purpose than that of branding my book as 'impious'

and myself as a 'pantheist,' a 'polytheist,' a Pagan, or a God knows what

(and indeed I care very little so it be not a 'Student of Theology'),

I would have permitted their dishonesty to pass unnoticed, through pure

contempt of the boyishness--for the _turn-down-shirt-collar-ness_ of

their tone:--but, as it is, you will pardon me, Mr. Editor, that I have

been compelled to expose a 'critic' who courageously preserving his own

_anonymosity_, takes advantage of my absence from the city to

misrepresent, and thus vilify me, _by name_. EDGAR A. POE.

"Fordham, September 20, 1848."

From this time Poe did not write much; he had quarreled with the

conductors of the chief magazines for which he had previously written,

and they no longer sought his assistance. In a letter to a friend, he

laments the improbabilities of an income from literary labor, saying:

"I have represented ---- to you as merely an ambitious simpleton, anxious

to get into society with the reputation of conducting a magazine which

somebody behind the curtain always prevents him from quite damning with

his stupidity; he is a knave and a beast. I cannot write any more for the

Milliner's Book, where T----n prints his feeble and _very_ quietly made

Dilutions of other people's reviews; and you know that ---- can afford to

pay but little, though I am glad to do anything for a good fellow like

----. In this emergency I sell articles to the vulgar and trashy ----,

for $5 a piece. I inclose my last, cut out, lest you should see by my

sending the paper in what company I am forced to appear."

His name was now frequently associated with that of one of the most

brilliant women of New England, and it was publicly announced that they

were to be married. He had first seen her on his way from Boston, when he

visited that city to deliver a poem before the Lyceum there. Restless,

near the midnight, he wandered from, his hotel near where she lived,

until he saw her walking in a garden. He related the incident afterward

in one of his most exquisite poems, worthy of himself, of her, and of the

most exalted passion.

"I saw thee--once only--years ago;

I must not say _how_ many--but not many.

It was a July midnight; and from out

A full-orbed moon, that, like thine own soul, soaring,

Sought a precipitate pathway up through heaven,

There fell a silvery-silken vail of light,

With quietude, and sultriness and slumber,

Upon the upturn'd faces of a thousand

Roses that grew in an enchanted garden,

Where no wind dared to stir, unless on tiptoe--

Fell on upturn'd faces of these roses

That gave out, in return for the love-light,

Their odorous souls in an estatic death--

Fell on upturn'd faces of these roses

That smiled and died in this parterre, enchanted

By thee, and by the poetry of thy presence.

"Clad all in white, upon a violet bank

I saw thee half reclining; while the moon

Fell on upturn'd faces of these roses,

And on thine own, upturn'd--alas, in sorrow!

"Was it not Fate, that, on this July midnight--

Was it not Fate, (whose name is also Sorrow,)

That bade me pause before the garden-gate,

To breathe the incense of those Slumbering roses?

No footstep stirred; the hated world all slept,

Save only thee and me. (Oh, Heaven!--oh, God!

How my heart beats in coupling those two words!)

Save only thee and me. I paused--I looked--

And in an instant all things disappeared.

(Ah, bear in mind this garden was enchanted!)

The pearly luster of the moon went out:

The mossy banks and the meandering paths,

The happy flowers and the repining trees,

Were seen no more: the very roses' odors

Died in the arms of the adoring airs,

All--all expired save thee--save less than thou:

Save only the divine light in thine eyes--

Save but the soul in thine uplifted eyes.

I saw but them--they were the world to me.

I saw but them--saw only them for hours--

Saw only them until the moon went down.

What wild heart histories seemed to lie enwritten

Upon those crystalline celestial spheres!

How dark a woe! yet how sublime a hope!

How silently serene a sea of pride!

How daring an ambition! Yet how deep--

How fathomless a capacity for love!

"But now, at length, dear Dian sank from sight

Into a western couch of thunder-cloud;

And thou, a ghost, amid the entombing trees

Didst glide away. _Only thine eyes remained_.

They _would not_ go--they never yet have gone.

Lighting my lonely pathway home that night,

_They_ have not left me (as my hopes have) since.

They follow me--they lead me through the years

They are my ministers--yet I their slave.

Their office is to illumine and enkindle--

My duty, _to be saved_ by their bright light,

And purified in their electric fire,

And sanctified in their elysian fire.

They fill my soul with Beauty (which is Hope,)

And are far up in Heaven--the stars I kneel to

In the sad, silent watches of my night;

While even in the meridian glare of day

I see them still--two sweetly scintillant

Venuses, unextinguished by the sun!"

They were not married, and the breaking of the engagement affords a

striking illustration of his character. He said to an acquaintance

in New York, who congratulated with him upon the prospect of his union

with a person of so much genius and so many virtues--"It is a mistake: I

am not going to be married." "Why, Mr. Poe, I understand that the bans

have been published." "I cannot help what you have heard, my dear Madam:

but mark me, I shall not marry her." He left town the same evening, and

the next day was reeling through the streets of the city which was the

lady's home, and in the evening--that should have been the evening before

the bridal--in his drunkenness he committed at her house such outrages as

made necessary a summons of the police. Here was no insanity leading to

indulgence: he went from New York with a determination thus to induce an

ending of the engagement; and he succeeded.

Sometime in August, 1849, Mr. Poe left New York for Virginia. In

Philadelphia he encountered persons who had been his associates in

dissipations while he lived there, and for several days he abandoned

himself entirely to the control of his worst appetites. When his money

was all spent, and the disorder of his dress evinced the extremity of his

recent intoxication, he asked in charity means for the prosecution of his

journey to Richmond. There, after a few days, he joined a temperance

society, and his conduct showed the earnestness of his determination to

reform his life. He delivered in some of the principal towns of Virginia

two lectures, which were well attended, and renewing his acquaintance

with a lady whom he had known in his youth, he was engaged to marry her,

and wrote to his friends that he should pass the remainder of his days

among the scenes endeared by all his pleasantest recollections of youth.

On Thursday, the 4th of October, he set out for New York, to fulfill a

literary engagement, and to prepare for his marriage. Arriving in

Baltimore he gave his trunk to a porter, with directions to convey it to

the cars which were to leave in an hour or two for Philadelphia, and went

into a tavern to obtain some refreshment. Here he met acquaintances who

invited him to drink; all his resolutions and duties were soon forgotten;

in a few hours he was in such a state as is commonly induced only by

long-continued intoxication; after a night of insanity and exposure, he

was carried to a hospital; and there, on the evening of Sunday, the 7th

of October, 1849, he died, at the age of thirty-eight years.

It is a melancholy history. No author of as much genius had ever in this

country as much unhappiness; but Poe's unhappiness was in an unusual

degree the result of infirmities of nature, or of voluntary faults in

conduct. A writer who evidently knew him well, and who comes before us in

the "Southern Literary Messenger" as his defender, is "compelled to admit

that the blemishes in his life were effects of character rather than of

circumstances."[A] How this character might have been modified by a

judicious education of all his faculties I leave for the decision of

others, but it will be evident to those who read this biography that the

unchecked freedom of his earlier years was as unwise as its results were

unfortunate.

[Footnote A: _Southern Literary Messenger_, March, 1850, p. 179.]

It is contended that the higher intelligences, in the scrutiny to which

they appeal, are not to be judged by the common laws; but I apprehend

that this doctrine, as it is likely to be understood, is entirely wrong.

All men are amenable to the same principles, to the extent of the

parallelism of these principles with their experience; and the line of

duty becomes only more severe as it extends into the clearer atmosphere

of truth and beauty which is the life of genius. _De mortuis nil nisi

bonum_ is a common and an honorable sentiment, but its proper application

would lead to the suppression of the histories of half of the most

conspicuous of mankind; in this case it is impossible on account of the

notoriety of Mr. Poe's faults; and it would be unjust to the living

against whom his hands were always raided and who had no resort but in

his outlawry from their sympathies. Moreover, his career is full of

instruction and warning, and it has always been made a portion of the

penalty of wrong that its anatomy should be displayed for the common

study and advantage.

The character of Mr. Poe's genius has been so recently and so admirably

discussed by Mr. Lowell, with whose opinions on the subject I for the most

part agree, that I shall say but little of it here, having already

extended this notice beyond the limits at first designed. There is a

singular harmony between his personal and his literary qualities. St.

Pierre, who seemed to be without any nobility in his own nature, in his

writings appeared to be moved only by the finest and highest impulses.

Poe exhibits scarcely any virtue in either his life or his writings.

Probably there is not another instance in the literature of our language

in which so much has been accomplished without a recognition or a

manifestation of conscience. Seated behind the intelligence, and

directing it, according to its capacities, Conscience is the parent of

whatever is absolutely and unquestionably beautiful in art as well as in

conduct. It touches the creations of the mind and they have life; without

it they have never, in the range of its just action, the truth and

naturalness which are approved by universal taste or in enduring

reputation. In Poe's works there is constantly displayed the most

touching melancholy, the most extreme and terrible despair, but never

reverence or remorse.

His genius was peculiar, and not, as he himself thought, various. He

remarks in one of his letters:

"There is one particular in which I have had wrong done me, and it may

not be indecorous in me to call your attention to it. The last selection

of my tales was made from about seventy by one of our great little

cliquists and claquers, Wiley Putnam's reader, Duyckinck. He has what he

thinks a taste for ratiocination, and has accordingly made up the book

mostly of analytic stories. But this is not _representing_ my mind in its

various phases--it is not giving me fair play. In writing these tales one

by one, at long intervals. I have kept the book unity always in

mind--that is, each has been composed with reference to its effect as

part of a _whole_. In this view, one of my chief aims has been the widest

diversity of subject, thought, and especially _tone_ and manner of

handling. Were _all_ my tales now before me in a large volume, and as the

composition of another, the merit which would principally arrest my

attention would be their wide _diversity and variety_. You will be

surprised to hear me say that, (omitting one or two of my first efforts,)

I do not consider any one of my stories _better_ than another. There is a

vast variety of kinds, and, in degree of value, these kinds vary-but

each tale is equally good of _its kind_. The loftiest kind is that of the

highest imagination--and for this reason only 'Ligeia' may be called my

best tale."

But it seems to me that this selection of his tales was altogether

judicious. Had it been submitted to me I might indeed have changed

it in one or two instances, but I should not have replaced any tale by

one of a different tone. One of the qualities upon which Poe prides

himself was his humor, and he has left us a large number of compositions

in this department, but except a few paragraphs in his "Marginalia,"

scarcely anything which it would not have been injurious to his

reputation to republish. His realm was on the shadowy confines of human

experience, among the abodes of crime, gloom, and horror, and there he

delighted to surround himself with images of beauty and of terror, to

raise his solemn palaces and towers and spires in a night upon which

should rise no sun. His minuteness of detail, refinement of reasoning,

and propriety and power of language--the perfect keeping (to borrow a

phrase from another domain of art) and apparent good faith with which he

managed the evocation and exhibition of his strange and spectral and

revolting creations--gave him an astonishing mastery over his readers, so

that his books were closed as one would lay aside the nightmare or the

spells of opium. The analytical subtlety evinced in his works has

frequently been overestimated, as I have before observed, because it has

not been sufficiently considered that his mysteries were composed with

the express design of being dissolved. When Poe attempted the

illustration of the profounder operations of the mind, as displayed in

written reason or in real action, he frequently failed entirely.

In poetry, as in prose, he was eminently successful in the metaphysical

treatment of the passions. Hia poems are constructed with wonderful

ingenuity, and finished with consummate art. They display a somber and

weird imagination, and a taste almost faultless in the apprehension of

that sort of beauty which was most agreeable to his temper. But they

evince little genuine feeling, and less of that spontaneous ecstasy which

gives its freedom, smoothness and naturalness to immortal verse. His own

account of the composition of "The Raven," discloses his methods--the

absence of all impulse, and the absolute control of calculation and

mechanism. That curious analysis of the processes by which he wrought

would be incredible if from another hand.

He was not remarkably original in invention. Indeed some of his

plagiarisms are scarcely paralleled for their audacity in all literary

history: For instance, in his tale of "The Pit and the Pendulum," the

complicate machinery upon which the interest depends is borrowed from a

story entitled "Vivenzio, or Italian Vengeance," by the author of "The

First and Last Dinner," in "Blackwood's Magazine." And I remember having

been shown by Mr. Longfellow, several years ago, a series of papers which

constitute a demonstration that Mr. Poe was indebted to him for the idea

of "The Haunted Palace," one of the most admirable of his poems, which he

so pertinaciously asserted had been used by Mr. Longfellow in the

production of his "Beleaguered City." Mr. Longfellow's poem was written

two or three years before the first publication of that by Poe, and it

was during a portion of this time in Poe's possession; but it was not

printed, I believe, until a few weeks after the appearance of "The

Haunted Palace." "It would be absurd," as Poe himself said many times,

"to believe the similarity of these pieces entirely accidental." This was

the first cause of all that malignant criticism which for so many years

he carried on against Mr. Longfellow. In his "Marginalia" he borrowed

largely, especially from Coleridge, and I have omitted in the

republication of these papers, numerous paragraphs which were rather

compiled than borrowed from one of the profoundest and wisest of our own

scholars.[D]

[Footnote D: I have neither space, time, nor inclination for a

continuation of this subject, and I add but one other instance, in the

words of the Philadelphia "Saturday Evening Post," published while Mr.

Poe was living:

"One of the most remarkable plagiarisms was perpetrated by Mr. Poe, late

of the Broadway Journal, whose harshness as a critic and assumption of

peculiar originality make the fault in his case more glaring. This

gentleman, a few years ago, in Philadelphia, published a work on

Conchology as original, when in reality it was a copy, near verbatim, of

'The Text-book of Conchology, by Captain Thomas Brown,' printed in

Glasgow in 1833, a duplicate of which we have in our library, Mr. Poe

actually took out a copyright for the American edition of Captain Brown's

work, and, omitting all mention of the English original pretended, in the

preface, to have been under great obligations to several scientific

gentlemen of this city. It is but justice to add, that in the second

edition of this book, published lately in Philadelphia, the name of Mr.

Poe is withdrawn from the titlepage, and his initials only affixed to the

preface. But the affair is one of the most curious on record."]

In criticism, as Mr. Lowell justly remarks, Mr. Poe had "a scientific

precision and coherence of logic;" he had remarkable dexterity in the

dissection of sentences; but he rarely ascended from the particular to

the general, from subjects to principles; he was familiar with the

microscope but never looked through the telescope. His criticisms are of

value to the degree in which they are demonstrative, but his unsupported

assertions and opinions were so apt to be influenced by friendship or

enmity, by the desire to please or the fear to offend, or by his constant

ambition to surprise, or produce a sensation, that they should be

received in all cases with distrust of their fairness. A volume might be

filled with literary judgments by him as antagonistical and inconsistent

as the sharpest antitheses. For example, when Mr. Laughton Osborn's

romance, "The Confessions of a Poet," came out, he reviewed it in "The

Southern Literary Messenger," saying:

"There is nothing of the _vates_ about the author. He is no poet-and

most positively he is no prophet. He avers upon his word of honor that

in commencing this work he loads a pistol and places it upon the table.

He further states that, upon coming to a conclusion, it is his intention

to blow out what he supposes to be his brains. Now this is excellent.

But, even with so rapid a writer as the poet must undoubtedly be, there

would be some little difficulty in completing the book under thirty days

or thereabouts. The best of powder is apt to sustain injury by lying so

long 'in the load.' We sincerely hope the gentleman took the precaution

to examine his priming before attempting the rash act. A flash in the

pan--and in such a case--were a thing to be lamented. Indeed there would

be no answering for the consequences. We might even have a second series

of the 'Confessions.'"--_Southern Literary Messenger_, i. 459.

This review was attacked, particularly in the Richmond "Compiler," and

Mr. Poe felt himself called upon to vindicate it to the proprietor of the

magazine, to whom he wrote:

"There is no necessity of giving the 'Compiler' a reply. The book is

_silly enough of itself_, without the aid of any controversy concerning

it. I have read it, from beginning to end, and was very much amused at

it. My opinion of it is pretty nearly the opinion of the press at large.

I have heard no person offer one serious word in its defense."--_Letter

to T.W. White_.

Afterward Mr. Poe became personally acquainted with the author, and he

then wrote, in his account of "The Literati of New-York City," as

follows:

"The Confessions of a Poet made much noise in the literary world, and no

little curiosity was excited in regard to its author, who was generally

supposed to be John Neal.... The 'Confessions,' however, far surpassed

any production of Mr. Neal's.... _He_ has done nothing which, as a whole,

is _even respectable_, and 'The Confessions' are quite remarkable for

their artistic unity and perfection. But on higher regards they are to be

commended. _I do not think, indeed, that a better book of its kind has

been written in America_....Its scenes of passion are intensely wrought,

its incidents are striking and original, its sentiments audacious and

suggestive at least, if not at all times tenable. In a word, it is that

rare thing, a fiction of _power_ without rudeness."

I will adduce another example of the same kind. In a notice of the

"Democratic Review," for September, 1845, Mr. Poe remarks of Mr. William

A. Jones's paper on American Humor:

"There is only one really bad article in the number, and that is

insufferable: nor do we think it the less a nuisance because it inflicts

upon ourselves individually a passage of maudlin compliment about our

bring a most 'ingenious critic' 'and prose poet,' with some other things

of a similar kind. We thank for his good word no man who gives palpable

evidence, in other cases than our own, of his _incapacity_ to distinguish

the false from the true--the right from the wrong. If we _are_ an

ingenious critic, or a prose poet, it is not because Mr. William Jones

says so. The truth is that this essay on 'American Humor' is

Contemptible both in a moral and literary sense--is the composition of an

_imitator and a quack_--and disgraces the magazine in which it makes its

appearance."--_Broadway Journal_, Vol. ii. No. 11.

In the following week he reconsidered this matter, opening his paper for

a defense of Mr. Jones; but at the close of it said--

"If we have done Mr. Jones injustice, we beg his pardon: but we do not

think we have."

Yet in a subsequent article in "Graham's Magazine," on "Critics and

Criticism," he says of Mr. Jones, referring only to writings of his that

had been for years before the public when he printed the above

paragraphs:

"Our most analytic, _if not altogether our best critic_, (Mr. Whipple,

perhaps, excepted,) is Mr. _William A. Jones_, author of 'The Analyst.'

How he would write elaborate criticisms I cannot say; but his summary

judgments of authors are, in general, discriminative and profound. In

fact, his papers on _Emerson_ and on _Macaulay_, published in 'Arcturus.'

are better than merely 'profound,' if we take the word in its now

desecrated sense; for they are at once pointed, lucid, and just:--as

summaries leaving nothing to be desired."

I will not continue the display of these inconsistencies. As I have

Already intimated, a volume might be filled with passages to show that

his criticisms were guided by no sense of duty, and that his opinions

were so variable and so liable to be influenced by unworthy

considerations as to be really of no value whatever.

It was among his remarkable habits that he preserved with scrupulous care

everything that was published respecting himself or his works, and

everything that was written to him in letters that could be used in any

way for the establishment or extension of his reputation. In

Philadelphia, in 1843, he prepared with his own hands a sketch of his

life for a paper called "The Museum." Many parts of it are untrue, but I

refer to it for the purpose of quoting a characteristic instance of

perversion in the reproduction of compliments:

"Of 'William Wilson,' Mr. Washington Irving says: 'It is managed in a

highly picturesque style, and its singular and mysterious interest is

ably sustained throughout. In point of mere style, it is, perhaps, even

superior to 'The House of Usher.' It is simpler. In the latter

composition, he seems to have been distrustful of his effects, or,

rather, too solicitous of bringing them forth fully to the eye, and thus,

perhaps, has laid on too much coloring. He has erred, however, on the

safe side, that of exuberance, and the evil might easily be remedied, by

relieving the style of some of its epithets;' [since done.] 'There would

be no fear of injuring the graphic effect, _which is powerful_.' The

italics are Mr. Irving's own."

Now Mr. Irving had said in a private letter that he thought the "House of

Usher" Was clever, and that "a volume of similar stories would be well

received by the public." Poe sent him a magazine containing "William

Wilson," asking his opinion of it, and Mr. Irving, expressly declining to

_publish_ a word upon the subject, remarked in the same manner, that "the

singular and mysterious interest is well sustained," and that in point of

style the tale was "much better" than the "House of Usher," which, he

says, "might be improved by relieving the style from some of the

epithets: there is no danger of destroying the graphic effect, which

is powerful." There is not a word in _italics_ in Mr. Irving's letter,

the meaning of which is quite changed by Mr. Poe's alterations. And this

letter was not only published in the face of an implied prohibition, but

made to seem like a deliberately-expressed judgment in a public reviewal.

In the same way Mr. Poe published the following sentence as an extract

from a letter by Miss Barrett:

"Our great poet, Mr. Browning, the author of 'Paracelsus,' etc., _is

enthusiastic in his admiration_ of the rhythm."

But on turning to Miss Barrett's letter, I find that she wrote:

"Our great poet, Mr. Browning, author of 'Paracelsus,' and 'Bells and

Pomegranates,' was struck much by the rhythm of that poem."

The piece alluded to is "The Raven."

It is not true, as has been frequently alleged since Mr. Poe's death,

that his writings were above the popular taste, and therefore without a

suitable market in this country. His poems were worth as much to

magazines as those of Bryant or Longfellow, (though none of the

publishers paid him half as large a price for them,) and his tales were

as popular as those of Willis, who has been commonly regarded as the best

magazinist of his time. He ceased to write for _The Lady's Book_ in

consequence of a quarrel induced by Mr. Godey's justifiable refusal to

print in that miscellany his "Reply to Dr. English," and though in the

poor fustian published under the signature of "George R. Graham," in

answer to some remarks upon Poe's character in _The Tribune_, that

individual is made to assume a passionate friendship for the deceased

author that would have become a Pythias, it is known that the personal

ill-will on both sides was such that for some four or five years _not a

line by Poe was purchased for Graham's Magazine_. To quote again the

"Defense of Mr. Poe" in the _Southern Literary Messenger_:

"His changeable humors, his irregularities, his caprices, his total

disregard of everything and body, save the fancy in his head, prevented

him from doing well in the world. The evils and sufferings that poverty

brought upon him, soured his nature, and deprived him of faith in human

beings. This was evident to the eye--he believed in nobody, and cared for

nobody. Such a mental condition of course drove away all those who would

otherwise have stood by him in his hours of trial. He became, and was, an

Ishmaelite."

After having, in no ungenerous spirit, presented the chief facts in Mr.

Poe's history, not designedly exaggerating his genius, which none held in

higher admiration, not bringing into bolder relief than was just and

necessary his infirmities. I am glad to offer a portraiture of some of

his social qualities, equally beautiful, and--so changeable and

inconsistent was the man--as far as it goes, truthful. Speaking of him

one day soon after his death, with the late Mrs. Osgood, the beauty of

whose character had made upon Poe's mind that impression which it never

failed to produce upon minds capable of the apprehension of the finest

traits in human nature, she said she did not doubt that my view of Mr.

Poe, which she knew indeed to be the common view, was perfectly just, as

it regarded him in his relations with men; but to women he was different,

and she would write for me some recollections of him, to be placed beside

my harsher judgments in any notice of his life that the acceptance of the

appointment to be his literary executor might render it necessary for me

to give to the world. She was an invalid--dying of that consumption by

which in a few weeks she was removed to heaven, and calling for pillows

to support her while she wrote, she drew this sketch:

"You ask me, my friend, to write for you my reminiscences of Edgar Poe.

For you, who knew and understood my affectionate interest in him, and my

frank acknowledgment of that interest to all who had a claim upon my

confidence, for you, I will willingly do so. I think no one could know

him--no one _has_ known him personally--certainly no woman-without

feeling the same interest. I can sincerely say, that although I have

frequently _heard_ of aberrations on his part from the 'straight and

narrow path,' I have never _seen_ him otherwise than gentle, generous,

well-bred, and fastidiously refined. To a sensitive and

delicately-nurtured woman, there was a peculiar and irresistible charm in

the chivalric, graceful, and almost tender reverence with which he

invariably approached all women who won his respect. It was this which

first commanded and always retained my regard for him.

"I have been told, that when his sorrows and pecuniary embarrassments had

driven him to the use of stimulants, which a less delicate organization

might have borne without injury, he was in the habit of speaking

disrespectfully of the ladies of his acquaintance. It is difficult for me

to believe this; for to _me_, to whom he came during the year of our

acquaintance for counsel and kindness in all his many anxieties and

griefs, he never spoke irreverently of any woman save one, and then only

in _my_ defense; and though I rebuked him for his momentary

forgetfulness of the respect due to himself and to me, I could not but

forgive the offense for the sake of the generous impulse which prompted

it. Yet even were these sad rumors true of him, the wise and

well-informed knew how to regard, as they would the impetuous anger of a

spoiled infant, balked of its capricious will, the equally harmless and

unmeaning phrensy of that stray child of Poetry and Passion. For the few

unwomanly and slander-loving gossips who have injured _him_ and

_themselves_ only by _repeating_ his ravings, when in such moods they

have accepted his society. I have only to vouchsafe my wonder and my

pity. They cannot surely harm the true and pure, who, reverencing his

genius, and pitying his misfortunes and his errors, endeavored, by their

timely kindness and sympathy, to soothe his sad career.

"It was in his own simple yet poetical home, that to me the character of

Edgar Poe appeared in its most beautiful light. Playful, affectionate,

witty, alternately docile and wayward as a petted child-for his young,

gentle, and idolized wife, and for all who came, he had, even in the

midst of his most harassing literary duties, a kind word, a pleasant

smile, a graceful and courteous attention. At his desk, beneath the

romantic picture of his loved and lost Lenore, he would sit, hour after

hour, patient, assiduous, and uncomplaining, tracing, in an exquisitely

clear chirography, and with almost superhuman swiftness, the lightning

thoughts--the 'rare and radiant' fancies as they flashed through his

wonderful and ever-wakeful brain. I recollect, one morning, toward the

close of his residence in this city, when he seemed unusually gay and

light-hearted. Virginia, his sweet wife, had written me a pressing

invitation to come to them; and I, who never could resist her

affectionate summons, and who enjoyed his society far more in his own

home than elsewhere, hastened to Amity-street. I found him just

completing his series of papers entitled 'The Literati of New York.'

'See,' said he, displaying, in laughing triumph, several little rolls of

narrow paper, (he always wrote thus for the press,) 'I am going to show

you, by the difference of length in these, the different degrees of

estimation in which I hold all you literary people. In each of these, one

of you is rolled up and fully discussed. Come, Virginia, help me!' And

one by one they unfolded them. At last they came to one which seemed

interminable. Virginia laughingly ran to one corner of the room with one

end, and her husband to the opposite with the other. 'And whose

lengthened sweetness long drawn out is that?' said I. 'Hear her!' he

cried, 'just as if her little vain heart didn't tell her it's herself!'

"My first meeting with the poet was at the Astor House. A few days

previous. Mr. Willis had handed me, at the _table d'hote_, that strange

and thrilling poem entitled 'The Raven,' saying that the author wanted my

opinion of it. Its effect upon me was so singular, so like that of 'weird

unearthly music,' that it was with a feeling almost of dread, I heard he

desired an introduction. Yet I could not refuse without seeming

ungrateful, because I had just heard of his enthusiastic and partial

eulogy of my writings, in his lecture on American Literature. I shall

never forget the morning when I was summoned to the drawing-room by Mr.

Willis to receive him. With his proud and beautiful head erect, his dark

eyes flashing with the elective light of feeling and of thought, a

peculiar, an inimitable blending of sweetness and hauteur in his

expression and manner, he greeted me, calmly, gravely, almost coldly; yet

with so marked an earnestness that I could not help being deeply

impressed by it. From that moment until his death we were friends;

although we met only during the first year of our acquaintance. And in

his last words, ere reason had forever left her imperial throne in that

overtasked brain, I have a touching memento of his undying faith and

friendship.

"During that year, while traveling for my health, I maintained a

correspondence with Mr. Poe, in accordance with the earnest entreaties of

his wife, who imagined that my influence over him had a restraining and

beneficial effect. It _had_, as far as this--that having solemnly

promised me to give up the use of stimulants, he so firmly respected his

promise and me, as never once, during our whole acquaintance, to appear

in my presence when in the slightest degree affected by them. Of the

charming love and confidence that existed between his wife and himself,

always delightfully apparent to me, in spite of the many little poetical

episodes, in which the impassioned romance of his temperament impelled

him to indulge; of this I cannot speak too earnestly--too warmly. I

believe she was the only woman whom he ever truly loved; and this is

evinced by the exquisite pathos of the little poem lately written, called

Annabel Lee, of which she was the subject, and which is by far the most

natural, simple, tender and touchingly beautiful of all his songs. I have

heard it said that it was intended to illustrate a late love affair of

the author; but they who believe this, have in their dullness evidently

misunderstood or missed the beautiful meaning latent in the most lovely

of all its verses--where he says,

"'A wind blew out of a cloud, chilling

My beautiful Annabel Lee,

So that her _high-born kinsmen_ came,

And bore her away from me.'

"There seems a strange and almost profane disregard of the sacred purity

and spiritual tenderness of this delicious ballad, in thus overlooking

the allusion to the _kindred angels_ and the heavenly _Father_ of the

lost and loved and unforgotten wife.

"But it was in his conversations and his letters, far more than in his

published poetry and prose writings, that the genius of Poe was most

gloriously revealed. His letters were divinely beautiful, and for hours I

have listened to him, entranced by strains of such pure and almost

celestial eloquence as I have never read or heard elsewhere. Alas! in the

thrilling words of Stoddard,

"'He might have soared in the morning light,

But he built his nest with the birds of night;

But he lie in dust, and the stone is rolled

Over the sepulcher dim and cold;

He has canceled the ill he has done or said,

And gone to the dear and holy dead.

Let us forget the path he trod,

And leave him now to his Maker, God.'"

The influence of Mr. Poe's aims and vicissitudes upon his literature, was

more conspicuous in his later than in his earlier writings. Nearly all

that he wrote in the last two or three years--including much of his best

poetry,--was in some sense biographical: in draperies of his imagination,

those who take the trouble to trace his steps, will perceive, but

slightly concealed, the figure of himself. The lineaments here disclosed,

I think, are not different from those displayed in his biography, which

is but a filling up of the picture. Thus far the few criticisms of his

life or works that I have ventured have been suggested by the immediate

examination of the points to which they referred. I add but a few words

of more general description.

In person he was below the middle height, slenderly but compactly formed,

and in his better moments he had in an eminent degree that air of

gentlemanliness which men of a lower order seldom succeed in acquiring.

His conversation was at times almost supramortal in its eloquence. His

voice was modulated with astonishing skill, and his large and variably

expressive eyes looked repose or shot fiery tumult into theirs who

listened, while his own face glowed, or was changeless in pallor, as his

imagination quickened his blood or drew it back frozen to his heart. His

imagery was from the worlds which no mortals can see but with the vision

of genius. Suddenly starting from a proposition, exactly and sharply

defined, in terms of utmost simplicity and clearness, he rejected the

forms of customary logic, and by a crystalline process of accretion,

built up his ocular demonstrations in forms of gloomiest and ghastliest

grandeur, or in those of the most airy and delicious beauty--so minutely

and distinctly, yet so rapidly, that the attention which was yielded to

him was chained till it stood among his wonderful creations--till he

himself dissolved the spell, and brought his hearers back to common and

base existence, by vulgar fancies or exhibitions of the ignoblest

passion.

He was at all times a dreamer--dwelling in ideal realms--in heaven or

hell--peopled with the creatures and the accidents of his brain. He

walked the streets, in madness or melancholy, with lips moving in

indistinct curses, or with eyes upturned in passionate prayer, (never for

himself, for he felt, or professed to feel, that he was already damned,

but) for their happiness who at the moment were objects of his

idolatry;--or, with his glances introverted to a heart gnawed with

anguish, and with a face shrouded in gloom, he would brave the wildest

storms; and all night, with drenched garments and arms beating the winds

and rains, would speak as if to spirits that at such times only could be

evoked by him from the Aidenn, close by whose portals his disturbed soul

sought to forget the ills to which his constitution subjected him--close

by the Aidenn which were those he loved--the Aidenn which he might never

see, but in fitful glimpses, as its gates opened to receive the less

fiery and more happy natures whose destiny to sin did not involve the

doom of death. He seemed, except when some fitful pursuit subjugated his

will and engrossed his faculties, always to bear the memory of some

controlling sorrow. The remarkable poem of "The Raven" was probably much

more nearly than has been supposed, even by those who were very intimate

with him, a reflection and an echo of his own history. _He_ was that

bird's

"----unhappy master whom unmerciful Disaster

Followed fast and followed faster till his songs one burden

bore--

Till the dirges of his Hope that melancholy burden bore

Of 'Never--never more.'"

Every genuine author, in a greater or less degree, leaves in his works,

whatever their design, traces of his personal character; elements of his

immortal being, in which the individual survives the person. While we

read the pages of the "Fall of the House of Usher," or of "Mesmeric

Revelations," we see in the solemn and stately gloom which invests one,

and in the subtle metaphysical analysis of both, indications of the

idiosyncracies--of what was most remarkable and peculiar--in the author's

intellectual nature. But we see here only the better phases of his

nature, only the symbols of his juster action, for his harsh experience

had deprived him of all faith, in man or woman. He had made up his mind

upon the numberless complexities of the social world, and the whole

system with him was an imposture. This conviction gave a direction to his

shrewd and naturally unamiable character. Still, though he regarded

society as composed altogether of villains, the sharpness of his

intellect was not of that kind which enabled him to cope with villany,

while it continually caused him by overshots to fail of the success of

honesty. He was in many respects like Francis Vivian, in Bulwer's novel

of "The Caxtons." Passion, in him, comprehended many of the worst

emotions which militate against human happiness. You could not contradict

him, but you raised quick choler; you could not speak of wealth, but his

cheek paled with gnawing envy. The astonishing natural advantages of this

poor boy--his beauty, his readiness, the daring spirit that breathed

around him like a fiery atmosphere--had raised his constitutional

self-confidence into an arrogance that turned his very claims to

admiration into prejudices against him. Irascible, envious--bad enough,

but not the worst, for these salient angles were all varnished over with

a cold repellant cynicism, his passions vented themselves in sneers.

There seemed to him no moral susceptibility; and, what was more

remarkable in a proud nature, little or nothing of the true point of

honor. He had, to a morbid excess, that desire to rise which is

vulgarly called ambition, but no wish for the esteem or the love of his

species; only the hard wish to succeed--not shine, not serve--succeed,

that he might have the right to despise a world which galled his

self-conceit.

* * * * *

"LAUGH AND GET FAT!"

BY JOHN KENYON

Lack we motives to laugh? Are not all things, anything, everything, to be

laughed at? And if nothing were to be seen, felt, heard, or understood,

we would laugh at it too! _Merry Beggars._

I.

There's nothing here on earth deserves

Half of the thought we waste about it,

And thinking but destroys the nerves,

When we could do so well without it:

If folks would let the world go round,

And pay their tithes, and eat their dinners,

Such doleful looks would not be found,

To frighten us poor laughing sinners.

Never sigh when you can sing,

But laugh, like me, at everything!

II.

One plagues himself about the sun,

And puzzles on, through every weather,

What time he'll rise,--how long he'll run,--

And when he'll leave us altogether;

Now matters it a pebble-stone,

Whether he shines at six or seven?

If they don't leave the sun alone,

At last they'll plague him out of heaven!

Never sigh when you can sing

But laugh, like me, at everything!

III.

Another spins from out his brains

Fine cobweb, to amuse his neighbors,

And gets, for all his toils and pains,

Reviewed, and laughed at for his labors:

Fame is _his_ star! and fame is sweet;

And praise is pleasanter than honey,--

I write at just so much a sheet,

And Messrs Longman pay the money!

Never sigh when you can sing,

But laugh, like me, at everything!

IV.

My brother gave his heart away

To Mercandests[*illegible], when he met her,

She married Mr. Ball one day--

He's gone to Sweden to forget her

I had a charmer, too--and sighed,

And raved all day and night about her;

She caught a cold, poor thing! and died,

And I--am just as fat without her

Never sigh when you can sing,

But laugh, like me, at everything!

V.

For tears are vastly pretty things,

But make one very thin and taper;

And sighs are music's sweetest strings,

But sound most beautiful--on paper!

"Thought" is the Sage's brightest star,

Her gems alone are worth his finding;

But as I'm not particular,

Please God! I'll keep on "never minding."

Never sigh when you can sing,

But laugh, like me, at everything!

VI.

Oh! in this troubled world of ours,

A laughter-mine's a glorious treasure;

And separating thorns from flowers,

Is half a pain and half a pleasure:

And why be grave instead of gay?

Why feel a-thirst while folks are quaffing?--

Oh! trust me, whatsoe'er they say,

There's nothing half so good as laughing!

Never sigh when you can sing,

But laugh, like me, at everything!

* * * * *

FROM THE GERMAN OF LENAU.

Over that ancient story grass has grown;

Myself, I scarce recall my own transgression;

Yet, when at twilight hour, I stray alone,

At times I feel as I could make confession.

But turning from the Past as all unknown.

I harbor in the Present! Such opression

Of futile sad remorse by me be flown!

Why summon bootless woes to Memory's session?

When Death, that scythesman stern, thy frame destroyeth,

He'll lop the grass, too, which thing actions covers.

And that forgotten deed shall cling about thee!

Back to the Past! Not vainly Care employeth

Labor and pain to pierce where Darkness hovers;

Till sin is slain within, it cannot die without thee!

THE LEADER.

* * * * *

EBBA:

OR THE EMIGRANTS IN SWEDEN.

TRANSLATION FOR THE INTERNATIONAL, FROM THE FRENCH OF X. MARMIER.

BY FAYETTE ROBINSON.

Toward the end of November, in the year 1831, one of those rude sleighs,

met with in winter on all the roads of Sweden, passed rapidly along the

shores of the Gulf of Bothnia. For several hours the pale winter sun had

been like a lamp extinguished beneath the horizon. The skies, however,

had that transparent clearness which is one of the charms of the nights

of the north. Myriads of stars covered its surface with a network of

gold, and glittered again on the snow which covered the surface of the

earth. The wind was calm: space was silent. Nothing was heard but the

sounds of the hoofs of two horses attached to a light vehicle, and

occasionally the voice of the Swedish postillion, who from time to time

urged them on by a word of affectionate reproach, or a joyous eulogium. A

traveler sat in the sleigh, wrapped up in heavy furs, and from time to

time cast aside the folds of the cloak which covered him, to take a

thoughtful glance around him. A stranger in Sweden, he was traveling

through it, and during the last month had experienced a multitude of

emotions, altogether unexpected, and which seemed to increase as he drew

near the north. After having crossed the southern provinces of that

kingdom bounded by the Baltic, and those on the vast silver basin of Lake

Milar, seen Stockholm in all its pride, Upsal, the city of the ancient

gods, and Gébel, the active and industrious, he found himself amid a

region entirely silent, inanimate, and wrapped in a snowy pall. Soon he

penetrated the bosom of a long pine forest, the shafts of which seemed,

as it were, giants wrapped in cloaks of white. Now he ascended steep

hills, then rapidly hurried to the Gulf, the shores of which the waves

had made to look like point-lace, and looked up at the immense rocks on

which the waters broke.

Everywhere the same silence existed. Far in the distance a light was seen

to shine, either the glitter of a woodman's fire, or the midnight torch

kindled by some invalid. This light, fixed like a point in space, was but

another evidence of the isolation of man in these regions.

In this inanimateness of nature, in this sad uniformity of plains of

snow, in this desert of fields and woods, such sadness, such distress was

evident, that the heart of the traveler, who however was young and brave,

was filled with a kind of mysterious fear. Before him, among all the

other stars, shone that of the pole, that faithful light which is nightly

kindled like a pharos, and in the seasons of storm, smiles on the pilgrim

who has gone astray, and guides the navigator's steps. The stranger, for

a few instants, kept his eyes fixed on this benevolent light, as if to

find some relief to the impressions he had received from the melancholy

appearance of the earth. He then tapped the postillion on the shoulder,

and said to him, with the laconism compulsory on him from his knowledge

of the Swedish tongue, "_Aland?_" This was the name of the halting-place.

"_Intet tu,_" (not yet,) replied the postillion, as he took his arm from

the sheepskin which surrounded his shoulders. At the same time he cracked

his whip, as if to show how impatient he was to reach his halting-place.

The animals, thus excited, set forth at a long gallop across that portion

of the Gulf where the frequent passage of the fishermen had to a degree

leveled the snow, and ascended with much difficulty a hill covered by

trees at least a hundred years old. At the extremity of this forest, the

postillion turned toward the traveler, and with his finger pointed out to

him a spot so distant that it could be distinguished with difficulty.

"_Aland!_" said he; and with his voice and gestures he encouraged his

horses, who doubled their ardor, as if they comprehended that this was

the last effort which would be required of them before they reached their

destination.

The sleigh soon halted at the foot of a vast wooden house. When the

driver cracked his whip, when the sound of the bells was heard, the door

opened, and the stranger, it was evident to see, was expected. A servant

advanced to meet him, with a lantern in his hand, and led him through a

long corridor, introducing him into a room where a man with gray hair sat

in an arm-chair.

"My uncle!" said the traveler, rushing toward him.

"Ireneus, my dear child!" said the old man. They stood in silence,

clasped in each other's arms, until the old man, taking the young one by

the hand, led him to a table on which two lights were burning, looked at

him with complaisance, and said, "It is indeed yourself--it is the

likeness of my poor brother: the same eyes, the same proud and resolute

air. You look as he did thirty years ago, when he was about to cast

himself amid the dangers of war; when, unfortunately, he embraced me for

the last time."

"My dear uncle," said Ireneus, "instead of the brother you have lost, a

son comes to you. In my early youth, my mother taught me to love you.

That duty I shall be glad to discharge."

"The very sound of his voice!" continued the old man, who still looked at

him; "the very sparkle of his eye! No painter could have made a more

exact portrait. May you, however, have a far different destiny. Fatality

weighs on the family of Vermondans. May you, the only vigorous offshoot

of that old race of soldiers, already stricken by misfortune, already an

exile from your country, never learn, as your father and I did, how

bitter is the bread of the stranger--how difficult it is to go up and

down the stranger's staircase. But what do I say? You are in another

father's house. You come to it like a long-expected child, and you meet

with two sisters." Then going toward the door of another room, he said,

"Ebba, Alete, come to welcome your cousin."

Two young girls entered immediately. One of them was lively and active,

with black eyes and a ruddy complexion; the other pale, fair, and

delicate. The first gave her hand gaily to Ireneus, and kissed him on

both cheeks; the other advanced timidly, and with downcast eyes, leaning

her brow forward to be kissed.

"My dear cousins," said Ireneus, "my mother would have been delighted, as

I am, to have seen you; but being unable to make this long journey in

Sweden, has sent you at least a token of her affection." As he spoke, he

took from his pocket a little morocco box, which the agile Alete took and

opened with eagerness.

"What pretty ear-rings!" said she; "what a charming ring! See that little

blue cross, and the bracelet set with emeralds. Such jewels are made only

in Paris. Come look at them, Ebba!"

During all this time, Ebba stood aside motionless and silent. She then

approached the table on which her sister had displayed the jewels, and

looked at them without speaking.

"Is not this pretty?" said Alete. "We must divide them; and as I have a

lover who will make it a point of honor to give me as many ornaments as

my whim dictates and his fortune will permit, I wish you to take the

larger part."

"No," said Ebba, with a voice soft as that of a child, "as you are about

to be married you should have all as a wedding present. If you will

however let me keep this little cross, I shall be very grateful."

Alete, who under the mask of frivolity concealed a tender and delicate

heart, sought in vain to overcome the modesty of her sister; and finally,

with much reluctance, received three-quarters of the jewel-case.

"Now, young ladies," said their father, who had been an observer of this

contest of generosity, "remember that your cousin has made a long

journey. See if his room is in order and if supper is ready; for when one

has passed the whole day in crossing our snow-plains, some comfort is

required."

"They are good and affectionate children," continued the father, when

they had gone out. "The eldest is a gipsy who delights me with her

gayety; the youngest often moves me even to tears. Her mother died in

giving birth to her. The poor girl seems constantly under the influence

of the misfortune which presided over her birth.

"None of the things in which girls of her age delight, please or excite

her. Her silent and retiring life, seems one long act of resignation.

She finds interest in story and books alone. She has learned three or

four languages, and read all the books either here or at the parsonage.

When, however, she is in society, one would fancy her a very ignorant

person, so little does she say and so anxious does she appear to conceal

her information. Her modesty is disturbed by no vanity, and the placidity

of her meditations is interrupted by no vulgar commotion. One might

almost fancy her a stranger to this world, indifferent to its

calculations, lost to its joys, and submitting without effort to its

sorrows. I have never seen her smile, but I have never heard her

complain. Delicate and weak, the paleness of her face, the languor of her

appearance, betray a physical suffering she herself denies.

"As soon as she perceives that I remark any indisposition in her, her

countenance becomes illuminated by a gentle light, her lips are gilded

with a sweet smile, as if she begged me to excuse the uneasiness she had

inspired me with.

"Forgive me, dear Ireneus, for this unscrupulous thrusting on you of my

paternal egotism. I should first have inquired after you and your hopes

which were crushed so soon. Ebba, however, is ever a cause of anxiety to

me."

Ireneus replied to this confidence by cordially clasping his hand. Just

at that moment it was announced that the table was served.

"Come," said the old man, "you will not find here the gastronomical

niceties of Paris. Like plain country people, we live on the produce of

the soil. A good bottle of old beer, however, has some merit, and

varieties of game are found in our forests, for which the _gourmets_ of

Paris would willingly exchange their hares and partridges."

Ireneus sat between his two cousins, and his youthful appetite, sharpened

by the journey he had made, delighted the old man. As he ate large slices

of the haunch of a reindeer, and drank cup after cup of a savory beer,

prepared with particular care by Alete, he contrived to look at the young

girls on each side of him.

The eldest, always in motion, waited on her cousin and her father, went

to the kitchen, sat again at the table, and when she laughed disclosed

two rows of pearl between her rose-colored lips. She was indeed a

charming girl, round and dimpled as a child, fresh and gay as a bird,

with every gesture graceful, though she was a little espiegle and

coquettish. Her coquetry, however, was naive and chaste, of a kind which

in many women is but the amiable manifestation of a sentiment of

benevolence, and an innocent desire to be agreeable.

Ireneus took pleasure in looking at her, and as she immediately acquired

self-possession, she conferred the same privilege on others. She already

jested with him as if he had been an old friend, and he felt himself

as unconstrained as if he had passed his whole life with her. When,

however, he looked at Ebba, it was with strange emotion. Nothing in his

whole life had ever touched him so. The countenance of the young girl

had a cold marble whiteness, making it assume the appearance of a statue,

wrought in the most artistic manner.

Two long tresses of yellow hair fell over her cheeks, and disclosed a

brow of ideal serenity. Her pale face was lit up with eyes clear as

crystal, and blue and deep as lakes reflecting the skies. Any one who had

once looked into her eyes could not forget them. Often they drooped

beneath the lids, like a heart overcome with grief sheltering itself

beneath a cloud. When they were lifted up no earthly desire animated

them, and in their vague radiation they seemed to look into the infinite.

There are plants which the dew and sun do not completely develop. There

are beings like weak plants, attached to earth by but feeble roots, and

who from their very birth seem predestined to misfortune, and who, by

a kind of second-sight, made aware of the fate which awaits them, attach

themselves with fear and trembling to a world in which they anticipate

only an ephemeral existence and cruel deception. Their sadness is

reflected on those who approach them. There is as it were a fatal circle

around them, in which all feel themselves seized with indescribable fear,

and with the evidences of sympathy entertained for them is mingled a kind

of commiseration.

Ireneus experienced at the appearance of Ebba this sentiment of

uneasiness and melancholy sympathy. When after supper he bade adieu to

his uncle and cousins, when he was alone in his room, he smiled when he

remembered the amiable gayety of Alete, but became sad and pensive when

he recalled the dreamy look of her young sister, the sad melancholy

glance which shone over her face like the twilight of an autumn day.

Ireneus was not however one of those sentimental beings belonging to the

Byronic or German school. His mind was rather energetic than tender; it

was rather ardent than despairing. The son of a brave country gentleman

who had devoted fortune and life to the cause of legitimacy, and after

having followed the princes in their various emigrations, had died for

them in the wilderness of la Vendée. Ireneus had been the inheritor of

that obstinate will which never deviates from the end it proposes to

itself, and of a chivalric worship of the Royal family, which to him

seemed by a law divine to be invested with the imprescriptible right to

govern France. Of the large fortune which formerly belonged to his

family, the revolution had left him but a dilapidated castle, a few

fields and forests, the revenue of which scarcely sufficed to support his

mother in comfort.

The condition of his fortune did not permit him to lead an idle life. His

birth made his profession certain. He entered Saint-Cyr, and left it with

the best possible recommendations. He could also appeal to the traditions

of his fathers services. Through the union of these two claims he was so

rapidly advanced that at twenty-eight he was already Captain of the

Lancers of the Guard, with an honorable name, a handsome person, some

intelligence and that elegance of manners inherent in the class to which

he belonged, and which to us is known as the aristocracy, the young

nobleman might without presumption anticipate a brilliant future. His

mother amid the silence of her provincial castle followed him step by

step, with pride, and her solitary dreams saw him the husband of a rich

heiress, Colonel and aide-de-camp of a prince, deputy and peer of France.

Who can tell how vague were the hopes entertained in relation to that

child in whom all her hopes were centered!

His mother was lost in this study and observation of castles in the air,

when the revolutions of July burst forth like a thunderbolt, and at one

blow overturned all her aerial edifices.

Ireneus was at Paris when this terrible contest, the result of which was

the overturning of a monarchy, began with the crushing of a throne. He

fought with the ardor inspired at once by his love of legitimacy and his

innate horror of the revolutionary flag. On the first day he had the

honor of resisting with his company a numerous body of insurgents, and

succeeded in protecting the post which had been confided to him. On the

second day, after a desperate contest, the danger of which served only to

magnify his courage, he fell from his horse with a ball through his

chest. His soldiers who were devoted to him bore him to a house where he

was kindly treated. A few hours after, a General who had seen him in the

battle, sent him the brevet of Major. It was an empty honor, for the hand

which signed this promotion soon renounced all human grandeur and all

command.

The wound of Ireneus was severe. The kind attentions however which

surrounded, protected him from danger of death. As soon as he was

beginning to grow well, he went to his mother's house, where his cure

was completed. There he heard of the new exile of those for whom his

father had shed his blood and of the establishment of the new monarchy.

Many of his friends were soon induced to connect themselves with the new

monarchy which retained them in service, and even conferred special

compliments on them, and they wrote to induce him to follow their

example. Such a thought never entered his mind. Without partaking of the

exaggerated hatred of many of the Legitimists against the new monarchy,

he had stated that he would never serve it. He was not a man to violate a

promise. But he was subject to the danger of inactivity, the greatest

torment of active and strong minds. As an ambitious man examines with

great uneasiness the path which leads him to power, as the speculator

contemplates the capricious whims of fortune, as the young officer

waiting orders looks in every direction for action, did Ireneus. More

than once he resolved to join his fortunes with those of the exiled

princes in the arena of public opinion. They however had submitted to

their fate, and no longer appealed to their faithful servants. The time

of Royal crusades had gone by. Sovereigns made uneasy by the

effervescence of revolutions, which like a contagion spread over Europe,

had enough to do to secure their own thrones, and had no disposition to

ruin themselves in lifting up that of a neighbor.

Madame de Vermondans, after striving in vain to amuse her son, induced

him to visit his uncle in Sweden, hoping that travel would restore quiet

to his mind. It was one of those healthful remedies which often escape

the observation of science, and are suggested only by the ingenuity of

tenderness. Nothing in certain moral diseases is more efficacious than

travel. He who after having enjoyed all the emotions of active life,

finds himself at once condemned to the sterility of idleness, suffers

under a perpetual fever. Within him there is as it were an ever-acting

spring he strives with a constant effort to repress.

His intellectual and physical faculties, his imagination, his senses seek

to resume their old power. If the forces with which he is endowed, if the

abundant grasp of his mind are paralyzed in their motion, these forces

weigh on him like a useless burden. Soon in consequence of the internal

contest he has undergone, the constant desires he has given vent to, from

the very exuberance of life, which finding no outlet, recoils on itself,

he becomes a victim of the demon of satiety. To escape from its rude

grasp, air and space are required. The victim must be borne from the

narrow circle within which he is riveted as by a chain, which clasps his

frame. He must shake from himself every chimera, and to enable him to

forget himself, the aspect of strange lands, of scenes and pictures

which one after the other exhibit themselves before him, all that

forcibly attracts the attention, all that occupies the mind in a new

land, material cares, unexpected incidents, the surprises of travel, and

yet more the magical influence of nature, are required to restore tone to

the sick soul.

Ireneus had really experienced the effect of this moral remedy. In his

journey across Germany and the North, he had not recovered his early

impetus, his natural ardor, but he at least felt himself master of

himself. He reached his uncle's house in the happiest possible

disposition of mind.

When he arose on the next day, he took occasion to remark the delicate

Precaution taken to render his sojourn pleasant as possible. The

furniture of maple or birch was plain, but wonderfully neat; the bed

linen was of snowy whiteness and purity; and perfumed by aromatic plants

with which in the drawers it had been strewed. Here and there were a few

choice engravings, and on the floor was a carpet woven by his two

cousins.

At the very dawn of day a servant came to open the earthen stove, which

stood on the hearth like a vast column, and placed in it an armfull of

the pitch pine, which sent out jets of flame and a perfume which filled

the whole room. Double windows protected this room also against the

severity of the weather. Between them was a bed of flocks of wool on

which the young girls had placed artificial flowers, as if to preserve in

the nudity of winter the smiling image of spring. Here windows looked out

on a landscape which in the summer time must have presented a charming

aspect. The house of M. Vermondans stood on a hill, on the brow of which

was a breast of pines. In front of the principal façade was a garden with

a proclivity toward the lake, which was surrounded and sheltered by a

belt of trees. In the distance the peasants' houses were seen, the tall

clock spire of Aland, and far in the distance the chimneys of the furnace

belonging to M. de Vermondans. At this moment, the plain, the

snow-covered woods, the frozen lake presented one uniform color. Any one,

however, might see they would present beautiful landscapes, when the sun

called forth the field-flowers, made the forests lifeful, and gilded the

water.

Ireneus went to his uncle's room. He found the old man rested in an arm

chair, with his legs crossed and a long pipe in his mouth.

M. de Vermondans was not one of those persons who willingly distress

themselves about what the poets call the miseries of human life. He took

things as they came, and enjoyed prosperity without imagining future

troubles.

While young, he had fought with his brothers the battles of legitimacy.

Like his brother, he entertained a mortal hatred for revolutionary

rabble: gradually, like many others, he had begun to reason on the

matter, and become so tolerant that his doctrines reached the point

almost of carelessness. Just as her [sic] nephew came in, he was

reflecting and _quasi_ confirmed in the wisdom of his principles. "Yes,"

said he, as if he continued a conversation already begun, "yes, my

friend, I am as much opposed as you are to a stormy revolution. I left my

father's house, I abandoned my patrimony to accompany our princes into

exile. I have fought for them, in their holy cause I received a sabre cut

on the arm, which every now and then, by a very disagreeable sensation,

recalls my youthful patriotism to me. Soon, however, the idle pretensions

of my comrades, the disputes of our chiefs, repressed my ardor. I left

one of the cohorts in which reason was treated as treachery, and where

boasting alone was listened to with complacency. There firmness and

complaisance were paralyzed now by erroneous movements and next by

contradictory orders. A faithful servant contrived to save a portion of

my estate, and at the peril of his own life brought me twenty thousand

francs in gold. With this sum I came to Sweden, knowing that here

everything was cheap, and determined to buy a small estate on which I

might live, until I could find an opportunity of serving to some purpose

that cause to which my heart was devoted, and which I had never yet

entirely abandoned.

"At Stockholm one of those strange rencontres which we attribute to

chance, but which the pious with more propriety think originate in

Providence, made me acquainted with a land-holder in Angermania, named

Guldberg, as good a man as ever lived. I am indebted to him for all my

prosperity, and I bless his memory. M. Guldberg had discovered a rich

mineral deposit on his estate, was anxious to establish a furnace, and

sought for some one to aid him in his enterprise. In the course of my

studies I had acquired some ideas of hydraulics and mechanics, trifling

enough it is true, but one day conversation having been directed to these

matters, Guldberg, who knew even less than I did, appeared delighted with

my explanations, and asked me to aid him in his projected enterprise.

Without reflecting more than he did when he made the offer, I consented.

I came hither with him: I superintended the construction and the first

labor of the furnace you see glowing there. I was not unlike the ignorant

teacher who studies in the morning the lesson he teaches in the

afternoon. I made more than one unfortunate experiment. I committed more

than one error, but at last I got our establishment under way. Guldberg

had suffered patiently, and never complained of the mistakes I had made,

and now appeared most grateful for my success. He very generously offered

me a share of the profits of an enterprise which from the very

commencement promised the most favorable results. From this time

commences a series of derogations I now look on as so many wise

resolutions, but which many would look on as acts of apostasy. Here I am,

a French noble, with I know not how many illustrious quarters,

compromising my escatcheon in an industrial occupation. This was the

first derogation. Guldberg had an only daughter, very interesting, and

who pleased me. She had the kindness to show that I was not disagreeable;

she however had not a drop of noble blood, not even a single quartering.

I married her, much to your father's discontent. That was my second

derogation. This woman during her life was the very impersonation of

virtue, but was a protestant, and asked me as a favor that if our

children were female, they might be educated in her faith. My two

daughters believe as their mother did. That is the third derogation.

"An honest young fellow has courted the eldest of these girls. He is the

son of a priest, and will go into orders himself if he does not become

professor of a college. I saw my dear Alete had confidence in him. I

consented that she should marry a plebeian and a heretic. In this was

comprised the fourth and fifth derogation. I suffered the revolutionary

crisis of France to pass without exciting me: I have learned through the

papers that our dear country, the most intelligent in the world, has

successively adulated and cursed the bloody tyranny of Robespiere, the

gallantry of Barras, the Consulate, Empire and the Revolution.

"When the lilies replaced the tricolor, and the amiable people of Paris

cast themselves before the troops of the white-horse of Monsieur, with

the same enthusiasm they had a few years before manifested at the

appearance of the proud charger of the conqueror of Wagram and Jena, I

remained here and never changed my colors: I never cried 'down with the

Corsican Ogre.' Smoking my pipe in peace, I watched my furnace, smiled on

my children and my harvests, in the sunlight of Sweden, which would be so

delightful if it were a little less rare. This was another and a terrible

derogation.

"Gradually, however, dear Ireneus, I built up a faith to suit myself,

found, I think, in the works of no philosopher (I read but little), but

which yet seems to me a very good rule of conduct, inasmuch as it leaves

the conscience at ease and makes me as happy as any one can be in this

valley of tears. I therefore think, dear Ireneus, that in our benevolence

we make monsters of certain ideas which we imbibe when we are children,

and to which, without examination, we always submit ourselves. I think

that without violating any true principle of morality, without ceasing to

be, in any respect, a moral man, we may break some links of that network

of traditions spun for us by our teachers at so much an hour, and which

throws a hood over us as it is thrown over a falcon, to keep it from

flying in the infinitude of space. I respect every sincere belief, even

hat which I look on as a prejudice, and I insist that my own be

respected. As a conclusion of my profession of faith, I am willing to

admit that even a republican convinced of the justness of his opinions

appears as reasonable to me as a monarchist, and that a quaker or

Calvinist is as near heaven as the devout Catholic.

"When my mind lifts itself up toward God, I imagine him the

representative and originater of all good, and I am convinced that the

surest way to approach him, to merit his favor and win his blessing, is,

in the circle in which we are, whether large or small, to do as much good

as possible. I say, that the workingman, who toils for a short time to

assist his invalid neighbor, acquires more merit than the rich man, who

with an icy hand casts his coin into the lap of the indigent. I have the

audacity to think that a king, who in the splendor of his court is

forgetful of the suffering of his people; that a noble, who abandons

himself to all the enjoyments of his fortune, forgetful of misery

languishing at his castle gate, are great criminals; and that God will

punish their misdeeds, either on them, or, as the Bible says, 'on their

children even until the fourth and fifth generation.'"

Ireneus, who had listened in silence to this long profession of faith,

asked himself if it was worth while to contradict it. The words of his

uncle were contradictory of one of those doctrines, which are the more

difficult to shake, as they have their hold in the philosophy of the

heart, and are fenced around with many noble sentiments. His loyalty,

however, seemed to require some reply, and he spoke as follows:

"I understand well enough, my dear uncle, the chain of circumstances

which has led you almost to lay aside the principles which now seem

prejudices to you. I myself willingly immolate on the altar of new ideas

that pride of nobility which delights in the study of old parchments, and

makes a kind of fetish of scutcheons carved on the walls of an ancient

castle. I condemn as a foolish error, the airs of superiority affected by

old nobles in respect to merit sprung from the people; and if, in the

opinion of my father, your marriage with the daughter of your friend,

seemed a degradation, forgive him. Remember that he died at an epoch of

strife and convulsion in which every noble defended, with the greatest

possible ardor, the prerogatives of his rank, which he saw were attacked

by the maddest passion, and were in danger of being lost. Since then we

have made much progress. The barriers which formerly divided society into

two classes have been destroyed, space has been opened for every one to

carve his own way, and the people participate in governments, and in the

royal councils.

"The majority of the ministers of the Restoration were chosen from among

the people. In relation to this, I admit all the reasonings of the

philosophers of the eighteenth century, and of the liberals of our own

times. In them I find expansion of heart, intelligence, and I care not

for genealogy. The qualities of mind, grace and beauty seem to me signs

of distinction marked by the finger of God, who is wiser far than

D'Hozier.[A] I cannot, however, forget that this race of nobles, so

cruelly persecuted thirty years ago, so often trampled on in our own

times, was the glory and the power of France. I was forced with pain to

see with what incessant malignity this race, though stripped of its

ancient power, was attacked. I have often said that in sapping the

foundations of the aristocratic edifice, that in crushing the legitimacy

of the nobles, an attack was made on the legitimacy of monarchy. The

revolution just over has but too well justified my apprehensions. This

revolution which by a species of criminal conversion, selects one of the

old royal blood to occupy the throne of the exile, which selects the one

nearest the throne, is perhaps but the first of a series of convulsions,

in which will be engulfed, by ambition and pride, the wisdom and

experience of the past."

[Footnote A: A genealogist of great repute in France, twenty years

since.]

This conversation between the uncle and nephew was interrupted by the

sound of a horse's hoofs, dragging a sleigh rapidly toward the door of

the house.

"That is beyond doubt my future son-in-law," said M. de Vermondans,

"another philosopher, who, like yourself, does not in every respect agree

with you. He is, however, a good fellow, who under a by no means

aristocratic exterior conceals the noblest qualities."

When she heard the sleigh, Alete ran to the door sill; and Ebba followed

him. At the appearance of the two sisters, like a rose and a lily, the

young man hastened to divest himself of the thick fur which enwrapped

him, sprang from the sleigh, and hastened to his betrothed. He had not,

however, remembered the caprice of Alete, who, instead of giving him her

hand as usual, looked sternly at him, and said:

"Sir, you are incorrigible. How comes that waistcoat to be buttoned

wrong? And why has that cravat wings, like those of a crow? Why does your

shirt-collar come up to your ears? Is this the fruit of the lessons on

the toilette, which I have so often given you? Did I not also order you

to attend to your hair, and not let it fall on your shoulder, like two

bundles of flax, in disorder? You do not know that we have here a cousin

from Paris, who will take you for a Goth, or the Lord knows what."

The poor young man, stupefied at this reception, looked down

mechanically, with his hand on his waistcoat and his cravat, and did not

dare to approach his rigorous mistress.

"Alete, Alete," said Ebba, with a voice of supplication, "how can you be

so cruel!"

Alete, satisfied beyond doubt by the respectful submission with which her

Reproaches had been received, sprang to the neck of her betrothed, and

said,

"But I love my dear Eric truly. If I sometimes play the magnificent with

him, it is to make him think that he has himself, in a noble epistle,

called me his sovereign. Is not this so, Eric?" added she, leaning toward

him like a petted child. "Do you not weary of my little wickednesses? At

present, you see, I use the remnant of my liberty: when we are married,

however, I shall be a model of obedience."

The face of Eric had already become lighted up, and he kissed with

pleasure the little hand placed in his.

Alete seemed to fear nothing so much as these sentimental manifestations,

and took him into the room where the uncle and nephew had their political

contest, and pausing before Ireneus, said,

"Cousin, permit me to introduce to you M. Eric Goldberg, Doctor of the

University of Upsal, and a learned Grecian, who never in his life read a

single line of the _Journal des Modes_, and cannot conceive of the

difference between a good and bad tailor; who would not know how to hold

a fan; or to perform a contradance, but who, in spite of all that, is one

of the best fellows in the world, and is devoted to your cousin."

After this singular introduction, a faint blush spread over the face of

the young doctor. A clasp of the hand, and an affectionate word, however,

from Ireneus, put an end to all embarrassment.

"A strange girl," said M. de Vermondans, following Alete with his eye as

she hurried to the kitchen to take charge of the preparations for dinner.

"Is not that an odd introduction of her husband and lover? She never does

things, however, like other people. Be seated, dear Eric, though, and

tell me why we have not seen you for three days. We had began to be

uneasy about you, and Alete often looked toward the window. Had you not

come to-day, I should have sent to ask the reason."

"My father has been a little unwell," replied Eric; as he placed his

hands, made red by the cold, near the stove. "I had to remain to assist

him in some of his duties, and to amuse him by reading to him. This

morning, as I learned that Monsieur--Monsieur--"

"Say at once your cousin," said Ireneus, frankly.

"That my cousin" resumed the timid Eric, with more confidence, "had

arrived, I was unwilling to remain longer away, and my father was kind

enough not to wish to retain me."

As the Upsal student pronounced these few simple words, Ireneus observed

him, and discovered in his face such an expression of kindness, and in

his clear blue eyes such intelligence that he felt a real sympathy for

him.

"I thank you," said he, "for thinking of me before you knew me. I hope

that when we shall be acquainted you will grant me a portion of the love

you have conferred on my family. I am already disposed to love you as a

cousin."

"Ah!" cried Eric, springing up, and glancing at Ireneus with an

expression of radiant joy, "how happy I am at what you say! I was afraid.

I will confess, that I might find in you one of those careless men of the

world, as we hear most of the Parisians are. I see, however, you are a

worthy nephew of him I shall soon call uncle."

"Gentlemen," said Alete, who from the door had, with a pleasant smile on

her face, heard this amicable exchange of sentiments, "will you be

pleased to come to dinner?"

"Have they any caviar?" asked M. de Vermondans.

"Certainly, and as good as possible."

"Then we can give this Parisian a complete specimen of the gastronomical

refinements of our out-kitchen."

"You must know, Ireneus," said he, as he led his nephew to a little table

placed in the corner of the dining-room, "that we do not commerce our

meal as the rest of the world does. Our good ancestors certainly

discovered, that the walls of the stomach being contracted by cold,

needed to be refreshed by something spirituous, and from time to time

this estimable precaution has been perpetuated in the country. We will

therefore first take a glass of this brandy, and then a cake of this

caviar, a few anchovies, and a slice or two of ham, after which we will

really sit at the festal board, where the soup, to which you assign the

first rank, appears only as a secondary entree, after many culinary

preparations."

This was done to the great amusement of Ireneus, who really would have

taken for the dinner itself the prelude to it.

When they had sat down, Alete undertook to put him through a course of

national gastronomy.

"What do you think," asked she, "of the fish to which my father has just

helped you?"

"They are very good," replied Ireneus, "and resemble smelts."

"What do you mean by smelts? They are doubtless some tasteless product of

your warm rivers. Know, Monsieur, that these are stroemlings, the finest

and most delicate fish in the icy waters of the north. This other fish,

which glows like a piece of gold in its porcelain plate, you would find

it difficult to call by the correct name. It is a salmon, caught by a

skillful hand, and smoked with particular care. Near you is the tongue of

a reindeer, prepared by a Laplander, unrivaled in this useful art. This

bird, which yet looks fixedly at you with open eyes, though it died two

days ago, you might fancy a barn-door fowl, fattened up by the cook. Not

so: it is the briar-cock, the honor of our forests. The two fowls in that

dish are not a pair of vulgar pullets, but succulent grouse. I will not

mention that haunch of sanglier, which, however, is worthy of a royal

table; nor of those vegetables, which strangers say are nowhere as finely

flavored as they are in our loved Sweden; nor of those berries, gathered

last fall on the sides of our hills. Pay some attention, however, to that

bread which you break so carelesely with your fingers. It is not coarse

and heavy, like that of other countries. It is our _kneach-brad_,

delicate and light as a sheet of paper, and white as the purest flour."

"Have you done?" said M. de Vermondans; "and can you not, as an

accompaniment to so many exquisite things, bring us a bottle of claret?"

"Wrong again." said Alete; "as if this beer, prepared from the best

barley, the most perfumed hops, yellow as the Baltic, amber and pure as

spring-water, was not more valuable than the coarse red fluid you send to

such a distance for."

"I agree with you," said Ireneus, who in his turn wished to laugh at the

young girl. "It seems to me, that when seated in front of the riches of

the north, it would be a profanation to pour out a libation in a foreign

beverage. This beer has besides so excellent a flavor, that were there

anything like it in France, it is probable that the owners of the Clos de

Vaugeot and Medoc would root out their vines to make room for hops and

barley."

"You are laughing at me, dear cousin," said Alete; "take care, however."

"Peste!" said M. de Vermondans, "any one who knows you would be rash

indeed to excite your ceaseless babble. I do not think that Ireneus, who

has more than once proved his courage, is bold enough for that."

"Two royal officers contending against a poor country-girl," said Alete.

"We are not fairly matched, and I will go for the claret."

It was wrong for Alete to leave just then, for the conversation, which

hitherto had been gaily sustained, immediately began to languish, and

assumed a direction which compelled her to silence.

Ireneus complained of the inroad of democratic ideas, of the trembling

and fall of aristocratic institutions, of the authority of right divine,

which in his chivalric enthusiasm he looked on as the basis of society.

"Ah," replied Eric, with a tone of voice which seemed aroused by a

feeling of affection, "this holy authority will lift itself up from the

level of the popular waves which threaten to overwhelm it. It will appear

clear and brilliant as our polar star, above the clouds which now

surround it. It would subsist in all its power, if it were exercised by

men who comprehended the holy duties it imposed on them. Everything

connected with this primitive law, with this noble image of patriarchal

government, would yet exist, if each member of the great social family

would contemplate from a just point of view his own condition, and carry

out the consequences in a Christian-like manner.

"Charity, that is to say love and compassion, the two expressions in

which are summed up all the joys and miseries of human life, are two

virtues, ennobling and consoling man. Let the rich man be charitable to

the servant he has subjected to his will, toward the poor man who begs of

him. Let him say every day, as he awakes, every night as he prepares

himself for repose, that the more powerful he has been made by

Providence, the greater is the obligation he is under to aid and protect

those around him. In his turn, let the poor man be charitable to the

rich; let him know that no rock of marble, no gilded platform can rescue

the prince from mortal anxiety, and that human grief is found beneath the

imperial purple as well as wrapped in rags, and that often the noble,

surrounded by riches and at the festal board, is forced to envy the

humble hut and obscure repose of the coal-burner.

"If ever," pursued Eric, with an accent of enthusiasm, "I shall be called

to expound the word of God, this especially shall be the text of my

sermons: Charity! Charity! By charity I do not mean the habit of

extending the hand, which by a kind of instinctive motion, lets alms fall

in the blind man's basket, nor the graceful action of a lady who at

certain hours leaves the saloon to visit the garret. True charity

consists not so much in material aid as in the gifts of the heart; and

every individual, humble as he may be, may perform a precious act of

charity. To pay correct esteem to a poor man who has been calumniated;

to revive hope in a mind overpowered by misfortune and tortured by doubt;

to console by kind words a soul mistaken and suffering from errors; each

of these is a charity. To be mild and kind to all who approach you, to be

indulgent to those blinded by the glitter of prosperity, to be kind and

affectionate even when an effort is required to be so, to open a

sympathizing heart to all complainings, to all diseases, to all human

errors, is the way to gain daily the choicest opportunities of charity.

To be charitable is to be good. One of your illustrious writers,

Bernardin de Saint Pierre, said, 'Were every one to regulate his own

house, order would be the law of nature.' We may also say, were each one

to do good, universal happiness would be certain."

"Dear, dear Eric," said Alete, clasping his hand. Then as if she

reproached herself for this emotion, she suddenly withdrew it and said,

"You need not get into the pulpit to preach a very edifying sermon. You

treat us already as your future parishioners, and honor my cousin in the

same manner. Since you have begun, will you not complete his education?

That beautiful France, the wit and learning of which is so much extolled,

exhibits a haughty disdain of the science of other lands. I am sure my

cousin knows very little of the history of Sweden,--that magnificent

chronicle which in its royal genealogies dates from the deluge. You can

teach him. My learned sister Ebba will also teach him Swedish, the most

beautiful and harmonious tongue in the world, and certainly the oldest,

since savans have proven that Adam and Eve spoke it in Paradise. I also

wish to do my duty, and will guide my cousin in the study of natural

history of grouse and briar-cock, and the aromatic plants which grow on

our hillsides."

"You jest," said Ireneus, "but I seriously adopt your proposition."

"Bah! bah!" cried M. de Vermondans. "He would be a pretty Captain of

Lancers if he were to subject himself to pedagogues, like a school-boy,

and study themes and versions like a college lad."

"Excuse me, my dear uncle, the most unpleasant thing in the world to me

is to be idle. Since circumstances condemn me to inactivity, I would, if

possible, employ my time usefully. I shall be very grateful to Eric and

my cousins, if they will give me the instruction I need so much. I shall

be delighted to study the history of Sweden, a language spoken by persons

I love better than any in the world, and the products of the soil of

Which Alete is the amiable Buffon."

"So be it," said M. de Vermondans, who, in spite of his eclecticism in

politics, had, with a strange mental contradiction, preserved in relation

to certain things very deeply rooted ideas, "So be it. In my time people

took up no such fancies--more than one _emigre_ passed ten years of his

life in a foreign country, and never learned to speak its language. The

young men of our times are not like those of to-day. The world, which

when I knew it was so gay and careless, which from its very recklessness

and its choleric daring was so interesting, now looks to me like a vast

school. Its atmosphere, formerly impregnated with perfumes, is now

saturated with the atmosphere of dusty tomes and damp newspapers. We meet

with no one but persons anxious either to teach or learn. What will

become of us if we give way to this pedantic pride? If we surrender to

this anxiety to analyze everything? If we go on so, to suit us, God will

be compelled to make a new world, to give occupation to the lofty fancies

of naturalists and physical philosophers, who seem to me to have weighed

and examined this thoroughly.

"Bah! bah! Mademoiselle the philosopher," said M. de Vermondans, as he

saw Ebba smile, "I am not ignorant that just now I talk very much like a

heretic. You have delighted in reading a multitude of books. I excuse

you, however, because you never boast of your acquisitions.

"You do not belong to those blue-stockings, and I have met many such,

who, as soon as you approach them, throw at your head the name of a poet

like a bomb-shell, and exhibit the wealth of their arsenal by firing a

philosophical cannon, or algebraic chain shot.

"May God almighty keep me from those women who forget in this manner the

natural graces of their sex. Let him protect me from those Laureates who

can see no natural phenomenon without crying out with stupid

satisfaction, 'I know the reason.'

"Imagine how delighted I should be, if when enjoying the delicious luxury

of sunset, some bachelor of arts should say--

"'Monsieur, will you suffer me to explain how various clouds assume the

colors which so vividly impress you, and with what rapidity light comes

to the eye?'

"For heaven's sake let me enjoy in peace all the gifts of Providence,

admire its works in the innocence of my heart, and discover by what

geometrical process God has regulated the form of the globe, and to what

pallet, to use the painter's phrase, he has ground his colors."

"There you express a pious and respectable sentiment, which, however,

permit me to say, cannot be admitted without some qualification. We must

not forget that the greatest gift with which God has endowed man is

intelligence, and that one of our first duties is to attempt to develop

that intelligence by means of every faculty and all the means of

application with which he has endowed us."

"Good. If you were sure that you would not lose yourself amid temptation,

or, if like Tobias, you had an angel to guide you in the stormy voyage

you undertake. Into what derangement of pride has not man fallen, from

the fabulous Prometheus, who sought to snatch fire from heaven, to the

Philosophers of the eighteenth century, who extinguished fire in the

lights of their reason. Prove to me that what you call human reason has

in any manner purified or ennobled the moral sentiment, and I will bow

myself before your logicians and rhetoricians. To what direction soever I

turn I see only vain puerilities, useless labor, doubtful hypotheses,

presumption and falsehood. I admit that you may count amid the multitude

of books lumbering the shelves of your libraries many innocent and

instructive works. Those books, however, prove your impotence.

"Act as you please, and you will never be able to develop equally the

various mental powers. To expand one it is necessary to repress the

others. By giving your reason the rude aliment of scholastic argument,

you neglect your imagination. By illuminating your mind you overshadow

your heart. You congratulate yourself at the discovery of a problem, the

solution of which you have long sought for. Scientific journals become

filled with numerous dissertations about it, academies decree crowns and

medals to the author of the precious discovery. No one remembers, that

each of these solutions breaks one of the wonderful chains of charming

symbols, of naive ideas which once animated and vivified the people. That

it strips it of poetry, of the emotions of the heart, and the delightful

and fairy-like creations of the imagination.

"The ancients were not so learned as we, yet they were wiser. They did

not explain the phenomena of nature, but described with a graceful and

imposing imagery. The rainbow, reduced in our colleges to a mere

conformation of matter, was the scarf of Iris; the light-footed hours

preceded the car of night, and the rosy-fingered Aurora opened the

horizon to permit the car of Jove to pass. When the thunder rolled,

Jupiter spoke to attentive mortals. When volcanic mountains trembled, the

old Titans sought to throw off the mass of rocks which weighed on them as

an eternal punishment of crime. The middle age, yet more naïve and

poetical, peopled the air, fields, woods, and waters with a crowd of

mysterious beings who spoke to the senses and thought, and awakened in

the human mind a mild sentiment of faith or healthful fear.

"Now, thanks to your haughty reason, we have banished, like idle fancies,

all these creations of our forefathers. Now we know that the air has no

other voice than that of the wind and tempest; that the wood has no

animals other than those the structure of whom has been minutely

described; that there are no fairies in the green fields, and no

invisible spirits watching over the hearth and fireside. Man, relying on

his reason, would be ashamed to suffer himself to be excited by tales of

ghosts. He has cast aside all supernatural apprehensions; and I see the

coming of the time when even Saint Nicholas will not impose on children.

What have we gained by thus shaking off the network of smiling and

serious fancies, which both enlivened and restrained our fancy? Are we

happier, stronger, or better? Alas! for my own part, even were I to pass

for a mind behind the times, I would confess that I regret those days of

candid credulity in which each dark forest had its legend, every chapel

its history. One of the reasons why I love the Swedes, amid whom I found

a peaceful home, is, that they have not yet sacrificed to the teachings

of modern times their old poetry; and that in the majority of their

woodland homes are a multitude of popular songs, of traditional faiths,

of domestic customs, which recall the poetic days of the middle age. Is

not this true, Ebba? You know something of this matter, for you

participate in my predilections in relation to them; and more than once

I have seen you listen anxiously to the stories of the old women of

Aland."

"Yes, father," said Ebba; who had listened with eager sympathy to the

long dissertation of the old man, while Eric and Ireneus listened

modestly to all he had said.

"When you give me a lesson in Swedish," said Ireneus, "will you be kind

enough to add to it some of those histories, which, I assure you,

interest me in no small degree?"

"If you wish it," said Ebba, "I will." Whenever she spoke she seemed with

difficulty to surmount her timidity.

"Well, my dear nephew," said M. de Vermondans, with Eric on one side,

Ebba on the other, and the practical knowledge of Alete, "it seems to me

you can employ your time very profitably; for my own part I can only

induct you into the mysteries of bear-hunting, and the chase of the stag

and reindeer. It is so rude that I shall not be able to keep up with you.

Among my people, however, I shall be able to find a guide, who finds game

like a blood-hound, and follows it like a lion."

"That will do wonderfully well, uncle; with so attractive an offer, I

fear only that amid my amusements I shall forget my country and my

regiment, and become faithless to my king."

PART II.

Even if Ireneus had not willingly accepted the plan worked out for the

Employment of his leisure in study, the rigorous climate of Sweden would,

in some manner, have made it compulsory for him to do so. To the cold and

dry days, which, during the winter, enlightened and animated the people

of the north, succeeded storms and hurricanes. Tempests of snow floated

in the air, covered the paths, and blocked up the doors of the houses. A

cloudy horizon and black sky seemed to close around every house, like a

girdle of iron. At a little distance not even a hill could be

distinguished from a forest; all was, as it were, drowned and overwhelmed

in a misty ocean, in movable columns of snow, which were impetuous, and

irresistible as the sand-whirlpools of the desert. About midday a light

purple tint, like a dying twilight, glittered in somber space: a ray

thrown by the sun across the clouds, gave an uncertain light. All,

however, soon became dark again. One might have fancied that the god of

day had retired over-wearied from regions he had in vain attempted to

subdue. Nowhere does the symbolical dogma of the contests of darkness

and light manifest itself in more characteristic traits than in the

Scandinavian mythology; and nowhere does it appear physically under a

more positive image than in the regions which have been for centuries

devoted to this mythology. During the summer at the north, the sun reigns

like an absolute sovereign over nature, and ceaselessly lights it with

his crown of fire; he ever watches it, like a jealous lover. If he

inclines toward the horizon, if his burning disk disappears behind the

purple mountain brows, he leaves for only a moment those polar regions,

and leaves even then a clearness behind like the dawn. He soon reappears

in his spotless splendor.

In the winter, however, he yields to night, which, with her dark cortege,

occupies the northern world. She envelops space with her black wings, and

casts the ice and snow from her bosom. Sometimes, for weeks, the storms

are so violent, that one cannot, without danger, venture into the fields;

and cruel necessity alone induces the peasant to take the road, either to

offer something for sale in the nearest market, or to gain a few

shillings as a guide to some adventurous traveler. Sometimes, even the

peasants of this country are afraid to cast their nets in the river, and

gulf, which in the greatest degree contribute to their subsistence.

During the greater portion of the time, the poor people of the north,

secluded in their homes by masses of snow, isolated from their neighbors,

pass whole winters by the fireside. The men occupy themselves in

repairing the harness of their horses, in mending the iron work of their

carriages--for in that country the homes of people are so far from each

other, that each family is forced to provide for its daily wants, and

every peasant is at once saddler, wagon-maker, and carpenter. Women are

busy in weaving and spinning. In many provinces, especially in that in

which the uncle of Ireneus had established himself, there was in

existence an _industry_, which, during the last twenty years, has been

much developed. Every peasant's house is a perfect workshop, for the

manufacture of linen. Woofs, white and fine as those of Holland, and

quite as good, are there produced. This variety of work commences after

harvest. In the autumn evenings, women, young girls, &c., assemble at

different houses, with their distaff or bundle of flax, which they place

before the hearth. It is pleasant, indeed, to see this collection of

industrious women, busied in the performance of the task prescribed to

them, laughing, talking, without sometimes taking time even to listen to

the young lovers who hover around them.

Often a respectable grandmother, the fingers of whom were wrinkled by

age, and which neither weave nor spin, would bid the wild troop be

silent, as she told one of the mad histories of old times. Then, one of

the work-women would merrily ring out the peasant songs, the chorus of

which her companions would re-echo. After a few hours of toil, a young

man would arise, and give a pleasant signal. All chairs and benches would

at once be removed; the work-shop would be changed into a ball-room. To

supply the deficiency of an orchestra, one of the spectators defined the

modulations of a dance by some old traditionary song. Young men and women

took each other by the hand, and formed together one of those country

groups which are the elements of the chorographic art. They then parted,

making a rendezvous for the next day, for another hearth-side, but for

similar amusements. All the work-women, returned to their own houses,

where they gaily retailed all the episodes of the evening's events, some

recording merely a silent glance, which met their own, or a furtive clasp

of the hand which had aroused a blush. More than one happy acquaintance

originates in one of those northern evenings--and more than one girl,

who, in the autumn, has a heart free as air, in the spring wears on her

finger the ring of a promised bride.

When the weather was good, Ebba went out sometimes alone, to be present

at these re-unions. All rose to welcome her with a sentiment of respect

and attention, for she was kind to the poor.

The young people silently withdrew, and the matron of the house gave her

the most pleasant seat by the hearth-side. The children, however, to whom

she brought every day fruits and presents, leaped and danced around her.

The old village story-tellers were also glad when she came, for no one

Questioned them with more kindness, or listened with more attention to

their popular tales. Her delicate tournure, her graceful form, her pale

and melancholy look, were in striking contrast with those around her. To

see her motionless and mute amid the merry girls and the robust young

persons, would have induced a belief that she was one of those

supernatural beings, one of those fairy inhabitants of woods and

waters--strange legends about whom she so much delighted in. She entered

and retired silently, and her light feet seemed scarcely to touch the

ground. She flitted away like an aerial being, leaving with all those

whom she visited an indefinable impression, and arousing in some the

vague remembrance of a superstitious being.

One evening, when she was about to leave, a woman, who had looked

Attentively at her, said, "Dear young lady; how feeble and ill she

seems!"

"Yes," said a timid voice, "one might almost think she had joined in the

elfin dance."

"What is the elfin dance?" asked a young man; "I have seen many, but

never that."

"God grant you never may," said the one to whom he spoke; "the elves are

wonderful beings, who come we know not whence; and live, we know not how,

in the mountain gorges and woods. Probably they are the descendants of

some race accursed of God, and sentenced to live on earth, deprived of

every joy and hope. They never enter towns; do not associate with us; but

when they see a solitary wanderer, they seek to win him to them, and

exercise a most unhappy influence over him.

"You sometimes have seen large circles of grass in the meadows trampled

down. They are traced by the elves, as they dance in the summer night

when the moon is shining. Wo to the wanderer, wo to the young girl, who

at that time passes near them. The elves invite them to join in the

dance, and sometimes drag them by force away. Into the veins of any one

who comes within their circle, a secret poison is infused, which makes

him languish and die. I tell you, I fear that Ebba, good and charitable

as she is, has been surprised by those accursed beings; for she has the

pale face and languid air of those who suffer from philtre of the elves."

Sitting one morning in the room of her father, Ebba was discharging the

task she had proposed to herself in jest. She was teaching Ireneus the

elements of the beautiful Swedish language, of the Islandic from which it

is derived, and which has its ulterior origin in the old tongues of

India, the cradle of the great Gothic races. "It is pleasant," says

Byron, "to learn a foreign tongue from the eyes and lips of a woman."

Ireneus enjoyed all the luxury of such a system of instruction.

Without having what is called a poetical nature, he was not a little

under the influence of the poetry of his situation, of the beautiful girl

who taught him, of her sweet smile, and the affectionate voice which

stimulated his zeal or reproved his mistakes. Any accidental question,

any quotation, a single word often would hurry the young girl's mind to

her favorite theme, the mythology of the north.

In her early youth, she had studied the curious dogmas of the old

Scandinavians, a singular assemblage of terrible symbols and smiling

images borrowed from the flowery regions of the east, and of dark

conceptions produced in the cloudy north.

Not only did she know all the tales, but in some sort she lived in the

memory of the heroic and religious traditions sung in the solemn

dithyrambics of the Edda, and met with in every page of the Islandic

sagas. Though her heart was always Christian, she was amazed, from time

to time, at hearing herself speak, like a pagan, of the beneficent

Baldus, of Loki, the spirit of evil, and of Freya, the golden tears of

whom formed the Baltic amber. To her, the world was yet peopled by the

mythological beings, created by the naïve faith of the north, and to them

she had learned to adapt the phenomena of nature. When she heard the

thunder, she thought of Thor, and his mighty hammer, driving across the

heavens in his iron car. If the sky was clear, she thought the luminous

Alfis lighted up the horizon.

In the pantheism of Scandinavian mythology, which, though less seductive,

is less comprehensive than that of the Greeks, all that she heard assumed

a mysterious existence. Plants were watered by the foam the horse of

night shakes on the earth, as he tosses his mane and champs his bit.

Crows had a prophetic power. The eagle sailing through the air, recalled

to her that deathless bird which sits on the boughs of Ygdrasil, the

tree of the world. A secret spring, hidden amid the woods, seemed to her

the emblem of that deep spring in which the Nornas spin and cut the

thread of life. To these traditions, far older than Christianity, she

united the popular legends of the middle age. If night, the whistling of

the wind, the rattling of the rain, the murmur of the trees, made a

confused murmur in her ears, she fancied that she heard the barking of

dogs, the sound of horns, and the cry of the wild huntsman sentenced to

wander forever from vale to vale, from mountain to mountain, because he

had violated a Sabbath or saints' day. If, on some calm day, she looked

at the golden and purple surface of the lake, she fancied that she saw,

in the depth of the water, the spires and roofs of the houses of some

city which God had punished for impiety, by burying it beneath the waves.

If she stood on the banks of a rapid stream, at the foot of a cascade,

she said that the sounds she heard came from Stromkarl. The Stromkarl has

a silver harp, on which he plays wild melodies. If his favor be gained,

by any present, he teaches the listener his songs. Wo, however, to the

man who hears him for the ninth time. He cannot shake off the

supernatural charm, and becomes a victim to his imprudent temerity.

One evening all the family was collected around the earthen stove. Eric

was there. Suddenly the sky, which in the morning had been dark and

cloudy, was lit up as if by the blaze of a immense conflagration. The

aurora-borealis, that wonderful phenomenon of the north, glittered in the

horizon, and gradually extended its evolutions from the east to the west.

Sometimes all the colors of the rainbow were visible, and again it

glittered like a mass of fusees, or transformed itself into a vast white

cloud, sparkling like the milky-way. Again it would assume the most

splendid blaze, and appear like a mantle of purple and gold. For one

moment the rays would be alligned, and gradually disappear in the

distance; then they would cross each other like network. Again they would

arrange themselves in bows, dart out with arrowing points, shoot into

towers and form crowns. It might have been fancied the creation of a

kaleidescope, into which the hand of a magician had cast jets of life,

oscillating and floating under every form. At the same time, there was

heard in the air a sound like that accompanying the discharge of

fireworks.

Eric, who had been asked to give an explanation of this phenomenon,

analyzed the various theories of philosophers on the subject. He

especially referred to those of the Society of Copenhagen. He said this

was one of the phenomena which no philosopher had as yet explained; that

of all the hypotheses on the matter, the most specious was that which

ascribes the aurora-borealis to the reflection of the northern ices.

"My wise daughter, what do you think of it?" said M. Vermondans, speaking

to Ebba, who, with her hands crossed over her chest with religious

silence, sat looking at a phenomenon she had witnessed every winter,

and which on every occasion awakened a new emotion.

Ebba said, "I do not know the dissertations of academies, like Eric.

Since, however, they do not explain the cause and motion of the aurora

borealis, I had rather rely on the simple and religious traditions of an

ignorant people, to that of the Greenlanders, who say that the rays of

the aurora come from the glare of souls which wander over the skies."

"On my soul," said M. Vermondans, "that idea pleases me. Like the

problems of the natural philosophers, it does not explain the problem of

the aurora-borealis, but it is much more poetical. This tradition

contributes to the assistance of an idea I advanced the other day, on the

vanity of scientific speculations, especially when we compare them with

the delicious conceptions of the ignorant."

"True," replied Eric, "in the infancy of nations, as in the childhood of

the individual, there is a graceful poetry, an ideal and intellectual

understanding of nature, which does not resist grave impressions or the

reason of mature age. Thus, amid the wild nations of North America, the

poor mother who has lost a child, fancies that she scents the perfume of

its breath in the flowers, and hears its sigh in the voices of the birds.

Thus is it that our Lapland neighbors attach a touching faith to many

physical incidents.

"When one of them becomes ill, they say that his soul has been called to

a better world by the loving beings he has lost; and that his soul is

about to depart to yield to their prayers, and seek its final home with

them. Then they send for a sorcerer, who casts himself on his face on the

ground, and in mysterious words beseeches the wandering soul to return.

If it yields to the supplications, if it returns to the tabernacle it has

inhabited, the invalid recovers breath and strength; if not, he dies.

Such, and a variety of other examples, we find in every direction, in the

wonderful tales of the east, in the popular traditions of the north, and

they prove clearly enough that there are flowers of poetry and

spring-like perfumes full of inimitable grace in all primitive societies,

even where gross ignorance and coarse usages distress us.

"Think you though that science also is without poetry? If you understand

by poetry, what I think you do, every ennobling of thought, every

exaltation of mind, do you think there is no lofty and grand poetry in

that geology which searches into the bowels of the earth, and exhibits to

you the different layers of which it is composed, and the revolutions it

has undergone; in the researches of the naturalist, who exhibits the

creations of an antediluvian world; in the observations of the

astronomer, who explains the configuration and harmonious movements of

those luminous orbs removed millions of miles from that on which we

dwell? Do you think there is no poetry in the material development of

civilized societies, in the industrious activity which digs canals,

pierces mountains, subdues the elements, and moves all to man's will?"

"Ah, certainly I experience a very agreeable emotion, when in an old

custom I find the traces of the religious spirit of our fathers, and

listen to their legends and songs. This emotion, however, does not

prevent me from thinking of that which should be created by the imposing

spectacle of the progress of civilization, more than the pleasure I would

enjoy if I reposed by the side of a fresh spring, mysteriously concealed

amid a forest, would prevent me from loving to look on a majestic river,

down which floated the canvas of some ship, or the boilers of a steamer.

The perfection of matters would be to kindle our soul with the lights of

science, and at the same time preserve the innocent candor of our hearts.

Thus will we obey the Bible-text which says, 'You shall not enter the

Kingdom of heaven, unless you be as little children.' To be a child in

simple-heartedness, a man in toil and labor, is the end we should propose

to ourselves."

"Yes," said M. de Vermondans, "that is a truly noble object. We cannot

however expect to attain it. Pride unnoticed, is created by the very

labor of our minds, and when that poison has inoculated our hearts,

farewell to innocence. I will agree with you as to the indisputable

benefits of science. Confess, however, that all the learning of your

philosophers and mathematicians can I never confer on any people the

precious customs of the days of old. When we look back on what has been

done by the would-be wise men of antiquity to ennoble the moral state

of man, I will not speak of the mad ceremonial of the burlesque festivals

invented by the revolutionists of 1793. They were but scenes of disorder

and frenzy. Imagine, however, the purest and most solemn of the

discoveries of science, and compare it with the Christmas festival which

the Swedish peasant will celebrate in a few days, and tell me which

contributes to true emotion, to the moral good. Alete, give me my pipe."

The last words were the usual signal given by the good old man when he

felt the length of the conversation fatiguing, or felt his favorite ideas

paradoxical, though they sometimes were pressed on by arguments the tenor

of which he found it difficult to resist.

Alete went to get the long pipe, with its stem of maple-root, and filled

it with tobacco with her own pretty fingers. A sweet smile and a

deferential look from Eric recompensed her. When he saw M. de Vermondans

seated in his chair, and inhaling the aroma of tobacco through the amber

mouthpiece, he said,

"Since you remember our Christmas festival, you will not forget that we

expect you, Ebba, Alete, and Ireneus to keep it at our house."

"Yes, Eric," said M. de Vermondans, "I like your father, and shall be

happy to pass a day with him."

"Yes, dear Eric," said Alete, "I love your father. Pay however some

attention to old Marguerite's preparations. I wish to be received like a

princess, and if all the plate is not produced to do me honor, if the

table be not covered with the finest linen and loaded with delicacies, if

the furniture does not glitter like glass, and the passage-hall and

corridor are not bright as if for a wedding, I will turn all the house

upside down."

"Well well," said Eric, "there you are a queen. My father will turn over

all power to you, and you may make as many reforms as you please."

Part III.

A few days after the visit of Eric, the groom of M. de Vermondans took

from the carriage-house two sleighs, trimmed with wolf and bear-skins,

and harnessed to each of them a spirited horse, the activity of which

seemed enhanced by the cold morning air. In the first sleigh sat M. de

Vermondans and Alete; and Ireneus and Ebba entered the second.

"Are we ready?" said the old man, as he took the reins in one hand, and

the whip in the other.

"Yes," said Ireneus, after he had wrapped up the delicate frame confided

to him in a large Astracan-skin.

"Well, let us start." The horses, as soon as the reins were loosed, left

the house at a gallop.

"I am glad," said Ebba to Ireneus, "that you are in Sweden at this

season, which to us is so solemn."

"Do you then celebrate Christmas with so much pomp?"

"I do not think it is celebrated in any country of the world with so much

joy and unanimity, from the northern extremity of the realm to the

southern boundary, in town and country, in palace and peasant's hut."

"I am sure that in this festival there are touching usages, with which

you are thoroughly acquainted. I shall be delighted if you will explain

them to me. All you have told me of your popular legends and

superstitions, opens to me, as it were, a new world, in which, I assure

you, I am glad to wander."

"Were I not afraid that I would appear pedantic to you." said Ebba, "I

would tell you what Eric has told me about our Christmas festival. It

appears to date back to a remote day before the Christian era. At this

season our pagan ancestors celebrated the winter solstice, just as on the

25th of June they did that of summer. The early name of this festival,

which we yet preserve, indicates an astronomical idea. It was called

_Julfest_. (the feast of the wheel,) certainly because the sun, the

evolutions of which are on the 25th December marked by the shortest day,

and June 25th by the longest. Whatever may have been, the primitive

nature of this festival, Christianity gave it an august character. To us

it is not a material symbol, but tho commemoration of the day on which

the Savior of earth was born in a stable. That day seems to announce glad

tidings to the Swedish peasant, as it did to the shepherds of Bethlehem,

for each seem to rejoice. The courts and schools have recess, parents and

friends visit each other, not to discharge the common duty of politeness,

to leave a card with the porter, but to pass whole hours in gayety and

frank intercourse."

On all the high and cross-roads, you see sleighs filled with travelers.

One will contain a daughter married at a distance from home, who at this

time of universal enjoyment wishes to visit the old hearth-side, The

other contains a son, who comes from the University, or from the city

where he is employed, to kiss his mother. The soldier who all the year

has borne in patience the severity of garrison duty, is satisfied with

his profession, if he can at that season obtain a leave of absence for a

few weeks. The sailor returned from a distant voyage, looks anxiously at

the sea and sky, and increases his zeal and activity, to be enabled to

reach Sweden by Christmas. The houses everywhere are open, and the table

is always spread. All is made scrupulously clean, for at this season,

every housewife loves to display her order and carefulness. The rich

display damask and rich hangings. The poor strew pine branches on the

floor, and white curtains newly bleached, deck the windows. You reach the

family-hearth. One of the servants takes your horse to the stable,

another hangs your valise before the fire to dry it. The mistress of the

house, while dinner is being prepared, offers you a glass of brandy, or

of beer prepared expressly for Christmas, and called JULÆL. The young

women bring you cakes prepared by themselves. Your hands are shaken

cordially, presents are made, it matters not whether trifling or rich,

they are Christmas remembrances and a pledge of love.

In many of the peasants' houses, all the shoes of the family are, as a

sign of this union, placed side by side of each other. In many also

before and after meals, a hymn is sung. Then when dinner is over, old

men, women and children dance together. Servants and masters mingle

together, and even the mendicant is kindly received. On that day the

God of mercy descended to save indiscriminately the rich and the poor,

and to teach the proud and the humble the brotherhood of the Gospel. At

this season of universal sympathy, even the animals are not forgotten,

a larger ration of grain and hay is carried to the stable, and barley is

strewn on the snow for the birds, who are then unable to glean in the

fields, and who, delighted by this unexpected provender, in their cries

seem to warble forth a Christmas hymn. In some villages the little

tomtegubbar or invisible genii, protecting the household, are yet

remembered, and vases of milk are placed on the floor for them. Other

superstitions are also joined to this religious festival. Thus in many

peasant houses, a straw-bed is made on the floor, and on it the children

and servants sleep during the night. On the next day, this bed is taken

to the court-yard, or barn, and it is thought to preserve the fowls from

birds of prey, and the cattle from disease. This straw is also strewn on

the fields around fruit trees, which it is thought to make healthy. At

evening, two torches are lit to burn all night; if one of them becomes

extinguished or is burned out before day, it is a sign of trouble, that

during the course of the year there will be a death in the house. All

fancy that in Christmas a revelation of the future is found. To read this

prophecy however, it is necessary to rise before dawn, to go fasting and

in silence into the wood, without speaking or looking around. If too at

sunrise, the church is reached before the crowing of the cock, the

coffins of those who will die during the year will be seen, and by

turning the head around, it may be learned if the harvest will be good or

bad, or whether there will be a conflagration in the village.

While Ebba was describing these usages and superstitions of Sweden, the

sleighs passed rapidly along the snow plains, which had been previously

leveled by other vehicles. The spire of the church in which the father

of Eric for thirty years had officiated as PROST with honor and dignity

was seen. About fifty houses were arranged in a circle around the ascent

of a hill. There was one among them of comparatively large dimensions, of

two stories, and built of stone, a rare thing in Sweden, whose country

houses usually have but one story and an attic, and are built of wood.

One side of this house adjoined a large and beautiful church, and the

other on an inclosure. Two rows of windows in the principal façade looked

out on the gulf, and before the principal door was a terrace commanding a

most extensive view. At this moment the sun lit up the polished windows,

and the plain, covered with an immense sheet of snow, shone brilliantly.

The sea with a fringe of ice close to the shore, rolled in the distance

its free and azure waves, and the forests which appeared here and there

in their somber verdure and mute majesty, the vast and silent space, the

little village, the motion of the population of which was already

visible, presented to Ireneus a picture which differed so much from all

he had seen, that it filled him with wonder and surprise.

"The house," said Ebba, "which I see has attracted your attention, is

that of Eric's father, a good and venerable old man, the whole of the

life of whom has been an example of prudence and usefulness. He does

much good around him, by means of his religious exhortations and

agricultural industry. In Sweden, many of the clergy act in this double

capacity. The greater portion of the revenue of many livings consists

entirely of the revenue of the lands with which they are endowed. If the

priest does not take pleasure in rural occupations, he farms out the

lands, and quietly receives the rent. They render important services to

the districts amid which they live. They are teachers of labor, and often

introduce systems of agricultural improvement revealed to them by science

or a new machine.

"The father of Eric is one of those farmer priests; for more than twenty

years without neglecting any of his sacerdotal duties, he has cultivated

a large farm attached to the presbytery. He has given lessons in

agriculture to the peasants, and enforced them by success, for no fields

are more productive than his own, and no yard has seen fine cattle. How

great is his activity!

"How often have his people seen him brave, with a vigor they could not

but admire, the summer's heat and winter's ice. At present the

infirmities of age render this rude toil impossible. He, however, does

not cease to correspond with many agricultural societies, and encourage

those who have recourse to his counsels. He is one of those rare men

gifted with meditative faculties, and with great practical capacity."

"How pleasant is it." said Ireneus, "to suffer my mind to repose in the

asylum you have opened for it. Since my coming hither I have met with

none but pure hearts, and have beheld only the mild pictures of a pure

and peaceable existence. How different is it from the agitation of all

parties in my own land! Yet, however, even amid the calm and repose I

here enjoy, how I regret it. I saw it so great and prosperous, and

thought its destiny so certain!"

"Console yourself, cousin," said Ebba, "you will see that country again,

which it is both a necessity and a duty for you to love. You will see it

in that normal condition from which it has by a great crisis been thrown.

Moral diseases, like physical ones, sometimes attack men, and God, to

punish the errors of a people, to abase its pride, strikes it with one of

these mental contagions, yields it up to the effervescence of its bad

thoughts, until the people humiliates and corrects itself, bending before

the arm of the Avenger in penitence, and returns to the path from which

it has wandered."

Ireneus was amazed to hear her speak thus. The timid young girl seemed

like a prophetess animated with a mighty inspiration. A flush was on her

pale face, and in her glance was the light of enthusiasm.

"You are a noble creature," said Ireneus, taking her by the hand. The

hand of Ebba lay motionless and pale in his, her blush passed away, and

the dark shadows of her habitual melancholy returned.

Just then the sleigh of M. de Vermondans arrived at its destination. Eric

was waiting for them at the threshold, clasped the hand of his

father-in-law, and helped Alete out, as Ireneus did as much for Ebba. The

servants took care of the foaming horses.

The little party, as soon as they entered the house, could see that the

faithful Eric had sought to avoid the reproaches of his betrothed. The

entrance of the corridor was so completely washed and dried that one

might fancy the joiner had just finished the floor. Through the open

kitchen door a large brazier was seen in a glow, and the ringing of

plates and dishes was heard. The antechamber was covered with a woolen

carpet, and the Christmas pine brought on the day before from the

neighboring forest, decked with garland and moss, rose proudly from a

large box, as if it knew how proud a part it played in the festival.

As she passed from the antechamber to the drawing-room, Alete paused to

look at the arrangement of the table. Seeing a false plait in one of the

napkins, she was probably about to give vent to her epigrams. The door of

the other room however was opened, and a handsome old man dressed in a

long frock appeared. His head was covered with a cap of black velvet,

from beneath which his white hair escaped. This was Eric's father, and

Alete paid much respect to him.

"Come, my daughter," said the pastor, as with much kind dignity he kissed

her forehead. "You too, my friend, and my gentle Ebba (speaking to M. de

Vermondans and his other daughter), are welcome. You too, Monsieur," said

he, turning to Ireneus, "though I have not before had the honor to see

you, I welcome as a friend. You are all welcome to the hearthside of the

poor priest, and may the festival of to-day be to us a commemoration of

the past, and a happier tie for the future."

The old man took his guests into his own room, in which there was an

Inconsiderable library, a few models of utensils for agricultural

purposes, testifying to both his taste and his occupation. He sat on a

sofa, which debility in his limbs made necessary to him, and placed his

guests beside him. Alete, who could not sit quiet long, soon arose and

took Eric to the window. While, as was the custom with her, she tested

the patient character of her husband that was to be, the old man

conversed with Ireneus, who from the very first had been attracted by his

venerable and pleasing face.

"From these instruments of labor collected around you, I see," said

Ireneus, "that you have contrived a sure method of making your solitude

active. Ebba has already told me how usefully you employ your time."

"Usefully," replied M. Guldberg, with sincere modesty. "Alas! let us act

usefully as we may, how much weakness is there in our will, and

forgetfulness in our best resolutions. If by the grace of God we

accomplish any good, what is that in comparison with what we should do. I

love toil, but I can make no merit of it. In my youth it was a necessity.

The son of a laborer, who earned with his own hands the money which

supported me at school, I was compelled, at every risk, to repay him for

his paternal tenderness by my success. Gradually labor became a habit,

and then a _quasi_ dogma of religion. I thought it my duty, as soon as

possible, to release him from the necessity of sacrifice. I feel myself

attracted by a brotherly sympathy to all who toil. I look with respect on

the sweaty brow and toil-stained hand. God himself prescribed labor to us

as a law, and his infinite goodness unites with obedience to it the

enjoyment of much happiness. Certainly no person with a heart can repress

sympathy at the sight of the poor laborer, who is busy from morning to

night to earn his moderate wages, who braves every weather to sow and

harvest his crop. This laborer, however, is often happier than the

majority of the rich, who, as they pass, look on him with pity. He has

done his duty. When his task is done he sits contented at his humble

hearth. The sparkling wood, the bread on his table, he has earned

himself. He educates his child by his own exertions, and as he seeks his

bed, may say he has done his duty. He is ignorant of the troubles which

fill the hearts of the opulent. Ceaseless toil to him is a cuirass

warding off stormy passions. The door of his soul is shut to dark

chimeras, to the mad fancies which people the area of the palace, and on

his rude pillow he enjoys a peaceful repose, which the lord of his

village often asks for in vain. When I thus praise the efficaciousness of

toil, I do not speak only of manual labor. The labor of thought is often

most painful, and its fruits infinitely more valuable."

"Take care," said Ireneus, "you touch a sensitive string of my uncle's

breast."

"Yes," said the old man, "Eric has told me of your discussions on this

subject. I however know my friend M. de Vermondans, and whatever disdain

of science he may affect, I believe he would be distressed if he did not

know all that he has turned to so good a purpose in life. In attacking in

your conversations books and writers, he did not tell you how much he had

borrowed from them, and how earnestly he had read them."

"What books?" asked M. de Vermondans; "a few incomplete histories, and

some odd volumes of philosophy. One must examine closely the reveries of

human pride to be able to judge of them."

"Traitor!" said M. Guldberg, shaking his finger affectionately at his

friend, "you not only persist in hypocrisy, but you attack the character

of my library. A few incomplete histories! a few odd volumes! Must I then

recall to you the admiration with which you looked at my books, and

studied all that I had collected? Some incomplete histories! a few odd

volumes! Must I recall to you the delight with which you often have

studied my collection? Must I defend it against you? Know, that to attack

my books is to make war against myself. I passed forty years of my life

in collecting them, and to each one is attached some pleasant

remembrance. From some I date my student life, and my entry into the

priesthood. From some I fix the epoch of my marriage, and the various

phases of my existence; some I found in a country cabin, where they were

forgotten; some I brought from Stockholm, where I had been to see my

bishop and an old friend. All therefore recall to me kind teachers,

skillful guides, and are the memorials of different events, which are the

great items of my life. Gradually I have collected around me those books

which interest me the most. When I am here in my woodland home they are

company to me, and the most instructive friends man can meet with. Here

I have the philosophers, who aid me in the examination of the mysteries

of the soul; the historians, who record the revolutions of nations; the

geologists and natural philosophers, who expound to me the organic laws

of nature; the poets, who sing the joyous or sad emotions of the heart.

Whatever may be my moral disposition, I need only to reach my hand toward

one of them to seize on some brilliant intellect, to enlighten,

strengthen, and console me."

"How that delights me!" said Ebba, in a low tone.

"Listen," said M. de Vermondans, with emphasis, and with an intonation of

grief entirely contradicted by his face, "see, this woman has been

bewitched: the poison of your pernicious doctrines has reached the very

interior of my house. I fancied I would be able to educate my daughter in

the love of good principles, but I have warmed a very serpent at my

heart. Luckily, I see my faithful Alete attending only to the positive

and who now says that dinner is ready or Christmas-day. Christmas comes

but once a year."

The dinner was in truth solemn and splendid, the whole table being loaded

with enormous dishes.

"What a luxuriance of richness!" said M. de Vermondans. "Thank God, a

love of books does not make us forget material things."

Ireneus said, "This is in truth a banquet, with which, in France, a

candidate for the Chamber might win over many electors."

"Luckily," said the old priest, "we have no electors here to lead astray.

When, though, we leave the table, my farmer-boys will make merry over

what we have not eaten, and with them many poor people who on Christmas

are in the habit of coming to the parsonage. You do not to-day dine with

me, but with my people. On Christmas, in Sweden, we make presents to each

other as in France is done on New-Year's day. This game, these fish, have

been brought to me by the huntsmen and fishermen of my people. A peasant

gave me a quarter of veal, another gave me cream, a third the butter.

Even one woman has brought me an egg or two, saying that they should be

boiled only for myself. Before long the house will be filled with a

crowd, and many strange stories will be told around the firesides. Whole

pitchers of beer will be emptied to the health of the old pastor and his

friends."

"They will dance?" asked Alete.

"No, mademoiselle, you will not have that profane amusement. But Nils the

schoolmaster has a very fine voice. Olaf the fisherman, and his brother

Christian, will be there also, and your cousin will be able to hear some

of the popular songs. He never heard anything like them in Paris."

"So be it," said Alete; "one or two rounds with those merry figures would

however have been amusing enough. Hark! it seems to me I hear hurras at

Nils's arrival. If the two others are come, may I bring him?"

"Do so, my child," said the pastor.

"Yes, go, Alete," said Ebba, gaily.

Alete went out, and came in shortly with three young men, who modestly

looked down, and twirled their hats between their fingers.

"Good morning, friends," said the pastor. "Alete has told you I had a

favor to ask. I have a friend here who does not know our old Swedish

songs, and I rely on you to give him a good idea."

The three young men looked toward Ireneus and then toward each other.

Then, being encouraged by signs from Ebba, and having drunken a glass of

wine which was offered them, they sang a song which was designated.

They sang, one after the other, the romance of Agnete, who was surprised

on the shore and borne beneath the water by the amorous _Neck_. That of

fair Carine, the victim of her virtue, the soul of whom flew to heaven in

the shape of a white dove, where it was again transformed into a joyous

harp, the sweet sounds of which won the crown of queen. Much to his

regret, Ireneus could not understand the sense of these songs, which are,

so to say, idyls and charming dramas. He however listened with

undefinable emotion to those simple and artless melodies, which, in their

expression of grief and joy, were so pure that they seemed to spring from

the very heart of the people. He begged Ebba to say to the singers how

delighted he was, and they then went to the kitchen to tell how pleased

the Parisian had been.

After dinner Alete and Ebba went into the drawing-room, and having

carefully shut the door, might have been heard going and coming, and

giving orders, while the pastor entertained his guests. Alete seemed very

busy. She called the servants--had the position of the furniture

changed--sometimes talked loudly, and then whispered. Some mysterious

scene occupying the thoughts of Ireneus was taking place there.

Toward evening the mystery was explained. Alete came to take the arm of

the pastor in triumph, and he, M. de Vermondans, and Ireneus, went toward

the room. Drapery of many colors covered the wall, and bouquets of moss

and artificial flowers, candelabras reflected from the mirrors, boughs of

trees, all made the light soft as that which penetrates the forest. On a

large table was the Christmas tree, full of lights, and adorned with bows

of ribbon. The pastor had asked Alete to arrange everything as she chose,

and to place in the best possible light the presents intended for his

friends. With them Alete and Ebba had placed those they intended to make,

and all had been arranged most tastefully. Of the pine branch she had

made a tree, miraculously bearing silk dresses, portfolios, slippers,

embroidered collars, gold ear-rings, &c. The branches bent beneath the

weight.

M. de Vermondans gathered a meerschaum mounted with silver: Ireneus

several pieces of silk worked by his cousins, and a wooden cup, very

beautifully carved by an Angermanian peasant. Exclamations were made as

the different objects were detached from the mystic tree, for Alete had

taken care to wrap each article with a double and triple envelope, in

order to prolong the expectation of the spectators, and to enjoy their

surprise. Afterward the servants came in, and also the farmer's boys,

none of whom were forgotten, and who kissed the hands of the old priest.

The Christmas tree was stripped of its treasures, and all deserted it, as

barren and useless. Alas, for human ingratitude!

The pastor, taking advantage of a moment when none were looking, went to

the solitary tree, and took from it a letter with a red seal. Then

calling his future daughter-in-law, he said, "Since when, dear Alete,

have you become so careless of the good things of this world, or so

negligent, as to abandon the Christmas tree, without ascertaining all

that hangs from it?"

"I do not know that I can get anything from it, except a few pieces of

ribbon and half-burnt lights."

"You think so, do you? Well, look here."

"What?" said Alete; "a letter, with Eric's name on it. This is a surprise

for him. What is it? That puzzles me. Look, Eric--one day I shall have a

right to open your letters, but now be quick and open this yourself."

Eric unsealed the letter; and scarcely had he read it, then casting

himself at the feet of the old priest, he said--"Ah, father, how I thank

you! Then turning to Alete, he said--

"It is an appointment by the Bishop of Hernos and of myself as vicar of

this parish. We waited only for that to be able to marry. Now there is no

obstacle to our happiness. We will live here with my father, near your

own family. May God grant that our hearts may not be disunited. May God

grant us new pleasures without robbing us of those of the past. Now, when

shall we be married--tell me?"

"How you go on!" said Alete. "Must I, because it has seemed fit to our

venerable prelate to make you a vicar--(after all it is a sensible

appointment)--put on my wedding dress and go to the altar? Do you know I

expect a letter from Hernosand or Stockholm! Do you know------"

The artless girl, however, sought in vain to conceal, beneath pretended

laughter, her deep emotion. She was unable to finish her sentence. She

threw herself in her father's arms, then into the old priest's, and gave

her hand with dignity to Eric. She said:

"Whenever you please, dear Eric, though I am much amazed. I trust you

will never have occasion to repent having given me your love and honor."

This episcopal letter the pastor had received on the previous evening,

and he had been courageous enough to keep the secret until Christmas

night, in order to give it more solemnity. It was now the sole subject of

conversation, and they talked only of preparations for the marriage, and

of the day on which it was to be celebrated. At the instance of Alete he

consented to prolong the delay, and the wedding was postponed for a

fortnight.

"Confess," said Alete to Ireneus, "that you were fortunate in arriving

here in the middle of winter, when you could witness our dark tempests,

our Christmas festivals, and be present at a Swedish wedding. You will

then have only to behold our delicious summer nights; and then, when you

return to France, you will be able to speak more learnedly of Sweden than

other travelers, who wrote long volumes about it."

"I owe to this country some of the pleasantest hours of my life. I owe to

it a calmness which I cannot any longer find in France. I am indebted to

it for good and healthful emotions. I owe to it, exile as I am, a tender

asylum, a family; and I shall feel your wedding-day one of the happiest

of my life."

On the very next day all the house of M. de Vermondans was occupied with

preparations for the approaching marriage. Dressmakers were busy, and

cabinet-makers were preparing furniture, platforms, &c., for the

wedding-day.

Alete had enough to do to watch over the different works. Smiling and

merry as she used to be, a change had come over her, and she seemed

already dignified and matronly.

Ebba assisted her with great devotion, and ceased to give Ireneus lessons

in Swedish.

M. de Vermondans smoked his pipe with an air of thought, and sometimes of

sorrow, for the idea of separation from his daughter weighed heavily on

him, much as he desired that she should marry so near him.

For the first time since he had reached his uncle's house, Ireneus was

alone. A few days before the merry chat of Alete, the philosophical

conversation of the old gentleman, the dreamy poetry of Ebba, and the

activity and motion of all the household had diverted the young officer's

attention from himself. Now his thoughts involuntarily returned, in

consequence of news he had received from his country. His mother, who

shared all his secrets, sought to encourage him, and to unfold a new

horizon. In spite of this, however, every letter increased his

unhappiness. Some of his friends also wrote to him; and this

correspondence surprised him painfully. He heard, in this manner, of

political defections which he, in his chivalric exaggeration looked on as

felony, and at which he was most indignant.

"Villains!" said he, one day, as he read to his uncle a letter which he

had just received. "Now, this man owed everything to the kindness of

Charles X., yet for the sake of office he has cast himself at the foot of

a new master. Here is one who, on the 28th of July, applauded the

ordinances, and swore that the hydra of liberalism should he destroyed:

and said that he would pour out the last drop of his blood in defense of

legitimacy. He is now a partisan of the revolution. We live in a

scandalous age. All principles of honor and religion are forgotten.

Office has great value, indeed, when honor and conscience are sacrificed

to it."

As he spoke thus, Ireneus strode up and down the room, and crushed the

letter in his hands.

"My boy," said M. de Vermondans, with his kind philosophy, "your feeling

springs from a sentiment which does you honor. Unfortunately, however, it

can but injure you without benefiting those for whom you have so much

sympathy. To-day is not the first time that man has violated his oath,

and made a traffic of obligation; one need only open a history, and read

on every page amid some noble actions, countless base intrigues and

unworthy cowardice. The Roman senate erected statues to monsters it had

dignified with the imperial purple. The middle age, which we are pleased

to look on as an epoch of faith and chivalric devotion, is everywhere

sullied by acts of felony and the consequences of mad ambition.

Civilization, while it corrected the gross errors of rude nations, also

restrained their virtues. Love of prosperity, the sensations of luxury,

bear to the wall the energetic principles of self-denial. Some

individuals, who, by their elevated position, attract attention to

themselves; here and there break a link of the moral chain; others

imitate them, and by fracture after fracture the whole series of austere

ideas is interrupted and dislocated. A few of the faithful may attempt to

preserve the remnants, but others look on them with pity, and treat this

religious faith as an anachronism. The worship of the great is destroyed,

and replaced by that of sensual enjoyments. We do not ask God to give us

the heavenly manna. We have made another God from which no prophet

can win us. We prostrate ourselves before the calf of gold. This, dear

Ireneus, must be a sad prospect for a heart like yours. That all the

respect for the past, for religion and misfortune, which exists in your

heart, should rise at the prospect of what you have read to me, I can

well enough understand. Can you however, repress the wrong which offends

you? Can the evils of which you complain be prevented? No, do what you

will, there must ever be men, over whom the passion for power will

exercise vast influence, and this feeling will always induce them to turn

from the sinking to the rising star. Even if you go to the depth of a

desert, to the jungles of an Indian archipelago, to the woods at

Caffraria, to the desert plains of North America, or to the Cordilleras,

you will not escape from the miserable spectacles of human hypocrisy. The

Turks have a proverb which says, 'Cure the hand you cannot spare.' Now we

can add to this maxim, 'Cure the hand which can serve you, satisfy your

pride, avarice and egotism.' Young and happy when you first entered on

life, dear Ireneus, you have seen much. A sudden revolution has covered

your eyes with a cloud, and unexpected treachery has pierced your heart.

Time will show you many others, and if you do not give yourself up to

useless misanthropy, the most foolish and idle of all maladies, you will

learn to resign yourself to chagrins you cannot avoid. In your time of

distress you will draw near to those who do not deceive your esteem. You

will, without hatred and anger, be able to look at those whom base

calculation or cowardice has led astray, and if you congratulate yourself

that you have not followed their example, you will be glad that heaven

has endowed you with more firmness and a loftier ambition."

The wisdom of these reasonings touched the heart of Ireneus, but could

not subdue it. The ardent young man continued to curse those whom he had

seen in the ranks of legitimacy, and who now had linked themselves with

the revolution. Often, to avoid the remonstrances of his uncle, or not to

annoy him by recrimination, he wandered alone across the desert plains,

calling all the deserters of the cause he loved by name, and sometimes he

even resolved, like a true knight-errant, to set out and demand an

account of their crime. When he returned from these solitary walks, his

uncle, thinking that all argument would at such times be useless, said

nothing. Ebba however looked at him with eager sympathy.

PART IV.

The marriage of Alete, for a while, however, diverted him from his moody

thoughts. The pastor and M. de Vermondans wished the marriage to be

contracted according to the custom of the country. Invitations had

already been given to many in the neighborhood, to the friends of the

pastor and of the two families. At the appointed time, a great number of

carriages had collected at the house of M. de Vermondans. Beds had been

made in every room. The house was full of guests, the stable of horses,

not to remain a few hours, for a wedding in Sweden lasts a whole week. M.

de Vermondans, assisted by Eric and Ireneus, did the honors of the house.

Ebba dressed her sister, and this alone was not a trifling task, for in

Sweden brides are richly decked, and the daughter of the humblest peasant

borrows or hires jewels to dress her like a lady.

The toilet, according to the old usage of the country, was at last

finished, under the inspection of the matrons of the village. Alete

entered the drawing-room in a dress of rose-colored silk, covered with

flounces, rosettes, a mass of ribbons, etc., and with a girdle, suspended

to which were many ornaments of different devices, all of silver, and

which, as she walked, rang like bells. Nothing can be more ungraceful

than such a dress, which, however, Alete wore with grace. When she

appeared, a cry of admiration escaped from every mouth, and the

spectators' eyes turned involuntarily to Eric to congratulate him.

Alete took her father's arm to walk to the church, and the guests

followed her. At the head of the procession were musicians, playing the

flute and violin; next came about thirty young girls, two by two, in

their richest dresses; then the guests and the women and children of the

village.

After the ceremony, the young girls stood on each side of the altar; the

bridegroom advanced to the altar; then the bride was led thither by her

father, who handed her to Eric, and withdrew a few paces, as if he thus

transferred to another all his own rights. The old pastor then, with an

earnest voice and with tears in his eyes, pronounced the nuptial

benediction, and gave his children a touching exhortation. A religious

chant terminated the ceremonies, and the couple left the church amid the

sound of horns and the firing of guns. On their return home, M. de

Vermondans, after an old custom, handed each a glass of beer, which they

drank at the same time, as if to show that thenceforth all was common

between them.

Dinner was soon served. The newly-married people sat side by side under a

canopy, prepared as if to shelter their happiness. At the end of the

repast a carpet was spread representing the nuptial bed. The two knelt

together, and the company sang a hymn. Then the priest, speaking to the

company, invoked every blessing on the couple about to enter a new walk

of life, and bespoke the kind wishes of all their friends. He asked every

guest to give them some token of sympathy, and no one sought to avoid

this invitation. Each one paid tribute: relations gave the married couple

a sum of money; their friends gave them furniture, stuffs, and jewels. In

similar cases, at peasants houses, corn, wool, etc., utensils of

household use, are presented, so that often the house of the

newly-married couple is provided for a long time with provisions in this

manner. It is however true, that they are dearly purchased by the

hospitality they have to extend for a long time to many guests.

From the house of M. de Vermondans the guests went to that of the Pastor,

where similar festivals were gone through with. Alete remained there, and

M. de Vermondans returned with Ebba and Ireneus. As he placed his foot on

the threshold of the door where he had hitherto always been welcomed by

his smiling daughter, he was attacked by a sadness which he could not

overcome, and went to his room to weep.

Ebba also was sad, for though her character was very different from

Alete's, she loved her sister dearly, and was most unhappy at the idea of

a separation.

Ireneus sought to console her.

"I thank you," said the young girl, "for your kind expressions. I am not

unhappy only on my own account at this separation. My father will never

be able to use himself to it. Alete was always happy. Joy left our

household with her. I wish I could replace her. Do however what I may, I

never shall succeed. You and all who know me, are aware that my nature is

of altogether a different character. I am melancholy."

"Gentle, Ebba, gentle," said Ireneus.

"Gentle perhaps, and surely inoffensive, but I repeat melancholy. Why

does this sadness continue? Alas, it is the law of God. Do not look at

me, I beg you, as on one of those women whom I have seen and of whom I

have read, who create imaginary misfortunes for themselves, and deck

themselves with ideal suffering and melancholy. I have neither sorrow nor

passionate regrets and I do not know the meaning of deception.

"My life has passed without storms, but without noise, like the spring

which bubbles from the hill. Father and mother have sought to make me

happy, and no untimely event has interrupted the course of my life.

Melancholy, however, I was born, and will die. That is all.

"Listen to me," added she, fixing on Ireneus a look impressed with

strange grief and affection. "Heaven which denied me a brother seemed to

supply its neglect in yourself. The attachment you evince toward me

appeals to my heart, and I will make you a confession.

"When I say nothing has troubled my thoughts, I do not say all. There is

one impression which to me has been an event, a circumstance, the

influence of which I cannot speak of. I wish, however, to ask you, if you

believe in presentiments?"

"What a question!" replied Ireneus, "no one ever addressed me thus

before, and I do not know what to say."

"You do not"--said Ebba, with as much evidence of surprise, as if she had

said you do not believe in the sun or moon. "I do, and I think this

matter plain and evident as the existence of God, to whom we are indebted

for all our faculties. God endows us with that intuition of secret

events, that species of devotion, sometimes as an act of mercy to prepare

us for a misfortune which will overtake us, sometimes in mercy to point

out to us the consequences of the concealed peril in which we are

engaged.

"Even you, who seem not to believe in presentiments, have more than once

been seized with an involuntary apprehension. This dread, this sadness,

is the antecedent of the tempest. It announces regret, accident, and

unforeseen distress. Nay, I think we thus are informed of dangers which

menace one we love. I think there is a real link between souls which love

each other, a mysterious tie, an invisible union, so powerful however,

that how great soever the distance may be, one cannot suffer without the

other being unhappy; I will even say, that I think these bonds exist

between the living and the dead, that the chilly grave does not crush all

love, that the dead are touched by the tears we shed for them, and by the

fidelity of our affections to them. I will not in this connection repeat

to you stories of apparitions, ghost stories, etc. If you do not believe

what I say, you will also doubt all popular anecdotes. There are

sentiments which cannot be demonstrated, inductions and revelations which

austere reason rejects, and casts amid the empire of dreams, which exert

a great influence over the heart. I saw one night my mother standing at

the foot of my bed. She died when I was born. She leaned over me and

kissed my forehead. Her lips seemed cold as ice, yet her kiss burned me.

She looked at me for a moment in silence, and her large blue eyes were

filled with tears. She then slowly withdrew, and as she did so, opened

her arms to call me to her. Once again, as I opened a door I saw myself,

pale as my father used to describe my mother to me, and clad in a

long, white robe, which fell about me like a shroud. Old people will tell

you there is no more certain sign of death, and I am sure I shall not

live long. For that reason I do not attach myself to this world, nor

indulge as others do in reveries about the future."

This conviction of Ebba was evidently deeply rooted that Ireneus knew not

how reply to it. He, however, sought to represent to Ebba that these

impressions should not be taken too seriously to heart, and that at her

age, and with her qualities, she should not anticipate a sacrifice of

existence, nor give up the joys and hopes of life.

Ebba said nothing. She, however, looked long and moodily at him, clasped

his hand and left him.

Ireneus was yet more desolate than he had been during the days preceding

Alete's marriage. A letter from one of his friends greatly excited him.

This friend informed him that the legitimist party was about to attempt

the reconquest of the realm. The Duchess de Berry had left Scotland, for

Massa, thence she had opened a correspondence with many provinces. La

Vendée and the south opened their arms to her, and crowds of devoted

servants had pledged themselves to her.

All announced an approaching conflict, and all seemed to promise success.

Will you not, said his enthusiastic correspondent, join in our

enterprise, and share in our glory? I have always known you faithful to

your principles, and determined to defend them. You will not suffer

yourself to be led astray by a repose which is unworthy of you, and

slumber in peasant life. Shall I write to you some day as the valliant

Beornere did, "go hang yourself, Crellon, for there was a battle at

Arques, and you were away?"--No, the color under which you first fought

is about to be flung to the wind, and your friends will not expect you in

vain.

When he heard this news, when he heard the trumpet call, Ireneus felt all

his military ardor revived. Often in the peaceable days he passed in his

uncle's house, he reproached himself with a happiness to which he did not

think himself entitled. Now he could not absent himself from the arena,

in which his friends were about to enter; he could not desert them. In

the ardor of his monarchical sentiments he forgot that this enterprise

was civil war, in which brothers would be arrayed against each other, and

the soil of France steeped in the blood of its own children. He only

thought of his oath of allegiance and his banner. His first idea was to

go. When, however, he reflected more calmly, he thought it his duty to

inform his uncle of his plans, and, under the pretext of hunting,

wandered over the fields with his gun on his shoulder, forming his

schemes and dreaming of the glory that awaited him.

An accident delayed the execution of his plans, and at the same time gave

him an additional excuse for leaving Sweden. M. de Vermondans, who saw

him come home every night with an empty game bag, said to him:

"I must, dear Ireneus, recompense you for your useless wanderings; and I

will procure you the pleasure of a bear-hunt. There are two young men in

the village, who will take you to a good place; and, in case of accident,

will assist you with a sure aim. Shall I send for them?"

Ireneus, who was anxious to be actively engaged during the few days he

expected to pass in Sweden, accepted the proposition with eagerness. The

two huntsmen, having been sent for, said that they knew the lair of an

old bear they had hunted during the last winter. It was arranged, that on

the next morning, they should come for Ireneus.

Ebba had heard this conversation with evident uneasiness; but had said

nothing. When the huntsmen left, she said, with an emotion which was

evident in every glance, tone and gesture.

"Cousin, bear-hunting here is a very serious affair, and none but the

boldest of the villagers undertake it. When one of these ferocious

animals is killed, it is borne home in triumph, and the victory is

celebrated with shouts of joy and traditional ceremonies. He who kills

one of these old northern forest-kings, drives a brass nail in the stock

of his gun. Our peasants have various superstitions about the bear. They

will not pronounce his name aloud for fear of offending him, but style

him the 'old man' and the 'grandfather.' When they have killed one, they

ask forgiveness, and speak kindly to him, and beg him to come with them,

where he will he gladly welcomed. All these customs, and many others,

which it would be too long to relate, evince the idea of danger attached

to the pursuit of the bear. I do not wish to divert you from a plan, the

very danger of which, perhaps, pleases you. Be prudent, however, my dear

Ireneus, and take care of yourself. I beg you."

These words were uttered with an accent, the tenderness of which the

young officer had not previously remarked. He looked at Ebba and saw that

she was troubled. A loud laugh, an exclamation of M. de Vermondans,

dissipated the vague impression which Ireneus had received.

"Pardon," said the old man, "women are strange things. If one yielded to

their terrors, the front-door would never be passed, and a gun would be

useless. Because our peasants will not call a bear, should a brave young

fellow hang up his gun, and never venture to pursue the animal? I trust,

Ireneus, that you will refute the dreams of this girl by success, and

bring me home tomorrow a fine skin, to make a new hearth-rug of."

Ireneus said, "I have listened to my cousin, but having a sure foot and a

quick eye, I shall be rash enough to wait until the bear reaches the

muzzle of my gun, or I shall seek him out in his lair."

Before dawn, on the next day, the young officer, being well armed and

equipped, took the field with his two companions. A servant had arisen to

give him breakfast. Every one else in the house slept. As, however, he

was about to leave the house, Ireneus heard a faint noise on the first

story. He looked up and saw a window. A white figure advanced to the

glass, and then withdrew, as if afraid of being seen. Doubtless this was

Ebba. Under other circumstances, Ireneus would have called to bid her

adieu. Since the conversation of the evening before, however, Ireneus

felt annoyed, when he thought of her, and left without seeming to have

seen her.

His guides led him across hills and ravines to a forest some leagues from

the village. When they had reached it, there was an eager discussion

between them.

Thenceforth they differed about the course to be followed. One wished to

go directly forward, and the other insisted that a detour should be made.

After a long discussion, they resolved to place Ireneus between them, and

advance in three lines, keeping, however, near enough together to be able

to unite against the enemy. They made Ireneus understand them by signs,

and he assented to their plan. One of them took a bottle of brandy from

his pouch, and offered it to the young officer, who, _par complaisance_,

placed it to his lips, and handed it to his companion; he gave it an

embrace, and passed it on to the third, from whom it received equal

attention. Ireneus, who also had brought some provisions, drank a glass

of generous wine to their health.

The three huntsmen then entered the forest. The boughs of the pines were

sufficiently far apart not to impede their passage. The ground, however,

was covered with underwood, and trunks of trees covered with snow on

which his foot slipped every minute. After a short time the peasants

slackened their pace, and sought for the tracks of the bear. Ireneus went

on, without observing that he was in advance. He soon found that he was

far ahead, and halted for them. As he looked round for them, he saw

something at the foot of a tree.

It was the bear, and an immense one. His paws were bent under his body,

his head was concealed in the snow, and he seemed asleep.

Ireneus rejoiced at this discovery, and recalling what Ebba had said,

smiled at the idea of acquiring, in the first attempt, the honor so much

desired in the country, of having a brass nail in the stock of his gun.

To make his shot surer, he ascended a little eminence still nearer the

animal. He cocked his gun, and advanced carefully. The eminence, however,

was formed only of a mass of leaves and twigs, the interstices being

concealed by the snow. As he put his foot on it, it gave way, he fell,

and his gun was discharged.

Before he could rise the animal was awake, and rushed on him. It placed

its two paws on the shoulder, and having him thus in its power, with its

eye sparkling with rage, joked at its victim. Unable to move, Ireneus

closed his eyes, and commended his soul to the mercy of God.

The claws of the animal had already pierced his flesh, when he heard the

report of a gun both on his right and left. Each had reached the animal's

head, which fell dead on the meditated victim, covering him with blood,

and lacerating Ireneus's breast and chest in its convulsive agony.

At the same moment, with a cry of triumph, the two peasants ran to him.

They found him paralyzed by the weight of the animal, and bathed in

blood. They lifted him up, rubbed his temples with brandy, and holding

him by the belt, made him take a step or two, to see if he could walk. He

could do so.

It was necessary to take him out of the forest, where no assistance could

be had. With great care, and frequent pauses, they at last reached the

open country. There the strength of Ireneus completely gave way, his

wounds bleeding, and his limbs failing him. One of his companions took

off his vest, laid it on the ground, and assisted Ireneus to stretch

himself on it, with touching kindness of heart and solicitude. The other

ran toward the high-road, and seeing a car loaded with hay, induced the

driver by tears, threats and promises to come to Ireneus's aid. They

placed him in it, and thus went to the village.

When there, one of the hunters sent for his wife, and said:

"Go, fast as you can, to M. de Vermondans, and say that his nephew is

ll, but in no danger, and hurry back to prepare the table. We have made a

famous hunt. To-morrow we will have the bear-feast."

The old gentleman, when he heard the news, hurried to his nephew. Then

Looking into the huntsman's face, he passed his hand over Ireneus's body.

"Nothing serious, that is good."

Soon after came Ebba, pale and trembling, who, when she saw her cousin's

blood, fell half dead in her father's arms.

The physician said that the wounds of the young officer were trifling.

He, however, enjoined a few days of rest and repose.

Immediately, on hearing of the accident, Eric and Alete hurried to see

Ireneus, evincing the tenderest sympathy for him. M. de Vermondans, by

his assiduous care, proved how he loved his nephew. He also gave the two

preservers a munificent reward.

Ebba seemed completely crushed. Her sister found her seated in a chair,

with her eye fixed, her lips motionless, and her face pale. Completely

wrapped in thought, the young girl did not rouse, except at the sound of

Ireneus's name, and when she heard the various reports of the physician.

Often, during the day, she went to the invalid's chamber, passing timidly

up the steps, and placing her ear to the door. She would then to her

father, and sink again into her morbid sadness.

One night, when the nurse who sat with him had seen him sink to sleep and

retired, the young officer awoke under the impression that a delicate

hand was passed lightly over his forehead. He opened his eyes, and saw

the shadow of a woman flit behind the curtains. It was Ebba, who, unable

even to sleep at night, had furtively come, when she thought no one would

be aware of it, to be certain that his medicine was prepared, and to look

into his position.

Through the care of the physician and the affectionate friends who

surrounded him, Ireneus regained his strength.

The day he returned to the table was a very festival. M. de Vermondans

had invited his daughter, son-in-law, the doctor, and the two huntsmen

to dine with him. The latter brought the skin of the bear they had

killed, and which they wished to present to their less fortunate

companion.

They then told gaily all the incidents of that memorable day; and when,

during the course of conversation, they heard how lightly Ireneus had

considered the bear-hunt, one of them said:

"Ah, I am not surprised at what has happened. One should not trifle with

a bear. He is cunning and proud, and understands everything said of him.

If he is not treated with respect, he takes a cruel revenge. I would not

be surprised if, having heard what Monsieur said, he laid at the foot of

the tree expressly to teach him a lesson."

Ireneus, to whom Ebba translated this, laughed at the superstition. The

huntsmen, seeing him laugh, shook their heads, as if to say, "There is an

imprudent fellow, who will not profit by experience."

As he regained strength, Ireneus again felt the necessity of action. The

last letters he received informed him that the legitimist movement had

become more serious, the Duchess de Berry preparing to leave Massa. He

also heard that she had gone successively to the south, and had unfurled

the white flag in La Vendée. Ireneus resolved to go. When he saw the

conduct of Ebba, her deep distress when he was sick and the joy which

had burst forth when he recovered, he could not conceal from himself that

she entertained sentiments toward him which he did not reciprocate. He

loved the young girl, and experienced much pleasure from the

contemplation of her delicate grace and melancholy beauty. He loved the

sound of her melodious voice. More than once since the discovery he had

made, he asked himself if he should not look on what had happened as a

signal interposition of Heaven in his favor. A quiet life, a comfortable

home, the love of friends and of a pretty woman, certainly deserved some

thanks. He however was soon hurried from this idyllic existence by the

ardor of his youth, and the prospect of an adventurous career. To some

men a peaceable life does not seem existence. They are like certain

birds, which show themselves only in the tempest.

Ireneus was of this character. When he carefully scrutinized his heart,

he saw that but a portion of it could belong to Ebba: that with her he

would constantly be persecuted by repinings at fate, and would long for

the excitement of battle and camp. Should he then accept a pure heart

from the young girl? Should he deceive her? Honor required him to leave

her.

M. de Vermondans was painfully surprised when he heard of this

determination. He had grown to look on Ireneus as a son, and perhaps, in

the fondness of his heart, had made a happy dream for the future career

of Ebba and himself. He attempted to persuade him to lay aside the plan,

but in vain.

"Take care, dear Ireneus, that you do not become dazzled by the prestige

of a sentiment, generous and noble it is true, but which may result in

misfortune to yourself, without benefiting others. How many men thus

neglect their advantages, and attribute the blame to Providence, which

places happiness within their grasp, but which they do not see, so

dazzled are they by some imaginary attraction. If this attraction fades

away, they tell how they looked behind; they regret what they have lost

when it is too late. Fortune has granted what they wished but neglected

to others."

"But duty, uncle! duty!"

"God forbid that I cease to respect that word. Suffer me only to observe,

that in the ardor of youth one easily mistakes that obligation. There are

circumstances in which duty appears so clearly and distinctly, and speaks

so loudly, that it must be obeyed at all risks. Our force must be devoted

to it--our soul, our life. Ordinarily, however, we are forced to decide

between conflicting duties, and the one which seems the best is

ordinarily the least praiseworthy. The man who devotes himself to daily

toil has family affections, and diffuses good around him. Does not he

discharge his duty? Does not he occupy an honorable place in the social

system? Does virtue exist only in extraordinary actions? Is there no

crown to be gathered except in adventurous enterprises or in the battle

field? And is not he a good citizen, who toils usefully, and properly

educates his children?"

Ireneus did justice to his uncle's arguments, and was moved by the

touching kindness he evinced. His mind was however made up, and nothing

could divert him.

Alete, her husband, and the old pastor, sought to retain him. When Ebba

heard he was about to leave, she said nothing: her head sunk on her

bosom, and tears stole into her eyelids.

Ireneus left not without effort and distress. At sunset the rays of the

sun have singular beauty, and life is never so attractive as to the dying

man. Just at the moment of separation a strange reaction also takes

place. In an instant we see a kind of dazzling light, unfolding to us

what we love and what we abandon. We regret in anticipation what we are

about to leave. The door is not yet passed, the farewell is not spoken.

We pause and hesitate. We may return, and joyfully cast ourselves into

arms still open to us. This is the last contest of the heart, perhaps the

last remonstrance of a good genius. Passion however conquers, and the

bark is launched upon a sea without a port, beneath a sky without a star.

May God guide it!

Thus Ireneus departed, deserting domestic peace, leaving a family in

distress, and crushing a young heart. He was himself unhappy, but was

sustained by the idea that he hearkened to the voice of honor, and that

the sacrifice was noble in proportion as it was painful.

It was the beginning of summer. The earth had become green, and the woods

Were filled with the sound of birds. A pure sky, silvery lakes, all the

varied beauty of the north, seemed revived as if by magic at the first

breath of spring. Had anything been able to retain him, nature would.

Thanks to the clearness of the nights which permitted him to travel, he

soon reached Stockholm, where he embarked on the Lubeck steamer, went to

see his mother, and hurried to La Vendée, where he joined the flag he had

come so far to stand beneath.

During his voyage, he wrote more than once to his uncle. Three weeks,

however, rolled by and they received no news. M. de Vermondans complained

of his silence--Alete sought to excuse him. Ebba suffered in silence.

After the departure of her cousin, the delicate young girl had sunken

into a state of sadness which daily assumed a more dangerous character.

She loved to sit alone, looking toward the south, as if there lay her

last hope. She sometimes tried to read, but from her very look it was

plain that her mind was unoccupied. If she saw her father, she sought to

smile and appear gay to soothe him; as soon, however, as he left, she

became prostrate again. Her cheeks grew thin and flushed, she was ill,

and the physicians were sent for--one said she had a slow fever, another

that she was consumptive. Ebba carefully followed their advice, and did

all that her father and sister recommended. When alone, she shook her

head as if she thought all remedies in vain.

Two weeks passed without a word from Ireneus. What was he about? It was

Known that he had passed through Paris, and should be in La Vendée. Could

he not correspond with his friends? Could his letters have been

intercepted? Might he not already have fallen a victim to his chivalric

ardor, and be wounded, a prisoner, perhaps dead!

The post was looked for with anxiety. The newspapers were read anxiously.

Vain hope! those of Sweden gave very meager details of the legitimist

movement.

At last M. de Vermondans became angry and humiliated at suffering his

impatience to become manifest, and forbade Ireneus or La Vendée to be

mentioned. He could not, however, stifle thought in his own mind or in

Ebba's.

One morning the young girl arose in great distress, and with a feverish

agitation which made her look better. She dressed hastily, and went to

her father's room. She said she wanted to see her sister.

"Really," said the old man, deceived by this deceitful animation, and

quivering with joy at the idea of her recovery. "Do you wish to go? I

will go with you."

He hurried to the stable, had his horse harnessed, and in a few minutes,

seated in his cabriolet, was crossing the fields. On her way, Ebba, with

peculiar tenderness, pointed out various scenes of her childhood and

youth, the home of old servants, spots where she had been with Alete, and

made memorable by various little incidents.

Suddenly she ceased to speak--looked at the scenery with deep interest

glancing at the sea and the sky, and seemed absorbed in a melancholy

reminiscence.

Her father had listened to her with pleasure, and turned to ask why she

was silent. He was filled with delight. Had he been able, however, to

look into her mind, he would have seen a deep sentiment of sadness and

resignation, united with resignation and hopelessness.

In the silent meditation of the poor invalid there might be read a last

adieu to the blue wave, the green wood, the distant prospects which so

often had occupied her reverie. The warm summer breeze, which played in

her hair, the clear sky, the whole tapestry of nature she was about to

leave, instinct as it was with poetic fancy. By her half open lips, by

her wondering eye, she bade adieu to the scenes amid which she had lived,

to the flowers which smiled on her as a sister, and where birds sang

their matin lays as if she had been one of their kindred.

When he reached the parsonage, her father stopped to chat with the old

pastor. Ebba took Alete by the hand, and hurried her into the chamber.

"Dear sister," said she, "I wished to see you again."

"Again, Ebba--I hope you will, and for many a year."

"Yes--yes--but not here, in another world." She grew pale as she spoke.

"What an idea!" said Alete. "I was so agreeably surprised by your visit.

Have you come to distress me?"

As she spoke, Alete covered her face, now suffused with tears, with her

hands.

"Excuse me, Alete. I was wrong to give way so. Let us talk of something

else."

"Yes, yes," said Alete, smiling amid her tears. "Has anything been heard

of Ireneus?"

"Ireneus is--dead!" said Ebba sadly.

"Dead!" exclaimed Alete; "how so?"

"I know he is. I saw him last night."

"Ah, I have sometimes dreamed of a person's death, whom on the next

morning I met perfectly well."

"I tell you I saw him struck by a ball in the breast, the blood running

from the wound, looking staringly around, and smiling in the agonies of

death."

"Madness! my dear Ebba," said Alete, with a burst of strange unnatural

laughter, for in spite of herself she was impressed by the words of her

sister. "Come, Eric and his father expect us. Let us pass our evening

happily together, and shake off all these presentiments, which I pray to

God may never be realized."

"Yes, come," and attempting to look gay, she said, "Madness! we will

see."

During the next week, a letter from the mother of Ireneus informed them

that the young officer had died on the very day of Ebba's dream, of a

wound received at the siege of the Castle of Penissiere.

Ebba soon died, pronouncing the names of her father and sister, who wept

at her bedside. Her last breath uttered one other name, that of Ireneus.

* * * * *

POEMS BY THE AUTHOR OF LILLIAN.

The following pieces by WINTHROP MACKWORTH PRAED, have never before, we

believe, been printed in this country.

THE LEGEND OF THE TEUFEL-HAUS.

The way was lone, and the hour was late,

And Sir Rudolph was far from his castle gate.

The night came down, by slow degrees,

On the river stream, and the forest-trees;

And by the heat of the heavy air,

And by the lightning's distant glare,

And by the rustling of the woods,

And by the roaring of the floods,

In half an hour, a man might say,

The Spirit of Storm would ride that way.

But little he cared, that stripling pale,

For the sinking sun, or the rising gale;

For he, as he rode, was dreaming now,

Poor youth, of a woman's broken vow,

Of the cup dashed down, ere the wine was tasted,

Of eloquent speeches sadly wasted,

Of a gallant heart all burnt to ashes.

And the Baron of Katzberg's long mustaches,

So the earth below, and the heaven above,

He saw them not;--those dreams of love,

As some have found, and some will find,

Make men extremely deaf and blind.

At last he opened his great blue eyes,

And looking about in vast surprise,

Found that his hunter had turned his back,

An hour ago on the beaten track,

And now was threading a forest hoar,

Where steed had never stepped before.

"By Caesar's head," Sir Rudolph said,

"It were a sorry joke.

If I to-night should make my bed

On the turf, beneath an oak!

Poor Roland reeks from head to hoof;--

Now, for thy sake, good roan,

I would we were beneath a roof,

Were it the foul fiend's own!"

Ere the tongue could rest, ere the lips could close

The sound of a listener's laughter rose.

It was not the scream of a merry boy

When harlequin waves his wand of joy;

Nor the shout from a serious curate, won

By a bending bishop's annual pun;

Nor the roar of a Yorkshire clown;--oh, no!

It was a gentle laugh, and low;

Half uttered, perhaps, perhaps, and stifled half,

A good old-gentlemanly laugh;

Such as my uncle Peter's are,

When he tells you his tales of Dr. Parr.

The rider looked to the left and the right,

With something of marvel, and more of fright:

But brighter gleamed his anxious eye,

When a light shone out from a hill hard by.

Thither be spurred, as gay and glad

As Mrs. Maquill's delighted lad,

When he turns away from the Pleas of the Crown,

Or flings, with a yawn, old Saunders down,

And flies, at last, from all the mysteries

Of Plaintiffs' and Defendants' histories,

To make himself sublimely neat,

For Mrs. Camac's in Mansfield Street.

At a lofty gate Sir Rudolph halted;

Down from his seat Sir Rudolph vaulted:

And he blew a blast with might and main,

On the bugle that hung by an iron chain.

The sound called up a score of sounds;--

The screeching of owls, and the baying of hounds,

The hollow toll of the turret bell,

The call of the watchful sentinel.

And a groan at last, like a peal of thunder,

As the huge old portals rolled asunder,

And gravely from the castle hall

Paced forth the white-robed seneschal.

He stayed not to ask of what degree

So fair and famished a knight might be;

But knowing that all untimely question

Ruffles the temper, and mars the digestion,

He laid his hand upon the crupper.

And said,--"You're just in time for supper."

They led him to the smoking board.

And placed him next to the castle's lord.

He looked around with a hurried glance:

You may ride from the border to fair Penzance,

And nowhere, but at Epsom Races,

Find such a group of ruffian faces,

As thronged that chamber; some were talking

Of feats of hunting and of hawking,

And some were drunk, and some were dreaming,

And some found pleasure in blaspheming.

He thought, as he gazed on the fearful crew,

That the lamps that burned on the walls burned blue.

They brought him a pasty of mighty size,

To cheer his heart, and to charm his eyes;

They brought the wine, so rich and old,

And filled to the brim the cup of gold;

The knight looked down, and the knight looked up,

But he carved not the meat, and he drained not the cup.

"Ho ho," said his host with angry brow,

"I wot our guest is fine;

Our fare is far too coarse, I trow,

For such nice taste as thine:

Yet trust me I have cooked the food,

And I have filled the can,

Since I have lived in this old wood,

For many nobler man."--

"The savory buck and the ancient cask

To a weary man are sweet;

But ere he taste, it is fit he ask

For a blessing on bowl and meat.

Let me but pray for a minute's space,

And bid me pledge ye then;

I swear to ye, by our Lady's grace,

I shall eat and drink like ten!"

The lord of the castle in wrath arose,

He frowned like a fiery dragon;

Indignantly he blew his nose,

And overturned the flagon.

And, "Away," quoth he, "with the canting priest.

Who comes uncalled to a midnight feast,

And breathes through a helmet his holy benison,

To sour my hock, and spoil my venison!"

That moment all the lights went out;

And they dragged him forth, that rabble rout,

With oath, and threat, and foul scurrility,

And every sort of incivility.

They barred the gates: and the peal of laughter,

Sudden and shrill that followed after,

Died off into a dismal tone,

Like a parting spirit's painful moan.

"I wish," said Rudolph, as he stood

On foot in the deep and silent wood;

"I wish, good Roland, rack and stable

May be kinder to-night than their master's table!"

By this the storm had fleeted by;

And the moon with a quiet smile looked out

From the glowing arch of a cloudless sky,

Flinging her silvery beams about

On rock, tree, wave, and gladdening all

With just as miscellaneous bounty,

As Isabel's, whose sweet smiles fall

In half an hour on half the county.

Less wild Sir Rudolph's pathway seemed,

As he fumed from that discourteous tower;

Small spots of verdure gaily gleamed

On either side; and many a flower,

Lily, and violet, and heart's-ease,

Grew by the way, a fragrant border;

And the tangled boughs of the hoary trees

Were twined in picturesque disorder:

And there came from the grove, and there came from

the hill,

The loveliest sounds he had ever heard,

The cheerful voice of the dancing rill,

And the sad, sad song of the lonely bird.

And at last he stared with wondering eyes,

As well he might, on a huge pavilion:

'Twas clothed with stuffs of a hundred dyes,

Blue, purple, orange, pink, vermilion;

And there were quaint devices traced

All round in the Saracenic manner;

And the top, which gleamed like gold, was graced

With the drooping folds of a silken banner;

And on the poles, in silent pride,

There sat small doves of white enamel;

And the vail from the entrance was drawn aside,

And flung on the humps of a silver camel.

In short it was the sweetest thing

For a weary youth in a wood to light on:

And finer far than what a king

Built up, to prove his taste, at Brighton.

The gilded gate was all unbarred;

And, close beside it, for a guard,

There lay two dwarfs with monstrous noses,

Both fast asleep upon some roses.

Sir Rudolph entered; rich and bright

Was all that met his ravished sight;

Soft tapestries from far countries brought,

Rare cabinets with gems inwrought,

White vases of the finest mould,

And mirrors set in burnished gold.

Upon a couch a grayhound slumbered;

And a small table was encumber'd

With paintings, and an ivory lute,

And sweetmeats, and delicious fruit.

Sir Rudolph lost not time in praising;

For he, I should have said was gazing,

In attitude extremely tragic,

Upon a sight of stranger magic;

A sight, which, seen at such a season,

Might well astonish Mistress Reason,

And scare Dame Wisdom from her fences

Of rules and maxims, moods and tenses.

Beneath a crimson canopy

A lady, passing fair, was lying;

Deep sleep was on her gentle eye,

And in her slumber she was sighing

Bewitching sighs, such sighs as say

Beneath the moonlight, to a lover,

Things which the coward tongue by day

Would not, for all the world, discover:

She lay like a shape of sculptured stone,

So pale, so tranquil:--she had thrown,

For the warm evening's sultriness,

The broidered coverlet aside

And nothing was there to deck or hide

The glory of her loveliness,

But a scarf of gauze, so light and thin

You might see beneath the dazzling skin,

And watch the purple streamlets go

Through the valleys of white and stainless snow,

Or here and there a wayward tress

Which wandered out with vast assurance

From the pearls that kept the rest in durance,

And fluttered about, as if 'twould try

To lure a zephyr from the sky.

"Bertha!"--large drops of anguish came

On Rudolph's brow, as he breathed that name,--

"Oh fair and false one, wake, and fear;

I, the betrayed, the scorned, am here."

The eye moved not from its dull eclipse,

The voice came not from the fast-shut lips;

No matter! well that gazer knew

The tone of bliss, and the eyes of blue.

Sir Rudolph hid his burning face

With both his hands for a minute's space,

And all his frame in awful fashion

Was shaken by some sudden passion.

What guilty fancies o'er him ran?--

Oh, pity will be slow to guess them;

And never, save the holy man,

Did good Sir Rudolph e'er confess them

But soon his spirit you might deem

Came forth from the shade, of the fearful dream;

His cheek, though pale, was calm again.

And he spoke in peace, though he spoke in pain

"Not mine! not mine! now, Mary mother.

Aid me the sinful hope to smother!

Not mine, not mine!--I have loved thee long

Thou hast quitted me with grief and wrong.

But pure the heart of a knight should be,--

Sleep on, sleep on, thou art safe for me.

Yet shalt thou know, by a certain sign,

Whose lips have been so near to thine,

Whose eyes have looked upon thy sleep,

And turned away, and longed to weep,

Whole heart,--mourn,--madden as it will,--

Has spared thee, and adored thee, still!"

His purple mantle, rich and wide,

From his neck the trembling youth untied,

And flung it o'er those dangerous charms,

The swelling neck, and the rounded arms.

Once more he looked, once more he sighed;

And away, away, from the perilous tent,

Swift as the rush of an eagle's wing,

Or the flight of a shaft from Tartar string,

Into the wood Sir Rudolph went:

Not with more joy the school-boys run

To the gay green fields, when their task is done;

Not with more haste the members fly,

When Hume has caught the Speaker's eye.

At last the daylight came; and then

A score or two of serving men,

Supposing that some sad disaster

Had happened to their lord and master,

Went out into the wood, and found him,

Unhorsed, and with no mantle round him.

Ere he could tell his tale romantic,

The leech pronounced him clearly frantic,

So ordered him at once to bed,

And clapped a blister on his head.

Within the sound of the castle-clock

There stands a huge and rugged rock,

And I have heard the peasants say,

That the grieving groom at noon that day

Found gallant Roland, cold and stiff,

At the base of the black and beetling cliff.

Beside the rock there is an oak,

Tall, blasted by the thunder-stroke,

And I have heard the peasants say,

That there Sir Rudolph's mantle lay,

And coiled in many a deadly wreath

A venomous serpent slept beneath.

* * * * *

STANZAS,

WRITTEN UNDER A DRAWING OF KING'S COLLEGE CHAPEL, CAMBRIDGE.

EXTRACTED FROM AN ALBUM IN DEVONSHIRE.

Most beautiful!--I gaze and gaze

In silence on the glorious pile;

And the glad thoughts of other days

Come thronging back the while.

To me dim Memory makes more dear

The perfect grandeur of the shrine;

But if i stood a stranger here,

The ground were still divine.

Some awe the good and wise have felt,

As reverently their feet have trod

On any spot where man hath knelt,

To commune with his God;

By haunted spring, or fairy well,

Beneath the ruined convent's gloom,

Beside the feeble hermit's cell,

Or the false prophet's tomb.

But when was high devotion graced

With lovelier dwelling, loftier throne,

Than thus the limner's art hath traced

From the time-honored stone?

The spirit here of worship seems

To hold the heart in wondrous thrall,

And heavenward hopes and holy dreams,

Came at her voiceless call;--

At midnight, when the lonely moon

Looks from a vapor's silvery fold;

Or morning, when the sun of June

Crests the high towers with gold;

For every change of hour and form

Makes that fair scene more deeply fair;

And dusk and day-break, calm and storm,

Are all religion there.

* * * * *

A FRAGMENT OF A BALLAD:

TEACHING HOW POETRY IS BEST PAID FOR.

Non voglio cento scudi.--Song.

Oh say not that the minstrel's art,

The pleasant gift of verse,

Though his hopes decay, though his friends depart,

Can ever be a curse;--

Though sorrow reign within his heart,

And Penury hold his purse.

Say not his toil is profitless;--

Though he charm no rich relation,

The Fairies all his labors bless

With such remuneration,

As Mr. Hume would soon confess

Beyond his calculation.

Annuities, and three per cents,

Little cares he about them;

And India bonds, and tithes, and rents,

He rambles on without them:

But love, and noble sentiments,--

Oh, never bid him doubt them!

* * * * *

Young Florice rose from his humble bed,

And prayed as a good youth should;

And forth he sped, with a lightsome tread,

Into the neighboring wood;

He knew where the berries were ripe and red,

And where the old oak stood.

And as he lay, at the noon of day,

Beneath the ancient tree,

A grayhaired pilgrim passed that way;

A holy man was he,

And he was wending forth to pray

At a shrine in a far countrie.

Oh, his was a weary wandering,

And a song or two might cheer him.

The pious youth began to sing,

As the ancient man drew near him;

The lark was mute as he touched the string,

And the thrush said, "Hear him, hear him!"

He sand high tales of the martyred brave;

Of the good, and pure, and just;

Who have gone into the silent grave,

In such deep faith and trust,

That the hopes and thoughts which sain and save

Spring from their buried dust.

The fair of face, and the stout of limb,

Meek maids, and grandsires hoary;

Who have sung on the cross their rapturous hymn,

As they passed to their doom of glory;--

Their radiant fame is never dim,

Nor their names erased from story.

Time spares the stone where sleep the dead

With angels watching round them;

The mourner's grief is comforted,

As he looks on the chains that bound them;

And peace is shed on the murderer's head,

And he kisses the thorns that crowned them.

Such tales he told; and the pilgrim heard

In a trance of voiceless pleasure;

For the depths of his inmost soul were stirred,

By the sad and solemn measure:

"I give thee my blessing,"--was his word;

"It is all I have of treasure!"

* * * * *

A little child came bounding by;

And he, in a fragrant bower,

Had found a gorgeous butterfly,

Rare spoil for a nursery dower,

Which, with fierce step, and eager eye,

He chased from flower to flower.

"Come hither, come hither," 'gan Florice call;

And the urchin left his fun;

So from the hall of poor Sir Paul

Retreats the baffled dun;

So Ellen parts from the village ball,

Where she leaves a heart half won

Then Florice did the child caress,

And sang his sweetest songs:

Their theme was of the gentleness,

Which to the soul belongs,

Ere yet it knows the name or dress

Of human rights and wrongs.

And of the wants which make agree

All parts of this vast plan;

How life is in whate'er we see,

And only life in man:--

What matter where the less may be,

And where the longer span?

An d how the heart grows hard without

Soft Pity's freshing dews;

And how when any life goes out

Some little pang ensues;--

Facts which great soldiers often doubt,

And wits who write reviews.

Oh, Song hath power o'er Nature's springs

Though deep the Nymph has laid them!

The child gazed, gazed, on the gilded wings,

As the next light breeze displayed them;

But he felt the while that the meanest things

Are dear to him that made them!

* * * * *

The sun went down behind the hill,

The breeze was growing colder

But there the minstrel lingered still;

And amazed the chance beholder,

Musing beside a rippling rill,

With a harp upon his shoulder.

And soon, on a graceful steed and tame,

A sleek Arabian mare,

The Lady Juliana came,

Riding to take the air,

With Lords of fame, at whose proud name

A radical would swear.

The minstrel touched his lute again.--

It was more than a Sultan's crown,

When the lady checked her bridle rein,

And lit from her palfrey down:--

What would you give for such a strain,

Rees, Longman, Orme, and Brown?

He sang of Beauty's dazzling eyes,

Of Beauty's melting tone;

And how her praise is a richer prize

Then the gems of Persia's throne:

And her love a bliss which the coldly wise

Have never, never, known.

He told how the valiant scoff at fear,

When the sob of her grief is heard;

How they couch the spear for a smile or tear

How they die for a single word;--

Things which, I own, to me appear

Exceedingly absurd.

The Lady soon had heard enough:

She turned to hear Sir Denys

Discourse, in language vastly gruff,

About his skill at Tennis--

While smooth Sir Guy described the stuff

His mistress wore at Venice.

The Lady smiled one radiant smile,

And the Lady rode away.--

There is not a lady in all our Isle,

I have heard a Poet say,

Who can listen more than a little while

To a poet's sweetest lay.

* * * * *

His mother's voice was fierce and shrill,

As she set the milk and fruit:

"Out on thine unrewarded skill,

And on thy vagrant lute;

Let the strings be broken an they will,

And the beggar lips be mute!"

Peace, peace!--the Pilgrim as he went

Forgot the minstrel's song;

But the blessing that his wan lips sent

Will guard the minstrel long;

And keep his spirit innocent,

And turn his hand from wrong.

Belike the child had little thought

Of the moral the minstrel drew;

But the dream of a deed of kindness wrought--

Brings it not peace to you?

And doth not a lesson of virture taught

Teach him that reaches too?

And if the Lady sighed no sigh

For the minstrel or his hymn;--

But when he shall lie 'neath the moonlit sky,

Or lip the goblet's brim,

What a star in the mist of memory

Her smile will be to him!

* * * * *

THE COVENANTER'S LAMENT FOR BOTHWELL BRIGG.

The men of sin prevail!

Once more the prince of this world lifts his horn:

Judah is scattered, as the chaff is borne

Before the stormy gale.

Where are our brethren? where

The good and true, the terrible and fleet?

They whom we loved, with whom we sat at meat,

With whom we kneeled in prayer?

Mangled and marred they lie,

Upon the bloody pillow of their rest:

Stern Dalzell smiles, and Clavers with a jest

Spurs his fierce charger by.

So let our foes rejoice;--

We to the Lord, who hears their impious boasts.

Will call for comfort: to the God of Hosts

We will lift up our voice.

Give ear unto our song;

For we are wandering o'er our native land,

As sheep that have no shepherd: and the hand

Of wicked men is strong.

Only to thee we bow.

Our lips have drained the fury of thy cup;

And the deep murmurs of our hearts go up

To heaven for vengeance now.

Avenge--oh, not our years

Of pain and wrong; the blood of martyrs shed;

The ashes heaped upon the hoary head;

The maiden's silent tears;

The babe's bread torn away'

The harvest blasted by the war-steed's hoof;

The red flame wreathing o'er the cottage roof;

Judge not for those to-day!

Is not thine own dread rod

Mocked by the proud, thy holy book disdained,

Thy name blasphemed, thy temple's courts profaned?

Avenge thyself, O God!

Break Pharoah's iron crown;

Bind with new chains their nobles and their kings;

Wash from thy house the blood of unclean things;

And hurl their Dagon down!

Come in thine own good time!

We will abide: we have not turned from thee;

Though in a world of grief our portion be,

Of bitter grief, and crime.

Be thou our guard and guide!

Forth from the spoiler's synagogue we go.

That we may worship where the torrents flow,

And where the whirlwinds ride.

From lonely rocks and caves

We will pour forth our sacrifice of prayer.--

On, brethren, to the mountains! Seek we there

Safe temples, quiet graves!

* * * * *

HOPE AND LOVE.

One day, through fancy's telescope,

Which is my richest treasure,

I saw, dear Susan, Love and Hope

Set out in search of Pleasure:

All mirth and smiles I saw them go;

Each was the other's banker;

For Hope took up her brother's bow,

And Love, his sister's anchor.

They rambled on o'er vale and hill,

They passed by cot and tower;

Through summer's glow and winter's chill,

Through sunshine and through shower,

But what did those fond playmates care

For climate, or for weather?

All scenes to them were bright and fair,

On which they gazed together.

Sometimes they turned aside to bless

Some Muse and her wild numbers,

Or breathe a dream of holiness

On Beauty's quiet slumbers;

"Fly on," said Wisdom, with cold sneers:

"I teach my friends to doubt you;"

"Come back," said Age, with bitter tears,

"My heart is cold without you."

When Poverty beset their path,

And threatened to divide them,

They coaxed away the beldame's wrath,

Ere she had breath to chide them,

By vowing all her rags were silk,

And all her bitters, honey,

And showing taste for bread and milk,

And utter scorn of money.

They met stern Danger in their way,

Upon a ruin seated;

Before him kings had quaked that day,

And armies had retreated:

But he was robed in such a cloud,

As Love and Hope came near him,

That though he thundered long and loud,

They did not see or hear him.

A gray-beard joined them, Time by name;

And Love was nearly crazy,

To find that he was very lame,

And also very lazy:

Hope, as he listened to her tale,

Tied wings upon his jacket;

And then they far outran the mail,

And far outsailed the packet.

And so, when they had safely passed

O'er many a land and billow,

Before a grave they stopped at last,

Beneath a weeping willow:

The moon upon the humble mound

Her softest light was flinging;

Sad nightingales were singing.

"I leave you here," quoth Father Time,

As hoarse as any raven;

And Love kneeled down to spell the rhyme

Upon the rude stone graven:

But Hope looked onward, calmly brave;

And whispered, "Dearest brother,

We're parted on this side the grave,--

We'll meet upon the other."

* * * * *

PRIVATE THEATRICALS.

LADY ARABELLA FUSTIAN TO LORD CLARENCE FUSTIAN.

--Sweet, when Actors first appear

The loud collision of applauding gloves!

MOULTRIE.

Your labors, my talented brother,

Are happily over at last;

They tell me that, some how or other,

The bill is rejected,--or past:

And now you'll be coming, I'm certain,

As fast as four posters can crawl,

To help us draw up our curtain,

As usual, at Fustian Hall.

Arrangements, are nearly completed;

But still we've a lover or two,

Whom Lady Albina entreated,

We'd keep, at all hazards, for you:

Sir Arthur makes horrible faces,--

Lord John is a trifle too tall,--

And yours are the safest embraces

To faint in, at Fustian Hall.

Come, Clarence;--it's really enchanting

To listen and look at the rout;

We're all of us puffing, and panting,

And raving, and running about;

Here Kitty and Adelaide bustle;

There Andrew and Anthony bawl;

Flutes murmur, chains rattle, robes rustle,

In chorus, at Fustian Hall.

By the bye, there are two or three matters

We want you to bring us from town;

The Inca's white plumes from the hatter's,

A nose and a hump for the Clown:

We want a few harps for our banquet,

We want a few masks for our ball;

And steal from your wise friend Bosanquet

His white wig, for Fustian Hall.

Huncamunca must have a huge saber,

Friar Tuck has forgotten his cowl;

And we're quite at a stand-still with Weber,

For want of a lizard and owl:

And then, for our funeral procession,

Pray get us a love of a pall;

Or how shall we make an impression

On feelings, at Fustian Hall?

And, Clarence, you'll really delight us,

If you'll do your endeavor to bring

From the Club a young person to write us

Our prologue, and that sort of thing;

Poor Crotchet, who did them supremely,

Is gone, for a Judge, to Bengal;

I fear we shall miss him extremely,

This season, at Fustian Hall.

Come, Clarence;--your idol Albina

Will make a sensation, I feel;

We all think there never was seen a

Performer, so like the O'Neill.

At rehearsals, her exquisite fancy

Has deeply affected us all;

For one tear that trickles at Drury,

There'll be twenty at Fustian Hall.

Dread objects are scattered before her,

On purpose to harrow her soul;

She stares, till a deep spell comes o'er her,

At a knife, or a cross, or a bowl.

The sword never seems to alarm her,

That hangs on a peg to the wall,

And she doats on thy rusty old armor

Lord Fustian, of Fustian Hall.

She stabbed a bright mirror this morning,--

Poor Kitty was quite out of breath,--

And trampled, in anger and scorning,

A bonnet and feathers to death.

But hark,--I've a part in the Stranger,--

There's the Prompter's detestable call:

Come, Clarence,--our Romeo and Ranger,

We want you at Fustian Hall.

* * * * *

ALEXANDER AND DIOGENES

Diogenes Alexandro roganti ut diccret, Si quid opus caset, "nunc quidem

paullulum," inquit, "a sole."--_Cicero Tusc. Disp._

Slowly the monarch turned aside;

But when his glance of youthful pride

Rested upon the warriors gray

Who bore his lance and shield that day,

And the long line of spears that came

Through the far grove like waves of flame,

His forehead burned, his pulse beat high,

More darkly flashed his shifting eye,

And visions of the battle-plain

Came bursting on his soul again.

The old man drew his gaze away

Right gladly from that long array,

As if their presence were a blight

Of pain and sickness to his sight;

And slowly folding o'er his breast

The fragments of his tattered vest,

As was his wont, unasked, unsought

Gave to the winds his muttered thought,

Naming no name of friend or foe,

And reckless if they heard or no.

"Ay, go thy way, thou painted thing,

Puppet, which mortals call a king,

Adorning thee with idle gems,

With drapery and diadems,

And scarcely guessing, that beneath

The purple robe and laurel wreath,

There's nothing but the common slime

Of human clay and human crime:--

My rags are not so rich,--but they

Will serve as well to cloak decay.

"And ever round thy jeweled brow

False slaves and falser friends will bow;

And Flattery,--as varnish flings

A baseness on the brightest things,--

Will make the monarch's deeds appear

All worthless to the monarch's ear,

Till thou wilt turn and think that Fame,

So vilely drest, is worse than shame!--

The gods be thanked for all their mercies,

Diogenes hears naught but curses!

"And thou wilt banquet!--air and sea

Will render up their hoards for thee;

And golden cups for thee will hold

Rich nectar, richer than the gold.

The cunning caterer still must share

The dainties which his toils prepare;

The page's lip must taste the wine

Before he fills the cup for thine!--

Wilt feast with me on Hecate's cheer?

I dread no royal hemlock here!

"And night will come; and thou wilt lie

Beneath a purple canopy,

With lutes to lull thee, flowers to shed

Their feverish fragrance round thy bed,

A princess to unclasp thy crest,

A Spartan spear to guard thy rest.--

Dream, happy one!--thy dreams will be

Of danger and of perfidy;--

The Persian lance,--the Carian club!--

I shall sleep sounder in my tub!

"And thou wilt pass away, and have

A marble mountain o'er thy grave,

With pillars tall, and chambers vast,

Fit palace for the worm's repast!--

I too shall perish!--let them call

The vulture to my funeral;

The Cynic's staff, the Cynic's den,

Are all he leaves his fellow men,--

Heedless how this corruption fares,--

Yea, heedless though it mix with theirs!"

* * * *

[From Household Words.]

THE LAST OF A LONG LINE.

CHAPTER I.

Sir Roger Rockville of Rockville was the last of a very long line. It

Extended from the Norman Conquest to the present century. His first known

ancestor came over with William, and must have been a man of some mark,

either of bone and sinew, or of brain, for he obtained what the Americans

would call a prime location. As his name does not occur in the Roll of

Battle Abbey, he was, of course, not of a very high Norman extraction;

but he had done enough, it seems, in the way of knocking down Saxons, to

place himself on a considerable eminence in this kingdom. The center of

his domains was conspicuous far over the country, through a high range of

rock overhanging one of the sweetest rivers in England. On one hand lay a

vast tract of rich marsh land, capable, as society advanced, of being

converted into meadows; and on the other, as extensive moorlands, finely

undulating, and abounding with woods and deer.

Here the original Sir Roger built his castle on the summit of the range

of rock, with huts for his followers; and became known directly all over

the country as Sir Roger de Rockville, or Sir Roger of the hamlet on the

Rock. Sir Roger, no doubt, was a mighty hunter before the lord of the

feudal district: it is certain that his descendants were. For generations

they led a jolly life at Rockville, and were always ready to exchange the

excitement of the chase for a bit of civil war. Without that the country

would have grown dull, and ale and venison lost their flavor. There was

no gay London in those days, and a good brisk skirmish with their

neighbors in helm and hauberk was the way of spending their season. It

was their parliamentary debate, and was necessary to thin their woods.

Protection and Free Trade were as much the great topics of interest as

they are now, only they did not trouble themselves so much about Corn

bills. Their bills were of good steel, and their protective measures were

arrows a cloth-yard long. Protection meant a good suit of mail; and a

castle with its duly prescribed moats, bastions, portcullises, and donjon

keep. Free Trade was a lively inroad into the neighboring baron's lands,

and the iportation thence of goodly herds and flocks. Foreign cattle for

home consumption was as _sticking an article_ in their markets as in

ours, only the blows were expended on one another's heads, instead of the

heads of foreign bullocks--that is, bullocks from over the Welch or

Scotch marches, as from beyond the next brook.

Thus lived the Rockvilles for ages. In all the iron combats of those iron

times they took care to have their quota. Whether it were Stephen against

Matilda, or Richard against his father, or John against the barons;

whether it were York or Lancaster, or Tudor or Stuart, the Rockvilles

were to be found in the _mêlée_, and winning power and lands. So long as

it required only stalwart frames and stout blows, no family cut a more

conspicuous figure. The Rockvilles were at Bosworth Field. The Rockvilles

fought in Ireland under Elizabeth. The Rockvilles were staunch defenders

of the cause in the war of Charles I. with his Parliament. The Rockvilles

even fought for James II. at the Boyne, when three-fourths of the most

loyal of the English nobility and gentry had deserted him in disgust and

indignation. But from that hour they had been less conspicuous.

The opposition to the successful party, that of William of Orange, of

course brought them into disgrace: and though they were never molested on

that account, they retired to their estate, and found it convenient to be

as unobtrusive as possible. Thenceforward you heard no more of the

Rockvilles in the national annals. They became only of consequence in

their own district. They acted as magistrates. They served as high

sheriffs. They were a substantial county family, and nothing more.

Education and civilization advanced; a wider and very different field of

action and ambition opened upon the aristocracy of England. Our fleets

and armies abroad, our legislature at home, law and the church, presented

brilliant paths to the ambition of those thirsting for distinction, and

the good things that follow it. But somehow the Rockvilles did not expand

with this expansion. So long as it required only a figure of six feet

high, broad shoulders, and a strong arm, they were a great and

conspicuous race. But when the head became the member most in request,

they ceased to go a-head. Younger sons, it is true, served in army and in

navy, and filled the family pulpit, but they produced no generals, no

admirals, no archbishops. The Rockvilles of Rockville were very

conservative, very exclusive, and very stereotype. Other families grew

poor, and enriched themselves again by marrying plebeian heiresses. New

families grew up out of plebeian blood into greatness, and intermingled

the vigor of their fresh earth with the attenuated aristocratic soil. Men

of family became great lawyers, great statesmen, great prelates and even

great poets and philosophers. The Rockvilles remained high, proud,

bigoted, and _borné_.

The Rockvilles married Rockvilles, or their first cousins, the

Cesgvilles, simply to prevent property going out of the family. They kept

the property together. They did not lose an acre, and they were a fine,

tall, solemn race--and nothing more. What ailed them?

If you saw Sir Roger Rockville,--for there was an eternal Sir Roger

filling his office of high sheriff,--he had a very fine carriage, and a

very fine retinue in the most approved and splendid antique costumes; if

you saw him sitting on the bench at quarter sessions, he was a tall,

stately, and solemn man. If you saw Lady Rockville shopping, in her

handsome carriage, with very handsomely attired servants; saw her at the

county ball, or on the race-stand, she was a tall, aristocratic, and

stately lady. That was in the last generation--the present could boast of

no Lady Rockville.

Great outward respect was shown to the Rockvilles on account of the

length of their descent, and the breadth of their acres. They were

always, when any stranger asked about them, declared, with a serious and

important air, to be a very ancient, honorable, and substantial family.

"Oh! a great family are the Rockvilles, a very great family."

But if you came to close quarters with the members of this great and

highly distinguished family, you soon found yourself fundamentally

astonished: you had a sensation come over you, as if you were trying,

like Moses, to draw water from a rock, without his delegated power. There

was a goodly outside of things before you, but nothing came of it. You

talked, hoping to get talking in return, but you got little more than

"noes" and "yeses," and "oh! indeeds!" and "reallys," and sometimes not

even that, but a certain look of aristocratic dignity or dignification,

that was meant to serve for all answers. There was a sort of resting on

aristocratic oars or "sculls," that were not to be too vulgarly handled.

There was a feeling impressed on you, that eight-hundred years of descent

and ten thousand a-year in landed income did not trouble themselves with

the trifling things that gave distinction to lesser people--such as

literature, fine arts, politics, and general knowledge. These were very

well for those who had nothing else to pride themselves on, but for the

Rockvilles--oh! certainly they were by no means requisite.

In fact, you found yourself, with a little variation, in the predicament

of Cowper's people,

--who spent their lives

In dropping buckets into empty wells,

And _growing tired_ of drawing nothing up.

Who hasn't often come across these "dry wells" of society; solemn gulfs

out of which you can pump nothing up? You know them; they are at your

elbow every day in large and brilliant companies, and defy the best

sucking-buckets ever invented to extract anything from them. But the

Rockvilles were each and all of this adust description. It was a family

feature, and they seemed, if either, rather proud of it. They must be so;

for proud they were, amazingly proud; and they had nothing besides to be

proud of, except their acres, and their ancestors.

But the fact was, they could not help it. It was become organic. They had

acted the justice of peace, maintained the constitution against upstarts

and manufacturers, signed warrants, supported the church and the house of

correction, committed poachers, and then rested on the dignity of their

ancestors for so many generations, that their skulls, brains,

constitutions, and nervous systems, were all so completely moulded into

that shape and baked into that mould, that a Rockville would be a

Rockville to the end of time, if God and Nature would have allowed it.

But such things wear out. The American Indians and the Australian nations

wear out; they are not progressive, and as Nature abhors a vacuum, she

does not forget the vacuum wherever it may be, whether in a hot desert,

or in a cold and stately Rockville;--a very ancient, honorable, and

substantial family that lies fallow till the thinking faculty literally

dies out.

For several generations there had been symptoms of decay about the

Rockville family. Not in its property, that was as large as ever; not in

their personal stature and physical aspect. The Rockvilles continued, as

they always had been, a tall and not bad-looking family. But they grew

gradually less prolific. For a hundred and fifty years past there had

seldom been more than two, or at most three, children. There had

generally been an heir to the estate, and another to the family pulpit,

and sometimes a daughter married to some neighboring squire. But Sir

Roger's father had been an only child, and Sir Roger himself was an only

child. The danger of extinction to the family, apparent as it was, had

never induced Sir Roger to marry. At the time that we are turning our

attention upon him, he had reached the mature age of sixty. Nobody

believed that Sir Roger now would marry; he was the last, and likely to

be, of his line.

It is worth while here to take a glance at Sir Roger and his estate. They

wore a strange contrast. The one bore all the signs of progress, the

other of a stereotyped feudality. The estate, which in the days of the

first Sir Roger de Rockville had been half morass and half wilderness,

was now cultivated to the pitch of British agricultural science. The

marshlands beyond the river were one splendid expanse of richest meadows,

yielding a rental of four solid pounds per acre. Over hill and dale on

this side for miles, where formerly ran wild deer, and grew wild

woodlands of furze-bushes, now lay excellent farms and hamlets, and along

the ridge of the ancient cliffs rose the most magnificent woods. Woods,

too, clothed the steep hillsides, and swept down to the noble river,

their very boughs hanging far out over its clear and rapid waters. In the

midst of these fine woods stood Rockville Hall, the family seat of the

Rockvilles. It reared its old brick walls above the towering mass of

elms, and travelers at a distance recognized it for what it was, the

mansion of an ancient and wealthy family.

The progress of England in arts, science, commerce, and manufacture, had

carried Sir Roger's estate along with it. It was full of active and

moneyed farmers, and flourished under modern influences. How lucky it

would have been for the Rockville family had it done the same!

But amid this estate there was Sir Roger solitary, and the last of the

line. He had grown well enough--there was nothing stunted about him, so

far as you could see on the surface. In stature, he exceeded six feet.

His colossal elms could not boast of a properer relative growth. He was

as large a landlord, and as tall a justice of the peace, as you could

desire: but, unfortunately, he was, after all, only the shell of a man.

Like many of his veteran elms, there was a very fine stem, only it was

hollow. There was a man, just with the rather awkward deficiency of a

soul.

And it were no difficult task to explain, either, how this had come

about. The Rockvilles saw plainly enough the necessity of manuring their

lands, but they scorned the very idea of manuring their family. What!

that most ancient, honorable, and substantial family, suffer any of the

common earth of humanity to gather about its roots! The Rockvilles were

so careful of their good blood, that they never allied it to any but

blood as pure and inane as their own. Their elms flourished in the rotten

earth of plebeian accumulations, and their acres produced large crops of

corn from the sewage of towns and fat sinks, but the Rockvilles

themselves took especial care that no vulgar vigor from the real heap

of ordinary human nature should infuse a new force of intellect into

their race. The Rockvilles needed nothing; they had all that an ancient,

honorable, and substantial family could need. The Rockvilles had no need

to study at school--why should they? They did not want to get on. The

Rockvilles did not aspire to distinction for talent in the world--why

should they? They had a large estate. So the Rockville soul, unused from

generation to generation, grew--

Fine by degrees, and _spiritually_ less,

till it tapered off into nothing.

Look at the last of a long fine in the midst of his fine estate. Tall he

was, with a stoop in his shoulders, and a bowing of his head on one side,

as if he had been accustomed to stand under the low boughs of his woods,

and peer after intruders. And that was precisely the fact. His features

were thin and sharp; his nose prominent and keen in its character; his

eyes small, black, and peering like a mole's, or a hungry swine's. Sir

Roger was still oracular on the bench, and after consulting his clerk, a

good lawyer,--and looked up to by the neighboring squires in election

matters, for he was an unswerving tory. You never heard of a rational

thing that he had said in the whole course of his life; but that mattered

little, he was a gentleman of solemn aspect, of stately gait, and of a

very ancient family.

With ten thousand a-year, and his rental rising, he was still, however, a

man of overwhelming cares. What mattered a fine estate if all the world

was against him? And Sir Roger firmly believed that he stood in that

predicament. He had grown up to regard the world as full of little

besides upstarts, radicals, manufacturers, and poachers. All were banded,

in his belief, against the landed interest. It demanded all the energy of

his very small faculties to defend himself and the world against them.

Unfortunately for his peace, a large manufacturing town had sprung up

within a couple of miles of him. He could see its red-brick walls, and

its red-tiled roofs, and its tall smoke-vomiting chimneys, growing and

extending over the slopes beyond the river. It was to him the most

irritating sight in the world; for what were all those swarming weavers

and spinners but arrant radicals, upstarts, sworn foes of ancient

institutions and the landed interests of England? Sir Roger had passed

through many a desperate conflict with them for the return of members to

parliament. They brought forward men that were utter wormwood to all his

feelings, and they paid no more respect to him and his friends on such

occasions than they did to the meanest creature living. Reverence for

ancient blood did not exist in that plebeian and rapidly multiplying

tribe. There were master manufacturers there actually that looked and

talked as big as himself, and _entre nous_, a vast deal more cleverly.

The people talked of rights and franchises, and freedom of speech and of

conscience, in a way that was really frightful. Then they were given most

inveterately to running out in whole and everlasting crowds on Sundays

and holidays into the fields and woods; and as there was no part of the

neighborhood half so pleasant as the groves and river banks of Rockville,

they came swarming up there in crowds that were enough to drive any man

of acres frantic.

Unluckily, there were roads all about Rockville; foot roads, and high

roads and bridle roads. There was a road up the river side, all the way

to Rockville woods, and when it reached them, it divided like a fork, and

one pony or foot-path led straight up a magnificent grove of a mile long,

ending close to the hall; and another ran all along the river side, under

the hills and branches of the wood.

Oh, delicious were these woods! In the river there were islands, which

were covered in summer with the greenest grass, and the freshest of

willows, and the clear waters rushed around them in the most inviting

manner imaginable. And there were numbers of people extremely ready to

accept this delectable invitation of these waters. There they came in

fine weather, and as these islands were only separated from the main-land

by a little and very shallow stream, it was delightful for lovers to get

across--with laughter, and treading on stepping-stones, and slipping off

the stepping-stones up to the ankles into the cool brook, and pretty

screams, and fresh laughter, and then landing on those sunny, and to them

really enchanted islands. And then came fishermen; solitary fishermen,

and fishermen in rows; fishermen lying in the flowery grass, with

fragrant meadow-sweet and honey-breathing clover all about their ears;

and fishermen standing in file, as if they were determined to clear all

the river of fish in one day. And there were other lovers, and troops of

loiterers, and shouting roysterers, going along under the boughs of the

wood, and following the turns of that most companionable of rivers. And

there were boats going up and down; boats full of young people, all

holiday finery and mirth, and boats with duck-hunters, and other, to Sir

Roger, detestable marauders, with guns and dogs, and great bottles of

beer. In the fine grove, on summer days, there might be found hundreds

of people. There were picnic parties, fathers and mothers with whole

families of children, and a great promenade of the delighted artisans and

their wives or sweethearts.

In the times prior to the sudden growth of the neighboring town, Great

Stockington, and to the simultaneous development of the love-of-nature

principle in the Stockingtonians, nothing had been thought of all these

roads. The roads were well enough till they led to these inroads. Then

Sir Roger aroused himself. This must be changed. The roads must be

stopped. Nothing was easier to his fancy. His fellow-justices, Sir

Benjamin Bullockshed and Squire Sheepshank, had asked his aid to stop the

like nuisances, and it had been done at once. So Sir Roger put up notices

all about, that the roads were to be stopped by an Order of Sessions, and

these notices were signed, as required by law, by their worships of

Bullockshed and Sheepshank. But Sir Roger soon found that it was one

thing to stop a road leading from Oneman-Town to Lonely-Lodge, and

another to attempt to stop those from Great-Stockington to Rockville.

On the very first Sunday after the exhibition of those notice-boards,

there was a ferment in the grove of Rockville, as if all the bees in the

county were swarming there, with all the wasps and hornets to boot. Great

crowds were collected before each of these obnoxious placards, and the

amount of curses vomited against them was really shocking for any day,

but more especially for a Sunday. Presently there was a rush at them;

they were torn down, and simultaneously pitched into the river. There

were great crowds swarming all about Rockville all that day, and with

looks so defiant that Sir Roger more than once contemplated sending off

for the Yeoman Cavalry to defend his house, which he seriously thought in

danger.

But so far from being intimidated from proceeding, this demonstration

only made Sir Roger the more determined. To have so desperate and

irreverent a population coming about his house and woods now presented

itself in a much more formidable aspect than ever. So, next day, not only

were the placards once more hoisted, but rewards offered for the

discovery of the offenders, attended with all the maledictions of the

insulted majesty of the law. No notice was taken of this, but the whole

of Great Stockington was in a buzz and an agitation. There were posters

plastered all over the walls of the town, four times as large as Sir

Roger's notices, in this style:--

"Englishmen! your dearest rights are menaced! The Woods of Rockville,

your ancient, rightful, and enchanting resorts, are to be closed to you.

Stockingtonians! The eyes of the world are upon you. 'Awake! arise! or be

forever fallen!' England expects every man to do his duty! And your duty

is to resist and defy the grasping soil-lords, to seize on your ancient

Patrimony!"

"Patrimony! Ancient and rightful resort of Rockville!" Sir Roger was

astounded at the audacity of this upstart, plebeian race. What! They

actually claimed Rockville, the heritage of a hundred successive

Rockvilles, as their own. Sir Roger determined to carry it to the

Sessions; and at the Sessions was a magnificent muster of all his

friends. There was Sir Roger himself in the chair; and on either hand, a

prodigious row of county squirearchy. There was Sir Benjamin Bullockshed,

and Sir Thomas Tenterhook, and all the squires,--Sheepshank, Ramsbottom,

Turnbull, Otterbrook, and Swagsides. The Clerk of Sessions read the

notice for the closing of all the footpaths through the woods of

Rockville, and declared that this notice had been duly, and for the

required period publicly, posted. The Stockingtonians protested by their

able lawyer Daredeville, against any order for the closing of these

ancient woods--the inestimable property of the public.

"Property of the public!" exclaimed Sir Roger. "Property of the public!"

echoed the multitudinous voices of indignant Bullocksheds, Tenterhooks,

and Ramsbottoms. "Why, sir, do you dispute the right of Sir Roger

Rockville to his own estate?"

"By no means;" replied the undaunted Daredeville; "the estate of

Rockville is unquestionably the property of the honorable baronet, Sir

Roger Rockville; but the roads through it are the as unquestionable

Property of the public."

The whole bench looked at itself; that is, at each other, in wrathful

astonishment. The swelling in the diaphragms of the squires Otterbrook,

Turnbull, and Swagsides, and all the rest of the worshipful row, was too

big to admit of utterance. Only Sir Roger himself burst forth with an

abrupt--

"Impudent fellows! But I'll see them ---- first!"

"Grant the order!" said Sir Benjamin Bullockshed; and the whole bench

nodded assent. The able lawyer Daredeville retired with a pleasant smile.

He saw an agreeable prospect of plenty of grist to his mill. Sir Roger

was rich, and so was Great Stockington. He rubbed his hands, not in the

least like a man defeated, and thought to himself, "Let them go at

it--all right."

The next day the placards on the Rockville estate were changed for others

Bearing "STOPPED BY ORDER OF SESSIONS!" and alongside of them were huge

carefully painted boards, denouncing on all trespassers prosecutions

according to law. The same evening came a prodigious invasion of

Stockingtonians--tore all the boards and placards down, and carried them

on their shoulders to Great Stockington, singing as they went, "See, the

Conquering Heroes come!" They set them up in the center of Stockington

market-place, and burnt them, along with an effigy of Sir Roger

Rockville.

That was grist at once to the mill of the able lawyer Daredeville. He

looked on, and rubbed his hands. Warrants were speedily issued by the

baronets of Bullockshed and Tenterhook, for the apprehension of the

individuals who had been seen carrying off the notice-boards, for

larceny, and against a number of others for trespass. There was plenty

of work for Daredeville and his brethren of the robe; but it all ended,

after the flying about of sundry mandamuses and assize trials, in Sir

Roger finding that though Rockville was his, the roads through it were

the public's.

As Sir Roger drove homeward from the assize, which finally settled the

question of these footpaths, he heard the bells in all the steeples of

Great Stockington burst forth with a grand peal of triumph. He closed

first the windows of his fine old carriage, and sunk into a corner; but

he could not drown the intolerable sound. "But," said he, "I'll stop

their picnic-ing. I'll stop their fishing. I'll have hold of them for

trespassing and poaching!" There was war henceforth between Rockville and

Great Stockington.

On the very next Sunday there came literally thousands of the jubilant

Stockingtonians to Rockville. They had brought baskets, and were for

dining, and drinking success to all footpaths. But in the great grove

there were keepers, and watchers, who warned them to keep the path, that

narrow well-worn line up the middle of the grove. "What! were they not to

sit on the grass?"--"No!"--"What! were they not to picnic?"--"No! not

there!"

The Stockingtonians felt a sudden damp on their spirits. But the river

bank! The cry was "To the river bank! There they _would_ picnic." The

crowd rushed away down the wood, but on the river bank they found a whole

regiment of watchers, who pointed again to the narrow line of footpath,

and told them not to trespass beyond it. But the islands! they went over

to the islands. But there too were Sir Roger's forces, who warned them

back! There was no road there--all found there would be trespassers, and

be duly punished.

The Stockingtonians discovered that their triumph was not quite so

complete as they had flattered themselves. The footpaths were theirs, but

that was all. Their ancient license was at an end. If they came there,

there was no more fishing; if they came in crowds, there was no more

picnic-ing; if they walked through the woods in numbers, they must keep

to Indian file, or they were summoned before the county magistrates for

trespass, and were soundly fined; and not even the able Daredeville would

undertake to defend them.

The Stockingtonians were chopfallen, but they were angry and dogged; and

They thronged up to the village and the front of the hall. They filled

the little inn in the hamlet-they went by scores, and roving all over the

churchyard, read epitaphs

That teach the rustic moralists to die,

but don't teach them to give up their old indulgences very

good-humoredly. They went and sat in rows on the old churchyard wall,

opposite to the very windows of the irate Sir Roger. They felt themselves

beaten, and Sir Roger felt himself beaten. True, he could coerce them to

the keeping of the footpaths--but, then, they had the footpaths! True,

thought the Stockingtonians, we have the footpaths, but then the

picnic-ing, and the fishing, and the islands! The Stockingtonians were

full of sullen wrath, and Sir Roger was--oh, most expressive old Saxon

phrase--HAIRSORE! Yes, he was one universal round of vexation and

jealousy of his rights. Every hair in his body was like a pin sticking

into him. Come within a dozen yards of him; nay, at the most, blow on

him, and he was excruciated--you rubbed his sensitive hairs at a

furlong's distance.

The next Sunday the people found the churchyard locked up, except during

service, when beadles walked there, and desired them not to loiter and

disturb the congregation, closing the gates, and showing them out like

a flock of sheep the moment the service was over. This was fuel to the

already boiling blood of Stockington. The week following, what was their

astonishment to find a much frequented ruin gone! it was actually gone!

not a trace of it; but the spot where it had stood for ages, turfed,

planted with young spruce trees, and fenced off with post and rail! The

exasperated people now launched forth an immensity of fulminations

against the churl Sir Roger, and a certain number of them resolved to

come and seat themselves in the street of the hamlet and there dine; but

a terrific thunderstorm, which seemed in league with Sir Roger, soon

routed them, drenched them through, and on attempting to seek shelter in

the cottages, the poor people said they were very sorry, but it was as

much as their holdings were worth, and they dare not admit them.

Sir Roger had triumphed! It was all over with the old delightful days at

Rockville. There was an end of picnic-ing, of fishing, and of roving in

the islands. One sturdy disciple of Izaak Walton, indeed, dared to fling

a line from the banks of Rockville grove, but Sir Roger came upon him and

endeavored to seize him. The man coolly walked into the middle of the

river, and, without a word, continued his fishing.

"Get out there!" exclaimed Sir Roger, "that is still on my property." The

man walked through the river to the other bank, where he knew that the

land was rented by a farmer. "Give over," shouted Sir Roger, "I tell you

the water is mine."

"Then," said the fellow, "bottle it up, and be hanged to you! Don't you

see it is running away to Stockington?"

There was bad blood between Rockville and Stockington-green. Stockington

was incensed, and Sir Roger was hairsore.

A new nuisance sprung up. The people of Stockington looked on the

cottagers of Rockville as sunk in deepest darkeness under such a man as

Sir Roger and his cousin the vicar. They could not picnic, but they

thought they could hold a camp-meeting; they could not fish for roach,

but they thought they might for souls. Accordingly there assembled crowds

of Stockingtonians on the green of Rockville, with a chair and a table,

and a preacher with his head bound in a red handkerchief; and soon there

was a sound of hymns, and a zealous call to come out of the darkness of

the spiritual Babylon. But this was more than Sir Roger could bear; he

rushed forth with all his servants, keepers, and cottagers, overthrew

the table, and routing the assembly, chased them to the boundary of his

estate.

The discomfited Stockingtonians now fulminated awful judgments on the

unhappy Sir Roger, as a persecutor and a malignant. They dared not enter

again on his park, but they came to the very verge of it, and held weekly

meetings on the highway, in which they sang and declaimed as loudly as

possible, that the winds might bear their voices to Sir Roger's ears.

To such a position was now reduced the last of the long line of

Rockville. The spirit of a policeman had taken possession of him. He had

keepers and watchers out on all sides, but they did not satisfy him. He

was perpetually haunted with the idea that poachers were after his game,

that trespassers were in his woods. His whole life was now spent in

stealing to and fro in his fields and plantations, and prowling along his

river side. He looked under hedges, and watched for long hours under the

forest trees. If any one had a curiosity to see Sir Roger, they had only

to enter his fields by the wood side, and wander a few yards from the

path, and he was almost sure to spring out over the hedge, and in angry

tones demand their name and address. The descendant of the chivalrous and

steelclad De Rockvilles was sunk into a restless spy on his own ample

property. There was but one idea in his mind--encroachment. It was

destitute of all other furniture but the musty technicalities of warrants

and commitments. There was a stealthy and skulking manner in everything

that he did. He went to church on Sundays, but it was no longer by the

grand iron gate opposite to his house, that stood generally with a large

spider's web woven over the lock, and several others in different corners

of the fine iron tracery, bearing evidence of the long period since it

had been opened. How different to the time when the Sir Roger and the

Lady of Rockville had had these gates thrown wide on a Sunday morning,

and with all their train of household servants after their back, with

true antique dignity, marched with much proud humility into the house of

God. Now, Sir Roger--the solitary, suspicious, undignified Sir Roger, the

keeper and policeman of his own property--stole in at a little side gate

from his paddock, and back the same way, wondering all the time whether

there was not somebody in his pheasant preserves, or Sunday trespassers

in his grove.

If you entered his house it gave you as cheerless a feeling as its owner.

There was the conservatory, so splendid with rich plants and flowers in

his mothers time--now a dusty receptacle of hampers, broken hand-glasses,

and garden tools. These tools could never be used, for the gardens were

grown wild. Tall grass grew in the walks, and the huge unpruned shrubs

disputed the passage with you. In the wood above the gardens, reached by

several flights of fine, but now moss-grown, steps, there stood a

pavilion, once clearly very beautiful. It was now damp and ruinous-its

walls covered with greenness and crawling insects. It was a great

lurking-place of Sir Roger when on the watch for poachers.

The line of the Rockvilles was evidently running fast out. It had reached

the extremity of imbecility and contempt--it must soon reach its close.

Sir Roger used to make his regular annual visit to town; but of late,

when there, he had wandered restlessly about the streets, peeping into

the shop-windows; and if it rained, standing under entries for hours

after, till it was gone over. The habit of lurking and peering about was

upon him; and his feet bore him instinctively into those narrow and

crowded alleys where swarm the poachers of the city--the trespassers and

anglers in the game preserves and streams of humanity. He had lost all

pleasure in his club; the most exciting themes of political life retained

no piquancy for him. His old friends ceased to find any pleasure in him.

He was become the driest of all dry wells. Poachers, and anglers, and

Methodists, haunted the wretched purlieus of his fast fading-out mind,

and he resolved to go to town no more. His whole nature was centered in

his woods. He was forever on the watch; and when at Rockville again, if

he heard a door clap when in bed, he thought it a gun in his woods, and

started up, and was out with his keepers.

Of what value was that magnificent estate to him?--those superb woods;

those finely-hanging cliffs; that clear and _riant_ river coming

traveling on, and taking a noble sweep below his windows--that glorious

expanse of neat verdant meadows, stretching almost to Stockington, and

enlivened by numerous herds of the most beautiful cattle--those old farms

and shady lanes overhung with hazel and wild rose; the glittering brook,

and the songs of woodland birds--what were they to that worn-out old man,

that victim of the delusive doctrine of blood, of the man-trap of an

hereditary name?

There the poet could come, and feel the presence of divinity in that

noble scene, and hear sublime whispers in the trees, and create new

heavens and earths from the glorious chaos of nature around him, and in

one short hour live an empyrean of celestial life and love. There could

come the very humblest children of the plebeian town, and feel a throb of

exquisite delight pervade their bosoms at the sight of the very flowers

on the sod, and see heaven in the infinite blue above them. And poor Sir

Roger, the holder, but not the possessor of all, walked only in a region

of sterility, with no sublimer ideas than poachers and trespassers-no

more rational enjoyment than the brute indulgence of hunting like a

ferret, and seizing his fellow-men like a bulldog. He was a specimen of

human nature degenerated, retrograded from the divine to the bestial,

through the long operating influences of false notions and institutions,

continued beyond their time. He had only the soul of a keeper. Had he

been only a keeper, he had been a much happier man.

His time was at hand. The severity which he had long dealt out toward all

sorts of offenders made him the object of the deepest vengeance. In a

lonely hollow of his woods, watching at midnight with two of his men,

there came a sturdy knot of poachers. An affray ensued. The men perceived

that their old enemy, Sir Roger, was there: and the blow of a hedge-stake

stretched him on the earth. His keepers fled--and thus ignominiously

terminated the long line of the Rockvilles. Sir Roger was the last of his

line, but not of his class. There is a feudal art of sinking, which

requires no study; and the Rockvilles are but one family among thousands

who have perished in its practice.

CHAPTER II.

In Great Stockington there lived a race of paupers. From the year of the

42d of Elizabeth, or 1601, down to the present generation, this race

maintained an uninterrupted descent. They were a steady and unbroken line

of paupers, as the parish books testify. From generation to generation

their demands on the parish funds stand recorded. There were no _lacunæ_

in their career; there never failed an heir to these families; fed on the

bread of idleness and legal provision, these people flourished, increased

and multiplied. Sometimes compelled to work for the weekly dole which

they received, they never acquired a taste for labor, or lost the taste

for the bread for which they did not labor. These paupers regarded this

maintenance by no means as a disgrace. They claimed it as a right,--as

their patrimony. They contended that one-third of the property of the

Church had been given by benevolent individuals for the support of the

poor, and that what the Reformation wrongfully deprived them of, the

great enactment of Elizabeth rightfully--and only rightfully--restored.

Those who imagine that all paupers merely claimed parish relief because

the law ordained it, commit a great error. There were numbers who were

hereditary paupers, and that on a tradition carefully handed down, that

they were only manfully claiming their own. They traced their claims from

the most ancient feudal times, when the lord was as much bound to

maintain his villein in gross, as the villein was to work for the lord.

These paupers were, in fact, or claimed to be, the original _adscripti

glebæ_, and to have as much a claim to parish support as the landed

proprietor had to his land. For this reason, in the old Catholic times,

after they had escaped from villenage by running away and remaining

absent from their hundred for a year and a day, dwelling for that period

in a walled town, these people were amongst the most diligent attendants

at the Abbey doors, and when the Abbeys were dissolved, were, no doubt,

amongst the most daring of these thieves, vagabonds, and sturdy rogues,

who, after the Robin Hood fashion, beset the highways and solitary farms

of England, and claimed their black mail in a very unceremonious style.

It was out of this class that Henry VIII. hanged his seventy-two thousand

during his reign, and, as it is said, without appearing materially to

diminish their number.

That they continued to "increase, multiply, and replenish the earth,"

overflowing all bounds, overpowering by mere populousness all the severe

laws against them of whipping, burning in the hand, in the forehead or in

the breast, and hanging, and filling the whole country with alarm, is

evident by the very act itself of Elizabeth.

Amongst these hereditary paupers who, as we have said, were found in

Stockington, there was a family of the name of Deg. This family had never

failed to demand and enjoy what it held to be its share of its ancient

inheritance. It appeared from the parish records, that they had practiced

in different periods the crafts of shoemaking, tailoring, and

chimney-sweeping; but since the invention of the stocking-frame, they

had, one and all of them, followed the profession of stocking weavers, or

as they were there called, stockingers. This was a trade which required

no extreme exertion of the physical or intellectual powers. To sit in a

frame, and throw the arms to and fro, was a thing that might either be

carried to a degree of extreme diligence, or be let down into a mere

apology for idleness. An "idle stockinger" was there no very uncommon

phrase, and the Degs were always classed under that head. Nothing could

be more admirably adapted than this trade for building a plan of parish

relief upon. The Degs did not pretend to be absolutely without work, or

the parish authorities would soon have set them to some real labor,--a

thing that they particularly recoiled from, having a very old adage in

the family, that "hard work was enough to kill a man." The Degs were

seldom, therefore out of work, but they did not get enough to meet and

tie. They had but little work if the times were bad, and if they were

good, they had large families, and sickly wives or children. Be times

what they would, therefore, the Degs were due and successful attendants

at the parish pay-table. Nay, so much was this a matter of course, that

they came at length not even trouble themselves to receive their pay, but

sent their young children for it; and it was duly paid. Did any parish

officer, indeed, turn restive, and decline to pay a Deg, he soon found

himself summoned before a magistrate, and such pleas of sickness, want

of work, and poor earnings brought up, that he most likely got a sharp

rebuke from the benevolent but uninquiring magistrate, and acquired a

character for hard-heartedness that stuck to him.

So parish overseers learnt to let the Degs alone; and their children

regularly brought up to receive the parish money for their parents, were

impatient as they grew up to receive it for themselves. Marriages in the

Deg family were consequently very early, and there were plenty of

instances of married Degs claiming parish relief under the age of twenty,

on the plea of being the parent of two children. One such precocious

individual being asked by a rather verdant officer why he had married

before he was able to maintain a family, replied, in much astonishment,

that he had married in order to maintain himself by parish assistance.

That he never had been able to maintain himself by his labor, nor ever

expected to do it; his only hope, therefore, lay in marrying, and

becoming the father of two children, to which patriarchal rank he had now

attained, and demanded his "pay."

Thus had lived and flourished the Degs on their ancient patrimony, the

parish, for upward of two hundred years. Nay, we have no doubt whatever

that, if it could have been traced, they had enjoyed an ancestry of

paupers as long as the pedigree of Sir Roger Rockville himself. In the

days of the most perfect villenage, they had, doubtless, eaten the bread

of idleness, and claimed it as a right. They were numerous, improvident,

ragged in dress, and fond of an alehouse and of gossip. Like the blood of

Sir Roger, their blood had become peculiar through a long persistence of

the same circumstances. It was become pure pauper blood. The Degs

married, if not entirely among Degs, yet amongst the same class. None but

a pauper would dream of marrying a Deg. The Degs, therefore, were in

constitution, in mind, in habit, and in inclination, paupers. But a pure

and unmixed class of this kind does not die out like an aristocratic

stereotype. It increases and multiplies. The lower the grade, the more

prolific, as is sometimes seen on a large and even national scale. The

Degs threatened, therefore, to become a most formidable clan in the lower

purlieus of Stockington, but luckily there is so much virtue even in

evils, that one, not rarely, cures another. War, the great evil, cleared

the town of Degs.

Fond of idleness, of indulgence, of money easily got, and as easily

spent, the Degs were rapidly drained off by recruiting parties during the

last war. The young men enlisted, and were marched away; the young women

married soldiers that were quartered in the town from time to time, and

marched away with them. There were, eventually, none of the once numerous

Degs left except a few old people, whom death was sure to draft off at

no distant period with his regiment of the line which has no end. Parish

overseers, magistrates, and master manufacturers, felicitated themselves

at this unhoped-for deliverance from the ancient family of the Degs.

But one cold, clear, winter evening, the east wind piping its sharp

sibilant ditty in the bare shorn hedges, and poking its sharp fingers

into the sides of well broad-clothed men by the way of passing jest, Mr.

Spires, a great manufacturer of Stockington, driving in his gig some

seven miles from the town, passed a poor woman with a stout child on

her back. The large ruddy-looking man in the prime of life, and in the

great coat and thick worsted gloves of a wealthy traveler, cast a glance

at the wretched creature trudging heavily on, expecting a pitiful appeal

to his sensibilities, and thinking it a bore to have to pull off a glove

and dive into his pocket for a copper; but to his surprise there was no

demand, only a low courtesy, and the glimpse of a face of singular

honesty of expression, and of excessive weariness.

Spires was a man of warm feelings; he looked earnestly at the woman, and

Thought he had never seen such a picture of fatigue in his life. He

pulled up and said,

"You seem very tired, my good woman."

"Awfully tired, sir."

"And are you going far to-night?"

"To Great Stockington, sir, if God give me strength."

"To Stockington!" exclaimed Mr. Spires. "Why, you seem ready to drop.

You'll never reach it. You'd better stop at the next village."

"Ay, sir, it's easy stopping, for those that have money."

"And you've none, eh?"

"As God lives, sir, I've a sixpence, and that's all."

Mr. Spires put his hand in his pocket, and held out to her, the next

instant, half-a-crown.

"There stop, poor thing--make yourself comfortable--it's quite out of the

question to reach Stockington. But stay--are your friends living in

Stockington--what are you?"

"A poor soldier's widow, sir. And may God Almighty bless you!" said the

poor woman, taking the money, the tears standing in her large brown eyes

as she courtesied very low.

"A soldier's widow!" said Mr. Spires. She had touched the softest place

in the manufacturer's heart, for he was a very loyal man, and vehement

champion of his country's honor in the war. "So young," said he, "how did

you lose your husband?"

"He fell, sir," said the poor woman; but she could get no further; she

suddenly caught up the corner of her gray cloak, covered her face with

it, and burst into an excess of grief.

The manufacturer felt as if he had hit the woman a blow by his careless

question; he sat watching her for a moment in silence, and then said,

"Come, get into the gig, my poor woman; come, I must see you to

Stockington."

The poor woman dried her tears, and heavily climbed into the gig,

expressing her gratitude in a very touching and modest manner. Spires

buttoned the apron over her, and taking a look at the child, said in a

cheerful tone to comfort her, "Bless me, but that is a fine thumping

fellow, though. I don't wonder that you are tired, carrying such a load."

The poor woman pressed the stout child, apparently two years old, to her

breast, as if she felt it a great blessing and no load: the gig drove

rapidly on.

Presently Mr. Spires resumed his conversation.

"So you are from Stockington?"

"No, sir, my husband was."

"So: what was his name?"

"John Deg, sir."

"Deg?" said Mr. Spires. "Deg, did you say?"

"Yes, sir."

The manufacturer seemed to hitch himself off toward his own side of the

gig, gave another look at her, and was silent. The poor woman was

somewhat astonished at his look and movement, and was silent too.

After awhile Mr. Spires said again, "And do you hope to find friends in

Stockington? Had you none where you came from?"

"None, sir, none in the world!" said the poor woman, and again her

feelings seemed too strong for her. At length she added, "I was in

service, sir, at Poole, in Dorsetshire, when I married; my mother only

was living, and while I was away with my husband, she died. When-when

the news came from abroad--that when I was a widow, sir, I went back to

my native place, and the parish officers said I must go to my husband's

parish lest I and my child should become troublesome."

"You asked relief of them?"

"Never; Oh, God knows, no, never! My family have never asked a penny of a

parish. They would die first, and so would I, sir; but they said I might

do it, and I had better go to my husband's parish at once--and they

offered me money to go."

"And you took it, of course?"

"No, sir; I had a little money, which I had earned by washing and

laundering, and I sold most of my things, as I could not carry them, and

came off. I felt hurt, sir; my heart rose against the treatment of the

parish, and I thought I should be better amongst my friends--and my child

would, if anything happened to me; I had no friends of my own."

Mr. Spires looked at the woman in silence. "Did your husband tell you

anything of his friends? What sort of a man was he?"

"Oh, he was a gay young fellow, rather, sir; but not bad to me. He always

said his friends were well off in Stockington."

"He did!" said the manufacturer, with a great stare, and as if bolting

the words from his heart in a large gust of wonder.

The poor woman again looked at him with a strange look. The manufacturer

Whistled to himself, and giving his horse a smart cut with the whip,

drove on faster than ever. The night was fast settling down; it was

numbing cold; a gray fog rose from the river as they thundered over the

old bridge; and tall engine chimneys, and black smoky houses loomed

through the dusk before them. They were at Stockington.

As they slackened their pace up a hill at the entrance of the town, Mr.

Spires again opened his mouth.

"I should be sorry to hurt your feelings, Mrs. Deg," he said, "but I have

my fears that you are coming to this place with false expectations. I

fear your husband did not give you the truest possible account of his

family here."

"Oh, sir! what--what is it?" exclaimed the poor woman; "in God's name,

tell me!"

"Why, nothing more than this," said the manufacturer, "that there are

very few of the Degs left here. They are old, and on the parish, and can

do nothing for you."

The poor woman gave a deep sigh, and was silent.

"But don't be cast down," said Mr. Spires. He would not tell her what a

pauper family really was, for he saw that she was a very feeling woman,

and he thought she would learn that soon enough. He felt that her husband

had from vanity given her a false account of his connections; and he was

really sorry for her.

"Don't be cast down," he went on; "you can wash and iron, you say; you

are young and strong: those are your friends. Depend on them, and they'll

be better friends to you than any other."

The poor woman was silent, leaning her head down on her slumbering child,

and crying to herself; and thus they drove on, through many long and

narrow streets, with gas flaring from the shops, but with few people in

the streets, and these hurrying shivering along the pavement, so intense

was the cold. Anon they stopped at a large pair of gates; the

manufacturer rung a bell, which he could reach from his gig, and the

gates presently were flung open, and they drove into a spacious yard,

with a large handsome house, having a bright lamp burning before it, on

one side of the yard, and tall warehouses on the other.

"Show this poor woman and her child to Mrs. Craddock's, James," said Mr.

Spires, "and tell Mrs. Craddock to make them very comfortable; and if you

will come to my warehouse to-morrow," added he, addressing the poor

woman, "perhaps I can be of some use to you."

The poor woman poured out her heartfelt thanks, and following the old

man-servant, soon disappeared, hobbling over the pebbly pavement with her

living load, stiffened almost to stone by her fatigue and her cold ride.

We must not pursue too minutely our narrative Mrs. Deg was engaged to do

the washing and getting up of Mr. Spires' linen, and the manner in which

she executed her task insured her recommendations to all their friends.

Mrs. Deg was at once in full employ. She occupied a neat house in a yard

near the meadows below the town, and in those meadows she might be seen

spreading out her clothes to whiten on the grass, attended by her stout

little boy. In the same yard lived a shoemaker, who had two or three

children of about the same age as Mrs. Deg's child. The children, as time

went on, became playfellows. Little Simon might be said to have the free

run of the shoemaker's house, and he was the more attracted thither by

the shoemaker's birds, and by his flute, on which he often played after

his work was done.

Mrs. Deg took a great friendship for this shoemaker; and he and his wife,

a quiet, kind-hearted woman, were almost all the acquaintances that she

cultivated. She had found out her husband's parents, but they were not of

a description that at all pleased her. They were old and infirm, but they

were of the true pauper breed, a sort of person whom Mrs. Deg had been

taught to avoid and to despise. They looked on her as a sort of second

parish, and insisted that she should come and live with them, and help to

maintain them out of her earnings. But Mrs. Deg would rather her little

boy had died than have been familiarized with the spirit and habits of

those old people. Despise them she struggled hard not to do, and she

agreed to allow them sufficient to maintain them on condition that they

desisted from any further application to the parish. It would be a long

and disgusting story to recount all the troubles, annoyance, and

querulous complaints, and even bitter accusations that she received from

these connections, whom she could never satisfy; but she considered it

one of the crosses in her life, and patiently bore it, seeing that they

suffered no real want, so long as they lived, which was for years; but

she would never allow her little Simon to be with them alone.

The shoemaker neighbor was a stout protection to her against the greedy

demands of these old people, and of others of the old Degs, and also

against another class of inconvenient visitors, namely, suitors, who saw

in Mrs. Deg a neat and comely young woman, with a flourishing business

and a neat and soon well-furnished house, a very desirable acquisition.

But Mrs. Deg had resolved never again to marry, but to live for her boy,

and she kept her resolve in firmness and gentleness.

The shoemaker often took walks in the extensive town meadows, to gather

groundsell and plantain for his canaries and gorse-linnets, and little

Simon Deg delighted to accompany him with his own children. There William

Watson, the shoemaker, used to point out to the children the beauty of

the flowers, the insects, and other objects of nature; and while he sat

on a style and read in a little old book of poetry, as he often used to

do, the children sat on the summer grass, and enjoyed themselves in a

variety of plays.

The effect of these walks and the shoemaker's conversation on little

Simon Deg was such as never wore out of him through his whole life, and

soon led him to astonish the shoemaker by his extraordinary conduct. He

manifested the utmost uneasiness at their treading on the flowers in the

grass; he would burst with tears if they persisted in it; and when asked

why, he said they were so beautiful, that they must enjoy the sunshine,

and be very unhappy to die. The shoemaker was amazed, but indulged the

lad's fancy. One day he thought to give him a great treat, and when they

were out in the meadows, he drew from under his coat a bow and arrow, and

shot the arrow high up in the air. He expected to see him in an ecstasy

of delight: his own children clapped their hands in transport, but Simon

stood silent, and as if awe-struck.

"Shall I send up another?" asked the shoemaker.

"No, no," exclaimed the child, imploringly. "You say God lives up there,

and he mayn't like it."

The shoemaker laughed, but presently he said, as if to himself, "There is

too much imagination there. There will be a poet, if we don't take care."

The shoemaker offered to teach Simon to read, and to solidify his mind,

as he termed it, by arithmetic, and then to teach him to work at his

trade. His mother was very glad, and thought shoemaking would be a good

trade for the boy; and that with Mr. Watson she should have him always

near her. He was growing now a great lad, and was especially strong, and

of a frank and daring habit. He was especially indignant at any act of

oppression of the weak by the strong, and not seldom got into trouble by

his championship of the injured in such cases among the boys of the

neighborhood.

He was now about twelve years of age; when, going one day with a basket

of clothes on his head to Mr. Spires's for his mother, he was noticed by

Mr. Spires himself from his counting-house window. The great war was

raging; there was much distress among the manufacturers; and the people

were suffering and exasperated against their masters. Mr. Spires, as a

staunch tory, and supporter of the war, was particularly obnoxious to the

workpeople, who uttered violent threats against him. For this reason his

premises were strictly guarded, and at the entrance of his yard, just

within the gates, was chained a huge and fierce mastiff, his chain

allowing him to approach near enough to intimidate any stranger, though

not to reach him. The dog knew the people who came regularly about, and

seemed not to notice them, but on the entrance of a stranger, he rose up,

barked fiercely, and came to the length of his chain. This always drew

the attention of the porter, if he were away from his box, and few

persons dared to pass till he came.

Simon Deg was advancing with the basket of clean linen on his head, when

the dog rushed out, and barking loudly, came exactly opposite to him,

within a few feet. The boy, a good deal startled at first, reared himself

with his back against the wall, but at a glance perceiving that the dog

was at the length of his tether, he seemed to enjoy his situation, and

stood smiling at the furious animal, and lifting his basket with both

hands above his head, nodded to him, as if to say, "Well, old boy, you'd

like to eat me, wouldn't you?"

Mr. Spires, who sat near his counting-house window at his books, was

struck with the bold and handsome bearing of the boy, and said to a

clerk:

"What boy is that?"

"It is Jenny Deg's," was the answer.

"Ha! that boy! Zounds! how boys do grow! Why that's the child that Jenny

Deg was carrying when she came to Stockington: and what a strong,

handsome, bright-looking fellow he is now!"

As the boy was returning, Mr. Spires called him to the counting-house

door, and put some questions to him as to what he was doing and learning,

and so on.

Simon, taking off his cap with much respect, answered in such a clear and

Modest way, and with a voice that had so much feeling and natural music

in it, that the worthy manufacturer was greatly taken with him.

"That's no Deg," said he, when he again entered the counting-house, "not

a bit of it. He's all Goodrick, or whatever his mother's name was, every

inch of him."

The consequence of that interview was, that Simon Deg was very soon after

Perched on a stool in Mr. Spires's counting-house, where he continued

till he was twenty-two. Mr. Spires had no son, only a single daughter;

and such were Simon Deg's talents, attention to business, and genial

disposition, that at that age Mr. Spires gave him a share in the concern.

He was himself now getting less fond of exertion than he had been, and

placed the most implicit reliance on Simon's judgment and general

management. Yet no two men could be more unlike in their opinions beyond

the circle of trade. Mr. Spires was a staunch tory of the staunch old

school. He was for Church and King, and for things remaining forever as

they had been. Simon, on the other hand, had liberal and reforming

notions. He was for the improvement of the people, and their admission to

many privileges. Mr. Spires was therefore liked by the leading men of the

place, and disliked by the people. Simon's estimation was precisely in

the opposite direction. But this did not disturb their friendship; it

required another disturbing cause--and that came.

Simon Deg and the daughter of Mr. Spires grew attached to each other; and

as the father had thought Simon worthy of becoming a partner in the

business, neither of the young people deemed that he would object to a

partnership of a more domestic description. But here they made a

tremendous mistake. No sooner was such a proposal hinted at, than Mr.

Spires burst forth with the fury of all the winds from the bag of

Ulysses.

"What! a Deg aspire to the hand of the sole heiress of the enormously

opulent Spires?"

The very thought almost cut the proud manufacturer off with an apoplexy.

The hosts of a thousand paupers rose up before him, and he was black in

the face. It was only by a prompt and bold application of leeches and

lancet that the life of the great man was saved. But there was an end of

all further friendship between himself and the expectant Simon. He

insisted that he should withdraw from the concern, and it was done.

Simon, who felt his own dignity deeply wounded too, for dignity he had,

though the last of a long line of paupers--his own dignity, not his

ancestors'--took silently, yet not unrespectfully, his share--a good,

round sum, and entered another house of business.

For several years there appeared to be a feud and a bitterness between

the former friends; yet it showed itself in no other manner than by a

careful avoidance of each other. The continental war came to an end; the

manufacturing distress increased exceedingly. There came troublous times,

and a fierce warfare of politics. Great Stockington was torn asunder by

rival parties. On one side stood preeminent, Mr. Spires; on the other

towered conspicuously, Simon Deg. Simon was grown rich, and extremely

popular. He was on all occasions the advocate of the people. He said that

he had sprung from, and was one of them. He had bought a large tract of

land on one side of the town; and intensely fond of the country and

flowers himself, he had divided this into gardens, built little

summer-houses in them, and let them to the artisans. In his factory he

had introduced order, cleanliness, and ventilation. He had set up a

school for the children in the evenings, with a reading-room and

conversation-room for the work-people, and encouraged them to bring their

families there, and enjoy music, books, and lectures. Accordingly, he was

the idol of the people, and the horror of the old school of

manufacturers.

"A pretty upstart and demagogue I've nurtured," said Mr. Spires often, to

his wife and daughter, who only sighed, and were silent.

Then came a furious election. The town, for a fortnight, more resembled

the worst corner of Tartarus than a Christian borough. Drunkenness,

riot, pumping on one another, spencering one another, all sorts of

violence and abuse ruled and raged till the blood of all Stockington was

at boiling heat. In the midst of the tempest were everywhere seen, ranged

on the opposite sides, Mr. Spires, now old and immensely corpulent, and

Simon Deg, active, buoyant, zealous, and popular beyond measure. But

popular though he was, the other and old tory side still triumphed. The

people were exasperated to madness; and when the chairing of the

successful candidate commenced, there was a terrific attack made on the

procession by the defeated party. Down went the chair, and the new

member, glad to escape into an inn, saw his friends mercilessly assailed

by the populace. There was a tremendous tempest of sticks, brickbats,

paving-stones, and rotten eggs. In the midst of all this, Simon Deg and a

number of his friends, standing at the upper window of an hotel, saw Mr.

Spires knocked down and trampled on by the crowd. In an instant, and

before his friends had missed him from amongst them, Simon Deg was seen

darting through the raging mass, cleaving his way with a surprising

vigor, and gesticulating, and no doubt shouting vehemently to the

rioters, though his voice was lost in the din. In the next moment his hat

was knocked off, and himself appeared in imminent danger: but, another

moment, and there was a pause, and a group of people were bearing

somebody from the frantic mob into a neighboring shop. It was Simon Deg,

assisting in the rescue of his old friend and benefactor, Mr. Spires.

Mr. Spires was a good deal bruised, and wonderfully confounded and

bewildered by his fall. His clothes were one mass of mud, and his face

was bleeding copiously; but when he had had a good draught of water,

and his face washed, and had time to recover himself, it was found that

he had received no serious injury.

"They had like to have done for me, though," said he.

"Yes, and who saved you?" asked a gentleman.

"Ay, who was it? who was it?" asked the really warm-hearted manufacturer;

"let me know? I owe him my life."

"There he is!" said several gentlemen, at the same instant, pushing

forward Simon Deg.

"What, Simon!" said Mr. Spires, starting to his feet. "Was it thee, my

boy?" He did more, he stretched out his hand; the young man clasped it

eagerly, and the two stood silent, and with a heart-felt emotion, which

blended all the past into forgetfulness, and the future into a union more

sacred than esteem.

A week hence, and Simon Deg was the son-in-law of Mr. Spires. Though Mr.

Spires had misunderstood Simon, and Simon had borne the aspect of

opposition to his old friend, in defense of conscientious principle,

the wife and daughter of the manufacturer had always understood him, and

secretly looked forward to some day of recognition and reunion.

Simon Deg was now the richest man in Stockington. His mother was still

living to enjoy his elevation. She had been his excellent and wise

housekeeper, and she continued to occupy that post still.

Twenty-five years afterward, when the worthy old Spires was dead, and

Simon Deg had himself two sons attained to manhood; when he had five

times been mayor of Stockington, and had been knighted on the

presentation of a loyal address; still his mother was living to see it;

and William Watson, the shoemaker, was acting as a sort of orderly at Sir

Simon's chief manufactory. He occupied the lodge, and walked about, and

saw that all was safe, and moving on as it should do.

It was amazing how the most plebeian name of Simon Deg had slid, under

the hands of the heralds, into the really aristocratical one of Sir Simon

Degge. They had traced him up a collateral kinship, spite of his own

consciousness, to a baronet of the same name of the county of Stafford,

and had given him a coat of arms that was really astonishing.

It was some years before this, that Sir Roger Rockville had breathed his

last. His title and estate had fallen into litigation. Owing to two

generations having passed without any issue of the Rockville family

except the one son and heir, the claims, though numerous, were so mingled

with obscuring circumstance, and so equally balanced, that the lawyers

raised quibbles and difficulties enough to keep the property in Chancery,

till they had not only consumed all the ready money and rental, but had

made frightful inroads into the estate itself. To save the remnant, the

contending parties came to a compromise. A neighboring squire, whose

grandfather had married a Rockville, was allowed to secure the title, on

condition that the rest carried off the residuum of the estate. The woods

and lands of Rockville were announced for sale!

It was at this juncture that old William Watson reminded Sir Simon Degge

of a conversation in the great grove of Rockville, which they had held at

the time that Sir Roger was endeavoring to drive the people thence.

"What a divine pleasure might this man enjoy," said Simon Deg to his

humble friend, "if he had a heart capable of letting others enjoy

themselves."

"But we talk without the estate," said William Watson; "what might we do

if we were tried with it?"

Sir Simon was silent for a moment; then observed that there was sound

philosophy in William Watson's remark. He said no more, but went away;

and the next day announced to the astonished old man that he had

purchased the groves and the whole ancient estate of Rockville!

Sir Simon Degge, the last of a long line of paupers, was become the

possessor of the noble estate of Sir Roger Rockville, of Rockville,

the last of a long line of aristocrats!

The following summer, when the hay was lying in fragrant cocks in the

great meadows of Rockville, and on the little islands in the river, Sir

Simon Degge, Baronet, of Rockville--for such was now his title-through

the suggestion of a great lawyer, formerly Recorder of the Borough of

Stockington, to the crown--held a grand fête on the occasion of his

coming to reside at Rockville Hall, henceforth the family seat of the

Degges. His house and gardens had all been restored to the most

consummate order. For years Sir Simon had been a great purchaser of works

of art and literature, paintings, statuary, books, and articles of

antiquity, including rich armor and precious works in ivory and gold.

First and foremost he gave a great banquet to his wealthy friends, and no

man with a million and a half is without them--and in abundance. In the

second place, he gave a substantial dinner to all his tenantry, from the

wealthy farmer of five hundred acres to the tenant of a cottage. On this

occasion he said, "Game is a subject of great heart-burning and of great

injustice to the country. It was the bane of my predecessors: let us take

care it is not ours. Let every man kill the game on the land that he

rents--then he will not destroy it utterly, nor allow it to grow into a

nuisance. I am fond of a gun myself, but I trust to find enough for my

propensity to the chase in my own fields and woods--if I occasionally

extend my pursuit across the lands of my tenants, it shall not be to

carry off the first fruits of their feeding, and I shall still hold the

enjoyment as a favor."

We need not say that this speech was applauded most vociferously.

Thirdly, and lastly, he gave a grand entertainment to all his work

people, both of the town and the country. His house and gardens were

thrown open to the inspection of the whole assembled company. The

delighted crowd admired immensely the pictures and the pleasant gardens.

On the lawn, lying between the great grove and the hall, an enormous tent

was pitched, or rather a vast canvas canopy erected, open on all sides,

in which was laid a charming banquet; a military band from Stockington

barracks playing during the time. Here Sir Simon made a speech as

rapturously received as that to the farmers. It was to the effect, that

all the old privileges of wandering in the grove, and angling, and

boating on the river were restored. The inn was already rebuilt in a

handsome Elizabethan style, larger than before, and to prevent it ever

becoming a fane of intemperance, he had there posted as landlord, he

hoped for many years to come, his old friend and benefactor, William

Watson. William Watson should protect the inn from riot, and they

themselves the groves and river banks from injury.

Long and loud were the applauses which this announcement occasioned. The

young people turned out upon the green for a dance, and in the evening,

after an excellent tea, the whole company descended the river to

Stockington in boats and barges decorated with boughs and flowers, and

singing a song made by William Watson for the occasion, called "The

Health of Sir Simon, last and first of his Line!"

Years have rolled on. The groves and river banks and islands of Rockville

are still greatly frequented, but are never known to be injured: poachers

are never known there, for four reasons. First, nobody would like to

annoy the good Sir Simon; secondly, game is not very numerous there;

thirdly, there is no fun in killing it, where there is no resistance; and

fourthly, it is vastly more abundant in other proprietors' demesnes, and

it is fun to kill it there, where it is jealously watched, and there is a

chance of a good spree with the keepers.

And with what different feelings does the good Sir Simon look down from

his lofty eyrie, over the princely expanse of meadows, and over the

glittering river, and over the stately woods to where Great Stockington

still stretches farther and farther its red brick walls, its red-tiled

roofs, and its tall smoke-vomiting chimneys. There he sees no haunts of

crowded enemies to himself or any man. No upstarts, nor envious

opponents, but a past family of human beings, all toiling for the good of

their families and their country. All advancing, some faster, some

slower, to a better education, a better social condition, a better

conception of the principles of art and commerce, and a clearer

recognition of their rights and duties, and a more cheering faith

in the upward tendency of humanity.

Looking on this interesting scene from his distant and quiet home, Sir

Simon sees what blessings flow--and how deeply he feels them in his own

case--from a free circulation, not only of trade, but of human relations.

How this corrects the mischiefs, moral and physical, of false systems and

rusty prejudices;--and he ponders on schemes of no ordinary beauty and

beneficence yet to reach his beloved town through them. He sees lecture

halls and academies, means of sanitary purification, and delicious

recreation, in which baths, wash-houses, and airy homes figure largely;

while public walks extend all round the great industrial hive, including

wood, hills, meadow and river in their circuit of many miles. There he

lived and labored; there live and labor his sons; and there he trusts his

family will continue to live and labor to all future generations: never

retiring to the fatal indolence of wealth, but aiding onward its active

and ever-expanding beneficence.

Long may the good Sir Simon live and labor to realize these views. But

already in a green corner of the pleasant churchyard of Rockville may be

read this inscription on a marble headstone:--"Sacred to the memory of

Jane Deg, the mother of Sir Simon Degge, Bart., of Rockville. This stone

is erected in honor of the best of Mothers by the most grateful of sons."

* * * * *

[From Fraser's Magazine.]

THE SPOTTED BOWER-BIRD.

FROM LEAVES FROM THE NOTE-BOOK OF A NATURALIST.

Elegant and ingenious as are the structures and collections of the satin

bower-bird, the species of the allied genus _Chlamydera_ display still

greater architectural abilities, and more extensive, collective, and

decorative powers.

The spotted bower-bird[A] is an inhabitant of the interior. Its probable

range, in Mr. Gould's opinion, is widely extended over the central

portions of the Australian continent; but the only parts in which he

observed it, or from which he procured specimens, were the districts

immediately to the north of the colony of New South Wales. During his

journey into the interior he saw it in tolerable abundance at Brezi, on

the river Mokai, to the northward of the Liverpool plains; and it was

also equally numerous in all the low scrubby ranges in the neighborhood

of the Namoi, as well as in the open brushes that intersect the plains on

its borders. Mr. Gould is gifted with the eye of an observer; but from

the extreme shyness of its disposition, it generally escapes the

attention of ordinary travelers, and it seldom allows itself to be

approached near enough for the spectator to discern its colors. Its

'harsh, grating, scolding note,' betrays its haunts to the intruder; but,

when disturbed, it seeks the tops of the highest trees, and, generally,

flies off to another locality.

[Footnote A: _Chlamydera maculala_.--GOULD.]

Mr. Gould obtained his specimens most readily by watching at the

water-holes where they come to drink; and on one occasion, near the

termination of a long drought, he was guided by a native to a deep basin

in a rock where water, the produce of many antecedent months, still

remained. Numbers of the spotted bower-birds, honeysuckers, and parrots,

sought this welcome reservoir, which had seldom, if ever before,

reflected a white face. Mr. Gould's presence was regarded with suspicion

by the winged frequenters of this attractive spot; but while he remained

lying on the ground perfectly motionless, though close to the water,

their wants overpowered their misgivings, and they would dash down past

him and eagerly take their fill, although an enormous black snake was

lying coiled upon a piece of wood near the edge of the pool. At this

interesting post Mr. Gould remained for three days. The spotted

bower-birds were the most numerous of the thirsty assemblage there

congregated, and the most shy, and yet he had the satisfaction of

frequently seeing six or eight of them displaying their beautiful necks

as they were perched within a few feet of him. He states that the scanty

supply of water remaining in the cavity must soon have been exhausted by

the thousands of birds that daily resorted to it, if the rains which had

so long been suspended had not descended in torrents.

Mr. Gould discovered several of the bowers of this species during his

journey to the interior, the tiniest of which, now in the National

Museum, he brought to England. He found the situations of these runs or

bowers to be much varied. Sometimes he discovered them on the plains

studded with Myalls (_Acacia pendula,_) and sometimes in the brushes with

which the lower hills were clothed. He describes them as considerably

longer, and more avenue-like, than those of the satin bower-bird,

extending in many instances to three feet in length. Outwardly they were

built with twigs, and beautifully lined with tall grasses, so disposed

that their upper ends nearly met. The decorations were very profuse,

consisting of bivalve shells, skulls of small animals, and other bones.

Evident and beautiful indications of design (continues Mr. Gould) are

manifest throughout the whole of the bower and decorations formed by this

species, particularly in the manner in which the stones are placed within

the bower, apparently to keep the grasses with which it is lined fixed

firmly in their places, these stones diverge from the mouth of the run on

each side so as to form little paths, while the immense collection of

decorative materials, bones, shells, &c., are placed in a heap before the

entrance of the avenue, this arrangement being the same at both ends. In

some of the larger bowers, which had evidently been resorted to for many

years, I have seen nearly half a bushel of bones, shells, &c., at each of

the entrances. In some instances, small bowers, composed almost entirely

of grasses, apparently the commencement of a new place of rendezvous,

were observable. I frequently found these structures at a considerable

distance from the rivers, from the borders of which they could alone have

procured the shells, and small, round pebbly stones; their collection and

transportation must, therefore, be a task of great labor and difficulty.

As these birds feed almost entirely upon seeds and fruits, the shells and

bones cannot have been collected for any other purpose than ornament;

besides, it is only those which have been bleached perfectly white in the

sun, or such as have been roasted by the natives, and by this means

whitened, that attract their attention. I fully ascertained that these

runs, like those of the satin bower-bird, formed the rendezvous of many

individuals; for, after secreting myself for a short space of time near

one of them, I killed two males which I had previously seen running

through the avenue.

The plumage of this species is remarkable. A rich brown pervades the

crown of the head, the ear-coverts and the throat, each feather being

bordered by a narrow black line; and, on the crown, the feathers are

small and tipped with silver gray. The back of the neck is crossed by a

beautiful, broad, light, rosy pink band of elongated feathers, so as to

form a sort of occipital crest. The wings, tail, and upper surface, are

deep brown, every feather of the back, rump, scapularies, and

secondaries, having a large round spot of full buff at the tip. Primaries

slightly tipped with white. All the tail-feathers with buffy white

terminations. Under parts grayish white. Flank-feathers zigzagged with

faint transverse light brown lines. Bill and feet dusky brown. At the

corner of the mouth the bare, thick, fleshy, prominent skin, is of a

pinky flesh colour, and the irides are dark brown.

The rosy frill adorns the adults of both sexes: but the young male and

female of the years have it not.

Another species, the great bower-bird,[B] was probably the architect of

the bowers found by Captain Grey during his Australian rambles, and which

interested him greatly in consequence of the doubts entertained by him

whether they were the works of a bird or of a quadruped,--the inclination

of his mind being that their construction was due to the four-footed

animal. They were formed of dead grass and parts of bushes, sunk a slight

depth into two parallel furrows, in sandy soil, and were nicely arched

above; they were always full of broken sea-shells, large heaps of which

also protruded from the extremity of the bower. In one of these bowers,

the most remote from the sea of those discovered by Captain Grey, was a

heap of the stones of some fruit that evidently had been rolled therein.

He never saw any animal in or near these bowers; but the abundant

droppings of a small species of kangaroo close to them, induced him to

suppose them to be the work of some quadruped.

[Footnote B: _Chlamydora nuchalis_.]

Here, then, we have a race of birds whose ingenuity is not merely

directed to the usual; ends of existence, self-preservation, and the

continuation of the species, but to the elegancies and amusements of

life. Their bowers are their ball and assembly rooms; and we are very

much mistaken if they are not, like places of meeting,

For whispering lovers made.

The male satin bower-bird, in the garden at the Regent's Park, is

indefatigable in his assiduity toward the female; and his winning

ways to coax her into the bower conjure up the notion that the soul of

some Damon in the course of his transmigration, has found its way into

his elegant form. He picks up a brilliant feather, flits about with it

before her, and when he has caught her eye adds it to the decorations.

Haste, my Nanette, my lovely maid,

Haste to the bower thy swain has made.

No enchanted prince could act the deferential lover with more delicate or

graceful attention. Poor fellow, the pert, intruding sparrows plague him

abominably; and really it becomes almost an affair of police that some

measures should be adopted for their exclusion. He is subject to fits,

too, and suddenly, without the least apparent warning, falls senseless,

like an epileptic patient; but presently recovers, and busies himself

about the bower. When he has induced the female to enter it, he seems

greatly pleased; alters the disposition of a feather or a shell, as if

hoping that the change may meet her approbation; and looks at her as she

sits coyly under the overarching twigs, and then at the little

arrangement which he has made, and then at her again, till one could

almost fancy that one hears him breathe a sigh. He is still in his

transition dress, and has not yet donned his full Venetian suit of black.

In their natural state, the satin bower-birds associate in autumn in

small parties; and Mr. Gould states that they may then often be seen on

the ground near the sides of rivers, particularly where the brush

feathers the descending bank down to the water's edge. The male has a

loud liquid call; and both sexes frequently utter a harsh, gutteral note,

expressive of surprise and displeasure.

Geffrey Chaucer, in his argument to _The Assemblie of Foules_, relates

that, "All foules are gathered before Nature on St. Valentine's day, to

chose their makes. A formell egle beyng beloved of three tercels,

requireth a yeeres respite to make her choise: upon this triall, _Qui

bien aime tard oublie_-'He that loveth well is slow to forget.'" The

female satin-bower bird in the Regent's Park seems to have taken a leaf

out of the 'formell egle's' book: for I cannot discover that her humble

and most obsequious swain has been rewarded for his attentions though

they have been continued through so many weary months; but we shall never

be able entirely to solve these mysteries till we become possessed of the

rare ring sent to the King of Sarra by the King of Arable, 'by the vertue

whereof' his daughter understood 'the language of all foules,' unless we

can

Call up him that left untold

The story of Cambuscan bold,

Of Camball and of Algersife,

And who had Canace to wife,

That own'd the virtuous ring and glass,

And of the wondrous horse of brass,

On which the Tartar king did ride.

Edmund Spenser, with due reverence for

Dan Chauser (well of English undefiled),

has indeed done his best to supply the defect,[C] and has told us that

Cambello's sister was fair Canacee,

That was the learnedst lady in her days,

Well seem in every science that mote be,

And every secret work of nature's ways,

In witty riddles, and in wise soothsays,

In power of herbs and tunes of beasts and birds:

but we learn from him no more of the ring than 'Dan Chaucer' tells us:--

The vertue of this ring, if ye woll here,

Is this, that if she list it for to were

Upon her thombe, or in her purse it bere,

There is no foule that fleeth under heven

That she no shall understand his steven,[D]

And know his meaning openly and plaine,

And answer him in his language againe:

as Canace does in her conversation with the falcon in _The Squires Tale_.

Nor is the 'vertue' of the ring confined to bird-intelligence, for the

knight who came on the 'steed of brasse,' adds,--

And every grasse that groweth upon root

She shall well know to whom it will do boot,

And be his wounds never so deep and wide.

But we must return from these realms of fancy to a country hardly less

wonderful; for Australia presents, in the realities of its quadrupedal

forms, a scene that might well pass for one of enchantment.

[Footnote C: _Fairy Queen_, book iv. cant. 2, _et seq_.]

[Footnote D: Sound.]

* * * * *

The French Society of Geography have just given their grand gold medal to

two brothers, Antoine and Arnaud d'Abadie, for the progress which

geography has received from their travels in Abyssinia, which were begun

in 1837 and finished in 1848. This period they spent in exploring

together, not only Abyssinia, but the whole eastern part of Africa. Their

enterprise was wholly at their own expense, and was undertaken from the

love of science and adventure.

* * * * *

The French Government are now publishing at Algiers the History of the

Berbers, by Ibn Chaldun, the greatest of Arabian historians. It is

printed in quarto form, with the types of the National Printing

Establishment, sent from Paris for the purpose. The French translation

will appear as soon as the second volume of the original, which is now

in press, is completed.

* * * * *

[From Fraser's Magazine.]

MADAME DE POMPADOUR.

In the gallery of the Louvre at Paris there is, or was some few years

ago, a crayon drawing by La Tour, which represents Madame de Pompadour in

all the pride and luster of her early beauty. The marchioness is seated

near a table covered with books and papers, among which may be

distinguished Montesquieu's _Spirit of Laws_ and the _Encyclopædia_, two

of the remarkable works which appeared during her reign of favor. An open

album shows an engraving of Gay, chiseling some portrait of Louis XV., or

his mistress. The marchioness is represented with her hair slightly

powdered; she is clad in an open, flowered brocade robe, and wears

red-heeled shoes, of a delicacy, as regards size, worthy of an Oriental

foot. In this portrait there is much to admire: the neck, which is

slender and well-shaped, springs most gracefully from the shoulders; the

head, which is also admirably proportioned, is a model of feminine

beauty; the brow is lofty and severe; the lips, slightly compressed,

express at the same time decision and irony; the eyes are of a most vivid

brilliancy, and the nose is perfection itself: in short, there reigns

throughout every lineament of this most striking countenance an air of

nobility, and even of dignity, which qualifies in some measure the

accounts left us by history of the share she bore in the _petits soupers_

of Versailles, the masked balls of the Hôtel de Ville, and the thousand

other orgies got up for the entertainment of the most dissolute monarch

of (at that period) one of the most dissolute courts of Europe.

The history of Madame de Pompadour is not generally known in all its

particulars, though much has been written of her by persons of every

shade of opinion. Some have exalted her virtues, while others have

multiplied her crimes. Both parties are right, and both wrong. A

courtier, and a man seeking to be revenged, are not historians when they

write. With a little patience, and by a careful study of the writers of

the eighteenth century, we are enabled to seize here and there a faithful

trait of this extraordinary, yet most fascinating woman, and by

diligently sifting conflicting opinions arrive at something approaching

the truth. That Madame de Pompadour was a woman endowed with great

talents, many virtues, and as many vices, is not to be denied; that she

employed those talents in general for her country's good we think is

equally true, though many writers have unjustly contended that all the

defeats and reverses of France are to be traced to the influence

exercised by her over the mind of Louis XV. Beyond a doubt the ruling

passion of her heart was ambition, and yet even this passion, which

according to many writers of her day was boundless, she kept so

skillfully concealed from all her intimates, that not one of the many

courtiers, philosophers, and men of letters, who thronged her

antechambers--with the exception, perhaps, of the Abbé de Bernis, of whom

more anon--was ever enabled to discover the secrets of that heart, which,

in the words of a writer of the time, "she ever kept closely hidden

beneath an eternal smile."

Madame de Pompadour was born in Paris in the year 1720. She herself

always said, in 1722. We are told that Poisson, her father, at least her

mother's husband, was employed in the commissariat department of the

French army: some historians affirm that her father was a butcher of the

Invalides, who was condemned to be hung; according to Voltaire she was

the daughter of a farmer of the Ferté-sous-Jouarre. But this is of slight

consequence, as her true father was the Fermier-général, Lenorman de

Tourneheim. This individual having taken a fancy to Poisson's daughter

when she was quite an infant, took her to his house, and brought her up

as his own child. Having from her earliest years displayed quite passion

for music and drawing, the first masters of the day were engaged by

Lenorman de Tourneheim for his adopted child. Under a diligent course of

study the little Jeanne Antoinette made rapid strides toward perfection

in the arts she loved, and her intellectual acquirements were vaunted by

all who knew her. Fontenelle, Voltaire, Duclos, and Crebillon, who, in

their character of _beaux esprits_, had the _entrée_ of the house, spread

everywhere abroad throughout the fashionable world the praises of her

beauty, her grace, and her talents.

Madame de Pompadour offered in her person the model of a woman, at the

same time beautiful in the strict acceptation of the word, and simply

pretty. The lines of her features possessed all the purity of one of

Raphael's creations, but there it must be said the resemblance ceased;

the spirit which animated these features was of the world, worldly: in

short, it was the true spirit of a Parisian woman. All that gives

brilliancy, charm, and play to the physiognomy she possessed in the

happiest degree. Not a single court lady could at that period boast an

air at the same time so noble and yet so coquettish, features so imposing

and yet so delicate and playful, or a figure at once so elegant and yet

so supple and undulating: her mother used always to say that a king alone

was worthy of her daughter. Jeanne, it is said, had at in early age what

might be called the presentiment of the throne, at first on account of

this frequently-expressed opinion of her mother's, and afterward because

she fancied she loved the king. "She owned to me," says Voltaire, in his

_Memoirs_, "that she had a s[*illegible] presentiment that she would be

loved by [*illegible] king, and that she had herself a violent

inclination for him." There are certain [*illegible] in life in which

destiny permits itself for a moment, as it were, to be divined.

[* illegible] those who have succeeded in climbing [*illegible] rugged

mountain of human vanities [*illegible ] that from their earliest youth

certain visions and presentiments have ever warned them of their future

glory.

But how was she to attain to this throne of France, the object of her

ambition? This was a difficult question to solve. In the meanwhile she

familiarized herself with what might be considered the life of a queen, a

part which, it must be allowed, she could play to admiration. Beautiful,

witty, intellectual, ever admired and ever listened to, she soon beheld

at her feet all the courtiers of her father's fortune; she gathered

around her, consequently, a brilliant crowd of poets, artists, and

philosophers, over whom she reigned with all the dignity of majesty.

The Fermier-général had a nephew named Lenorman d'Etioles, a young man of

Amiable character, and with the feelings and habits of a gentleman. This

was the reputed heir of the immense wealth of the old Fermier-général,

according to the established laws, though Jeanne had on her side also

some claims to a share of the property. A very simple means was however

devised to prevent all after litigation, namely, by arranging a marriage

between the two young people. Jeanne, as we have already seen, loved the

king, and she married d'Etioles without her feelings in this respect

undergoing any change. Versailles was her horizon, the goal to which she

aspired. D'Etioles, it is said, became deeply enamored of his young

bride; but this passion, which amounted almost to fanaticism, never

touched her heart. To use her own words, she "accepted him with

resignation, as a misfortune which was not to last long."

The hôtel of the new-married couple was organized upon a lordly footing;

the best society in Paris was there to be found, for all those whose

company was worth having deserted the _salons_ of the fashionable world

for those of Madame d'Etioles. Never until then had such a lavish display

of luxury been seen. The young bride hoped by these means to make a noise

at court, and thus pique the curiosity of the king. The days passed in

fêtes and entertainments of every kind. The celebrated comedians of the

day, the popular poets, artists, foreigners of distinction, all had ready

access to the splendid mansion of Lenorman d'Etioles, of which the

mistress was the life and ornament; every one visited there, in short,

except the king.

Ever since the celebrated _réunions_ of the Hôtel de Rambouillet, there

have always been in France a succession of circles of _beaux esprits_,

presided over by some queen of fashion. Louis XIV. hated these

_réunions_, saying that the court was spread abroad into all [*illegible]

hôtels of Paris. In fact, for many, the [*illegible ] of the Duchesse de

Main or of the [*illegible ]ise de Lambert, of Madame de Tencin

[*illegible] Madame Géoffrin, possessed far greater [*illegible ]ons than

the already superannuated [*illegible ] of Versailles. The French

Revolution [*illegible ] its rise in these very circles, for in them they

laughed a little at the great powers of the earth, and there philosophy

and liberty were allowed elbow-room. Thus, at Madame d'Etioles' might be

seen old Fontenelle, who believed in nothing, not even in his own heart;

Voltaire, still young, and armed with the keen weapons of his ready wit,

prepared to make war upon those whose reign was of this world, above all

upon the Jesuits; Montesquieu and Maupertuis, born skeptics and mockers;

along with many others of a kindred spirit who had beheld the decline of

royalty and religion, when Louis XIV., in the latter years of his reign,

had permitted Scarron's widow to make religion fashionable, by cloaking

France with the mask of hypocritical piety--a mask soon, however, to be

torn aside by Philippe of Orleans in the wild saturnalia of the Regency.

The Abbé de Bernis was also a constant visitor at the house of Madame

d'Etioles; he was, in the parlance of the time, the _Abbé de la

Maison_--it is true he had no other benefice--but little thought then,

either the abbé of the house or the mistress of the house, that within

ten years from that time they would reign over France as absolute

ministers. There was one other individual of this brilliant circle worthy

of a passing notice, and this was an amiable and simple-minded poet, of

good appearance and the best temper in the world, named Gentil

Bernard.[A] Madame d'Etioles used to pet him like a spoiled child. Some

said he was her lover. However that may be, Madame de Pompadour, who,

whether she had or had not a secret penchant for the poet, never forgot

her old friends, procured for him, as soon as she came into power, the

appointment of librarian to the king at the château de Choisy, where she

built him, at her own expense, a little cottage _ornée_, named by the

poets of the time, the Parnassus of the French Anacreon. This appointment

was a complete sinecure, for we know that the king never opened a book,

and we are equally assured that Bernard never put his foot inside the

library.

[Footnote A: Pierre Bernard, nicknamed Gentil Bernard by Voltaire[1] was

born at Grenoble about the same time as Louis XV. "It is strange," said

Madame de Pompadour later, "that two lovers should be born for me during

the same season--a king and a poet." Bernard ever refused all favors, and

was singularly devoid of ambition. "What can I do for you, my dear poet?"

Madame de Pompadour is reported to have said on her coming into Power.

Bernard contented himself with kissing the hand of the marchioness. "Go

to," returned she, "you will never get on in the world."

[Footnote 1: This nickname was given in a poetical invitation to

a supper-party at Madame Duchatelet's, sent by Voltaire to the poet:

"Au nom du Pinde et de Cythère

Gentil Bernard est averti,

Que l'Art d'Aimer doit Samedi

Venir souper chez l'Art de Plaire."]]

We have already named the Abbé, afterward Cardinal, de Bernis; and as he

was the only individual who ever succeeded in being admitted into the

entire confidence of the royal favorite, a brief notice of his birth, and

rise and fall at court, may not be altogether out of place, so closely

linked for many years were his fortunes with those of Madame de

Pompadour.

Joachim de Pierres, abbé de Bernis, was born at Saint-Marcel, near

Narbonne, in the month of May, 1715. His family, which was of the most

ancient _noblesse_, was allied to the king through the house of Rohan; a

circumstance, however, which did not prevent it being one of the poorest

in the kingdom. As his relatives had nothing to give Joachim, they made

him an abbé. Like Bernard, he came when very young to Paris, confiding in

his lucky planet, smiling on every one, and reaping a plentiful harvest

of smiles in return. He was then a handsome young man, with a bright eye

and an animated mouth. In figure he was herculean, and here we find, in

contradiction of Buffon's saying, that the style was _not_ the man, no

more than it was with Bernard, who was also of large stature.

Joachim passed the winter at Saint-Sulpice, but, like Boufflers a little

later, far from singing the Canticles, he employed his time in the more

mundane occupation of scribbling love-songs. At the end of the winter he

was appointed vicar in a little town of his native department. "Vicar!"

said Joachim; "I'll not disturb myself for such a trifle." Shortly

afterward he was nominated Abbé de Bernis; but not a step would he budge

from the capital. In Paris then he remained, penniless it is true, but

without a care or thought for the future, and full of confidence in his

lucky planet--a confidence which, it must be said, was not misplaced. His

acquaintance with Madame d'Etioles began through an intrigue which he had

with a certain _marchande des modes_, who worked for the future favorite.

Having perceived the young girl one night at the theater in company with

her lover, Madame d'Etioles summoned her the following morning to her

house, and in the course of conversation inquired if that handsome young

man she had with her at the theater was her cousin.

"No, madame," replied the milliner; "he is my lover."

"Ah, indeed! he is your lover is he? And what does he do?"

"No great things, madame; he makes verses."

"A maker of verses!" said Madame d'Etioles; "that is amusing. Do not

forget my cap, and tell your young poet to come and see me."

In consequence of this invitation Bernis called on Madame d'Etioles, who

Received him with all the graces in the world, and from that hour

commenced a friendship which lasted for many years, and was the origin of

De Bernis' future advancement in the world.

Despite his great acquaintances, our abbé was none the richer; but he

laughed gaily at his poverty, and waited for better times. According to

all accounts the garret which he inhabited was in a wretchedly

dilapidated condition; his furniture consisted of a "bad bed covered with

some mules' saddle-cloths, which M. de Ferriol had brought from

Constantinople, a rickety table covered with books and papers and faded

bouquets, and an old worm-eaten arm-chair." Our abbé's purse was no

better garnished than his lodgings; and so well-known was this fact in

the world, that Senac de Meilhan tells us, that "when the Abbé de Bernis

supped out some one of the party always gave him a crown to pay his

coach-hire. At first this gift had been invented as a pleasantry, on the

abbé invariably refusing to stay to supper, alleging as an excuse that he

had no carriage; but it was a pleasantry which continued for some time."

In society, however, De Bernis was a general favorite, and was everywhere

Welcomed with open arms. They doated on Bernard, and they doated also on

on Bernis. Voltaire wrote in verse to both, Duclos spoke of their wit,

Helvetius gave them suppers, and the women did their best to spoil them.

From Cardinal de Fleury, however, our abbé received a rebuff. Having, in

order to humor his relative the Princess de Rohan, who had lately taken

him by the hand, applied to the minster for a convent, the latter sternly

replied,--

"Monsieur l'Abbé, your debaucheries render you unworthy of the favors of

the church. As long as I remain in power you shall obtain nothing."

"Well, Monseigneur," replied De Bernis, "I'll wait."

This repartee was an event; it was repeated and applauded everywhere

until it reached the ears of royalty itself.

On Madame de Pompadour coming to power, the Princess de Rohan deigned to

write to her in behalf of her dear abbé. "Madame la Marquis," she wrote,

"you have not forgotten M. l'Abbé de Bernis; you will deign, I trust, to

do something for him, he is worthy of your favors." Apropos of this

letter, Madame de Pompadour wrote the following to some minister of the

day: "I forgot, my dear Nigaud, to ask you what you have done for the

Abbé de Bernis; write me word, I beg of you, as I shall see him on

Sunday." Like Voltaire, Madame de Pompadour had the mania of nicknaming

her friends and acquaintances; even the king himself figured more than

once in her grotesque vocabulary.[B]

[Footnote B: She always called De Bernis her _pigeon pattu_

(splay-footedpigeon--on account of his large feet and his love-songs).

Voltaire had previously nicknamed him _Babet le bouquetiére_, at first

because the abbé always introduced flowers into his poetry; afterward, on

account of the resemblance he bore to a flower girl who used to sell

bouquets at the doors of the Opera.]

Madame de Pompadour presented her dear poet to the king, with a smile

which so charmed Louis XV. that he offered De Bernis, in the first

instance, an apartment in the Tuileries, and a pension of 1500 livres a

year; and so cleverly did the future cardinal play his cards, by

insinuating himself into the good graces of both the king and his

mistress, that, after a sojourn of two years at the château, he was

appointed ambassador from the court of France at Venice.

But it would appear that the Queen of the Adriatic did not suit the

inclinations of our abbé; he sighed for Versailles, and the _petits

soupers_ of Louis XV. After a very short sojourn in Venice he demanded

his recall from Madame de Pompadour, and on his return composed an

epistle to his fair protectress, the opening lines of which we give as a

fair specimen of his powers of versification:--

On avait dit que l'enfant do Cythère

Prés du Lignon avait perdu le jour;

Mais je l'ai vu dans le bois solitaire

Où va rever la jeune Pompadour.

Il etait seul; le flambeau qui l'éclair

Ne brillait plus; mais les près d'alentour

L'onde, les bois, tout annonçait l'amour.

For the space of ten years the Abbé de Bernis was the shadow of Madame de

Pompadour; he followed her everywhere, sometimes even too far. Louis XV.

would meet him in all parts of the palace, in the private as well as the

state apartments, which would make him say sometimes,--"Where are you

going, Monsieur l'Abbé?" Our abbé would bow and smile, but say nothing.

True to his character of abbé, he would listen at all the doors, saying

that the chateau of the Tuileries was for him but one huge confessional.

He ended, however, by knowing all things, and by sitting in council with

the king and his mistress; and a precious trio it must be owned they

made.

But evil times were coming on our abbé. In the ministry he was assailed

by showers of _chansons_ and epigrams. The Count de Tressan, above all,

overwhelmed him with a violent satire. He could no longer hold his

ground. Every one began to grow tired of him, even the fair president of

the council; this was the _coup de grace_. The Duc de Choiseul, after

replacing him in the good graces of Madame de Pompadour, succeeded also

to his portfolio as minister. As some compensation, however, they gave

him the cardinal's hat; a circumstance which elicited from some wit of

the day the following couplet:--

On dirait que Son Eminence

N'eut le chapeau de cardinal

Que pour tirer sa révérence.

Shortly afterward he was appointed Archbishop of Alby; but, according to

custom, he never appeared in his diocese. In 1769 he departed for Rome,

being nominated ambassador at the conclave for the nomination of Clement

XIV., that priest so gay, so gentle, and so witty, who has written that

sad people are like shrubs which never flower. Pope and cardinal

understood each other admirably well. Our cardinal never returned to

France; he had found in Rome a second fatherland, as sweet to his old ago

as France had been to his youth. He inhabited a magnificent palace, which

was for a length of time the hospitable refuge for all French travelers.

All had ready welcome, from the humble priest and poor artist to the

Princes and princesses of the blood royal. To use his own words,--"He

kept an _auberge_ of France in a square of Europe." He died in 1794,

faithful to his God and to his king, and bitterly denouncing the French

Revolution, which had despoiled him of his half million of francs per

annum, and had swept disdainfully away all the pretty artificial flowers

of his most artificial poetry. He died solitary and poor,--a strong

contrast to the style in which he had lived. But to return.

Madame d'Etioles passed in the eyes of the world as a perfect model of a

virtuous wife. She swore eternal fidelity to her husband, unless Louis

XV. should fall in love with her,--a reservation her husband was the

first to laugh at. At first this strange condition was spoken of as an

excellent joke in the house; from thence it spread abroad, and finally

reached Versailles. But the king, wishing to joke in return, contented

himself by saving,--"I should like very much to see this husband."

M. d'Etioles possessed an abandoned château in the forest of Senart;

Madame d'Etioles having learned that the king frequently hunted in the

forest, persuaded her husband to have the chateau newly furnished, and

put into a habitable state, alleging that the physicians had recommended

a change of air for her vapors. The husband, suspecting nothing, had the

château re-furnished an decorated in the most superb style. Once

installed in her new abode, Madame d'Etioles gave orders for the building

of three or four carriages of a most fairy-like lightness and elegance of

form, in which she might drive away her vapors. According to her

expectations, she frequently met the king in the forest; at first Louis

XV. passed her by without bestowing the slightest attention, either on

her or her equipage: afterward he remarked her or her equipage; afterward

he remarked her horses,--"What a pretty phaeton!" said he, on meeting her

for the third time. At length he remarked the lady herself, but it was

merely to bestow a passing remark upon her beauty.

Madame d'Etioles, however, was not to be repelled; she continued to pass

before the eyes of the royal sportsman: "sometimes as a goddess from

Olympus, sometimes as an earthly queen; at one time she would appear in

an azure robe seated in a rose-colored phaeton, at another in a robe of

rose color in a phaeton of pale blue."[C]

[Footnote C: Soulavie, _Mèmoires Historiques de la Cour de France pendant

le faveur de Madame de Pompadour_.]

In after days, Madame de Pompadour recalling to mind all these

follies--serious though for her--said to the Prince de Soubise--"I can

imagine myself reading a strange book; my life is an impossible romance,

I cannot believe in it."

At Etioles, private theatricals were the fashion; Madame d'Etioles was

the Clairon, the Camargo, and the Dangeville of the troop, which counted

among its members some of the most illustrious personages of the day.

Marshal de Richelieu, who was to be found wherever gallantry flourished,

was an assiduous and constant spectator at these _réunions_. Madame

d'Etioles, it is said, endeavored on more than one occasion to entice the

king behind the scenes; but Louis, kept constantly in view by Madame de

Chateauroux, never once left the royal box.

Two summers thus passed away without Madame d'Etioles obtaining aught

from the king save a cold and distant glance, or a passing word or two;

and this, for a woman of her ambition, was not sufficient. She returned

to Paris at the close of the summer season, determined to change once

more her plan of attack. A good opening was now before her, for Madame de

Chateauroux was dead, the throne of the favorite vacant; not an hour was

to be lost, for, with Louis XV. who could tell how soon a successor might

be appointed?

The wished-for opportunity at length presented itself. In the month of

December, 1744, a series of magnificent _fêtes_ were given at the Hôtel

de Ville; the women were masqued. In the course of the evening Madame

d'Etioles succeeded in approaching the king,--

"Sire," she said, "you must explain to me, if you please, a strange

dream. I dreamt that I was seated on a throne for an entire day; I do not

affirm that this throne was the throne of France, yet I dare assert that

it was a throne of purple, of gold, and of diamonds: this dream torments

me--it is at once the joy and torment of my life. Sire, for mercy's sake,

interpret it for me."

"The interpretation is very simple," replied the king; "but, in the first

place it is absolutely necessary that that velvet masque should fall."

"You have seen me."

"Where?"

"In the forest of Senart."

"Then," said the king, "you can divine that we should like to see you

again."

About a month or two after this interview, according to some biographers,

Madame d'Etioles, being determined by a _coup de main_ to attain her

grand object, namely, the securing a permanent footing at Versailles,

arrived one morning at the palace in a state of violent agitation, and

demanded an audience of the king. One of the gentleman ushers, a certain

M. de Bridge, who had been a guest at Etioles during the festivities of

the preceding season, conducted her into the presence of Louis XV.

"Sire," she exclaimed, "I am lost; my husband knows my glory and my

misfortune. I come to demand a refuge at your hands. If you shelter me

not from his anger he will kill me."

From that hour she took up her residence at Versailles to quit it no

more.

We know that Louis XV. passed his life in a state of constant lassitude

and _ennui_, from which it was almost impossible to arouse him;

indolence, indeed, may be said to have been the predominant trait in his

character: he hated politics and political matters, and all allusions to

state affairs were most irksome to him.

"Your people suffer, sire," said the Duke de Choiseul to him one day,

after a long political harangue.

"_Je m'ennuie!_" replied the king.

By skillfully and constantly varying the amusements of her royal lover,

with hunting-parties, promenades, fêtes, spectacles, and _petits

soupers_, Madame d'Etioles was enabled to strengthen her empire over the

heart of Louis XV., by making him feel how necessary she had become to

his happiness. One striking advantage she had over her predecessors, and

this was, the art she possessed of being able to metamorphose herself at

all hours of the day. No one could better vary the play of her

physiognomy than Madame de Pompadour. At one time she would appear

languishing and sentimental as a madonna; at another, lively, gay, and

coquettish, as a Spanish peasant girl. She possessed also, in a marvelous

degree, the gift of tears: none knew better than she did when to weep, or

how many tears it was necessary to shed. As a poet of the time has said,

"She wept with so much art that she was enabled to give to her tears the

value of pearls." Those who had seen her in the morning, superb,

imperious, a queen in all the splendor of power, would find her in the

evening, gay, whimsical, capricious, presiding over one of these _petits

soupers_ with all the exuberant and madcap gayety of an actress after the

theater. The Abbé Soulavie, who saw her often, has left us a well-studied

portrait of the favorite;--

"In addition to the charms of a beautiful and animated countenance,

Madame de Pompadour possessed also, in an eminent degree, the art of

transforming her features; and each new combination, equally beautiful,

was another result of the deep study she had made of the affinity between

her mind and her physiognomy. Without in the least altering her position,

her countenance would become a perfect Proteus."

With intuitive tact, Madame de Pompadour very quickly perceived, that in

order to amuse a king who took neither interest nor pleasure in arts and

letters, other and more material enjoyments were necessary. She

commenced, then, by transforming herself into an actress. The king was

there like a wearied spectator of life; she felt, that in order to

interest and enliven him, it was necessary to diversify frequently her

character, and the spirit of her character. Twenty times a day would she

change her dress, her appearance, and even her manner of walking and

speaking; passing from gayety to gravity, from songs and smiles to love

and sentiment. With syren-like voice, and a heart as light as the bird of

the air, she would invent a thousand graceful blandishments for the

amusement of her royal lover. Her beauty, which was marvelous, served her

well in all these metamorphoses. She dressed, too, with exquisite art.

Among the many costumes which she has invented, we may cite one which

made quite a _furore_ in its day, and this was the _negligé a la

Pompadour_; a robe in the form of a Turkish vest, which designed with

peculiar grace the _contour_ of the figure. She would frequently pass

entire mornings at her toilet in company with Louis XV., who would stand

by giving his opinion and advice respecting the different costumes she

adopted. The king, however, grew tired at length of having but one

comedian. In vain would she disguise herself sometimes as a farm-girl,

sometimes as a shepherdess; at one time as a peasant-girl, at another as

a nun, in order to surprise him, or rather, to allow herself to be

surprised by him in some one or other of the many turnings and windings

of the park of Versailles. The king had at first been charmed by the

novelty of the amusement, but by degrees he discovered that it was always

one and the same woman under a thousand different disguises.

Perceiving that the king began to grow tired of this species of comedy,

she had a theater constructed in the medal-room of the palace, she

herself nominating the actors and actresses whom she considered worthy of

performing with her on a stage which was to have but the king and a few

favorite courtiers for audience. The Duc de Vallière was appointed

stage-manager and director; for prompter they took an abbé, most probably

the Abbé de Bernis; the company consisted of the Duc d'Orleans, the Duc

d'Agen, the Duc de Nivernais, the Duc de Duras, the Comte de Maillebois,

the Duc de Coigny, the Marquis d'Entraigues, the Duchesse de Brancas, the

Comtesse d'Estrade, and Madame d'Angevilliers. The theater opened with a

_pièce de circonstance_, by Dufresny the poet, entitled _Le Mariage fait

et rompu_, in allusion to the marriage of Madame de Pompadour with M.

d'Etioles. The little troupe commenced with comedy, but soon descended to

opera and ballet. In song and dance, as well as in the representation of

the passions, Madame de Pompadour was the only actress of real talent. In

the characters of peasant-girls she was unsurpassed; but her _chef

d'oeuvre_ was the part of Collette in Rousseau's _Devin de Village_,

which she played with a _naïveté_ and tenderness that won all hearts.

Nothing was more difficult than to gain admission to this theater of

dukes and duchesses, the tickets of admission for which were given by the

king alone; and it must be said that Louis showed himself a much more

rigorous janitor of his theater than he was of his palace: consequently

it was no slight favor for Voltaire, who had for a length of time aspired

to the pleasures of Versailles, to see his _Enfant Prodigue_ played on

the boards of the court theater. Voltaire had, like all men the weakness

of wishing to govern the state; intoxicated with literary successes, he

now aspired to political honors. He hoped to become minister or

ambassador through the favor of Madame de Pompadour; and with a little

more tact he might have become ambassador, minister, or even cardinal,

had he wished it, but at the very moment when he fancied he had attained

the object of his ambition, he lost it forever by writing the famous

lines, commencing,--

Pompadour, vous embellisez

La cour, le Parnasse, et Cythère.

These verses, as we know, provoked a little remonstrance from the queen

and her daughters: all was lost for Voltaire, despite the goodwill of

Madame de Pompadour, who, for the rest, seeing that the cause was a bad

one, cared not to risk her own favor by imprudent attempts. Voltaire

never pardoned the marchioness her lukewarm intercession; and like a true

poet, revenged himself by a succession of madrigals, chansons, and

rhymes, without number,--all leveled, though in a playful way, at the

head of the favorite.

Duclos and Rousseau were more severe. Duclos, fully impressed with the

idea that he was a great historian, as impartial as he was passionless,

judged her harshly. He feared passing for a courtier, and he was unjust,

She bad attempted to attach Rousseau to herself; but the proud Genevese

Republican wrote her a letter which cut short all further

negotiations.[D] She always esteemed him, however, in a high degree. One

day, when Marshal de Mirepoix, in the course of conversation, advised her

not to trouble her head about that owl, she replied,--

"It is an owl, certainly, but it is Minerva's owl."

[Footnote D: Madame,--I had fancied for a moment that it was through

error that your messenger had remitted me one hundred louis for copies

which are charged but twelve francs. He has undeceived me. Permit me to

undeceive you in my turn. My savings enable me at present to enjoy a

revenue of about 540 livres, all deductions made. My work brings me in

annually a sum almost equal to this amount; I have then a considerable

superfluity; I employ it to the best of my power, though I scarcely give

any alms. If, contrary to all appearances, age or infirmities should some

day incapacitate me from following my usual occupations, I have a friend.

J. J. ROUSSEAU

PARIS, August 18, 1762.]

Madame de Pompadour, with the design of still further strengthening her

power at court, conceived the idea of calling in the powers of the Church

to her aid. The Prince de Soubise, who was one of her most devoted

courtiers, took upon himself the task of procuring an indulgent Jesuit,

who would consent to confess and absolve her from all the sins she had

committed at court. Père de Sacy, the priest alluded to, had, though a

Jesuit, preserved in some sort the habits and feelings of a man of the

world; he could, when it suited his purpose, be of his century, and would

occasionally laugh a little at the severities of his order. To him, then,

the Prince do Soubise proceeded. At first he showed himself rather

restive.

"Recollect," said the prince to him, "from the confessional of the

marchioness to the confessional of the king there is but a step."

Père de Sacy could not resist the temptation of such an attractive

position; he went to the marchioness. Madame de Pompadour, proud of

having for a confessor a man who had been appointed Procureur-gènèral of

the Missions, received him most graciously. She had other reasons also

for seeking to conciliate the Jesuit--her principal one was this:--Up

to this time the Jesuitical party that had risen against her at

Versailles, the queen, the dauphin, Père Griffet, Cardinal de Luynes,

the Bishop of Verdun, and M. de Nicolai, had hoped to drive her from

court as a miscreant. Now, once declared worthy of heaven by a Jesuit of

such high standing as Père de Sacy, would she not become in some sort

inviolable and sacred? With these designs, then, she put in force all her

arts of seduction against her confessor; never did she display more

grace, wit, or beauty. Père de Sacy, who allowed himself to be taken

captive unresistingly by the battery of charms thus brought to bear upon

him, visited her seven or eight times to speak of confession, without,

however, coming to any conclusion upon the subject. As the good city of

Paris had not at the moment any matter of graver importance wherewith to

occupy its attention, it began to grow witty on the subject of this

confession; a thousand chansons were composed upon the father confessor

and his fair penitent. Piron arrived one evening at the Cafè Procope,

exclaiming that he had news from Versailles.

"Well," inquired some one, "has the marchioness confessed?"

"No," replied Piron; "Madame de Pompadour cannot agree with Père de Sacy

as to the style of confession."

The following day there was a great uproar among the Jesuits; the

procureur-général of the missions was summoned before their Council of

Ten, and was obliged to confess himself. He received a severe

reprimand from the superior of the order, and, as the price of his

absolution, was commanded to refuse his counsels to the marchioness, and

to excuse himself in the best manner he could for his previous delay.

Père de Sacy accordingly presented himself for the last time before

Madame de Pompadour, and the following conversation took place:--

"We cannot grant you, madame," began the holy father, "the absolution you

desire; your sojourn at court far from your husband, the public scandal

relative to the favor which it is alleged the king accords you, does not

permit of your approaching the holy table. The priest who would sanction

such a proceeding, in place of absolving you, would pronounce a double

condemnation--yours and his own; whilst the public, accustomed to judge

harshly the conduct of the great, would confirm the sentence beyond

appeal. You have testified to me, madame, that you are desirous of

fulfilling the duties of a good Christian; but example is the first of

these duties, and in order to obtain and merit absolution, your first

proceeding must be to return to M. d'Etioles, or at least quit the court

and seek, by penitence and charity, to repair the sins you have committed

against that society whose laws you have outraged, and which, declares

itself scandalized at your separation, from your husband."

Madame de Pompadour heard these words with the calmness and immobility of

a statue; but as soon as the priest had terminated she burst forth,--

"Père de Sacy," she exclaimed, violently, "you are a fool, an impostor, a

true Jesuit. Do you understand me? You have sought to enjoy a triumph

over me by witnessing the state of embarrassment in which you imagined I

was placed; you would gladly, you and yours, see me far from the king:

but, poor short-sighted mortals that you are! Know that I am here as

powerful as you imagine me weak and tottering; and in spite of you, in

spite of all the Jesuits in the world, I shall remain at court, whilst

you and your pack will not only be banished from court, but driven

ignominiously out of the kingdom."

From that hour the fall of the Jesuits was decreed. The holy fathers

imagined that the marchioness, like Madame de Chateauroux, was but the

queen of a day; but they were mistaken. To do them justice, it must be

allowed they believed that nothing was to be feared from such an enemy;

for it is very certain that had they seen the power of this woman, who

had all the firmness and decision of character of a man, or rather of a

revengeful woman, they would, beyond a doubt, have permitted her to

approach the holy table, or even have canonized her had she been desirous

of the honor.

Madame de Pompadour was born with noble instincts; her bitterest enemies

have never denied that she possessed the most refined taste in all

matters connected with the arts or letters. She sought to make of Louis

XV. an artist-king; and it must be said to her praise that she ever

strove to rouse him from his habitual indolence and lassitude by leading

his inclinations into healthy channels. But, unfortunately, Louis XV.,

unlike his predecessor, could never understand that great monuments often

make the glory of kings.

The _petits soupers_ of Versailles would occasionally shed a ray of

sunshine, or rather lamp light, over Louis the Fifteenth's habitual

ennui. After supper, chansons, sallies, and repartee, would be the order

of the night. Occasionally at these supper-parties some brilliant things

would be said. One evening, when some one sang a complaint upon the

misfortunes of our first father Adam, the king improvised the following

couplet worthy of the best chansons of Collé:--

Il n'eut qu'une femme avec lui,

Encor c'etait la sienne;

Ici je vois celles d'autrui,

Et ne vois pas la mienne.

Louis XV. had, as we see, his moments of poetical inspiration. Anacreon

could not have sung better than this.

Madame de Pompadour, born in the ranks of the people, and seating herself

unceremoniously on the throne of Blanche of Castille--Madame de

Pompadour, protecting philosophers and suppressing Jesuits, treating the

great powers of the earth with the same _sans façon_ as she did artists

and men of letters,--was one of the thousand causes, petty and, trifling

in themselves, which eventually accelerated the great French Revolution.

Madame Dubarry but imitated her predecessor when she called a noble duke

a _sapajou_ (ape). The _mot_ is pretty well known: "_Annoncez le sapajou

de Madame la Comtesse Dubarry_," said a great lord of the court of Louis

XV. one day. It would be a curious and most amusing task to enrich the

French peerage with all the _sobriquets_ bestowed by the mistresses of

Louis XV. as titles of nobility upon the courtiers of Versailles. More

than one illustrious name, which has been cited by France with pride, has

lost its luster in the tainted atmosphere of Versailles.

"Not only," said Madame de Pompadour; one day to the Abbé de

Bernis,--"not only have I all the nobility at my feet, but even my

lap-dog is weary of their fawnings." In short, Madame de Pompadour

reigned so imperiously, that once at Versailles, about the conclusion of

dinner, an old man approached the king, and begged him to have the

goodness to recommend him to Madame de Pompadour. All present laughed

heartily at this conceit; except, however, the marchioness.

Madame de Maintenon had not more difficulty in amusing Louis XIV. when

grown old and devout, than had Madame de Pompadour in diverting his

successor, who, though still young, seemed like a man who had exhausted

all the pleasures and enjoyments of life. About the time when the

marchioness used to transform herself into milkmaids and peasant girls,

she commenced building a very romantic hermitage in the park of

Versailles, on the outskirts of the wood near the Saint Germain's road:

viewed from without it seemed a true hermitage, worthy in all points of

an anchorite's abode; but within it was a dwelling more suited to some

old _roué_ of the Regency. Vanloo, Boucher, and Latour had covered the

walls and ceilings with all the images of pagan art. The garden was a

_chef d'oeuvre_; it was a grove rather than a garden; a grove peopled

with statues, intersected by a multitude of winding paths and alleys, and

abounding with a number of arbors, recesses, and "shady blest retreats."

In the middle of the garden there was a farm--a true model-farm--with its

cattle, goats, and sheep, and all the paraphernalia of husbandry. The

marchioness presided daily at the construction of this hermitage.

"Where are you going, marchioness?" Louis XV. would say on seeing her

going out so frequently.

"Sire," she would reply, "I am building myself a hermitage for my old

age. You know I am rather devout: I shall end my days in solitude."

"Yes," replied the king, "like all those who have loved deeply, or who

have been loved deeply."

About the time when spring gives place to the first advances of summer;

when the trees were in leaf, and the plants in flower; when the bright

greensward, enameled with its countless flowrets, carpeted the alleys of

the park, Madame de Pompadour one morning begged Louis XV. to come and

breakfast with her at the hermitage.

The king was conducted thither by his valet. His surprise was great. At

first, before entering, at the sight of the humble thatched roof, he

imagined that he was about to breakfast like a true anchorite, and began

to fear seriously that the marchioness had not displayed much taste in

the adornment of her retreat. He entered the court and proceeded straight

to the door of the hermitage. At this instant a young peasant girl

advanced to meet him; as she was well made, delicate, and pretty looking,

the king began to find the hermitage more to his taste. With deep

reverence his guide begged of him to follow her to the farm.

As he approached the farm, another peasant girl, more delicate still than

the former, advanced to meet him, and, with a thousand reverences,

presented him with a bowl of milk. At the sight of this pretty milkmaid,

with her little straw hat coquettishly disposed on one side of her head,

her white corset and blue petticoat, the king was charmed. Before taking

the milk from her hands, he gazed at her a second time from head to foot.

Her arms, which were uncovered, were white as lilies; she wore suspended

from her neck a little gold cross, which seemed to lose itself in a

magnificent bouquet of flowers which she wore in her bosom; but what

above all astonished the king were two little stockingless feet incased

in a pair of the most rustic _sabots_. With a motion of innocent

coquetry, the pretty milkmaid drew one of her feet out of its wooden

prison and placed it on the _sabot_. All at once the king recognized the

marchioness, and avowed to her that for the first time in his life he had

felt the desire of kissing a pretty foot. Madame de Pompadour returned

with her royal lover to the hermitage, where he could not sufficiently

admire the refined taste which had been displayed by the fair architect

in the planning and arrangement of the building and grounds. This was the

origin of what was afterward known as the notorious Parc-aux-cerfs.

It would be a difficult matter to study the political system of Madame de

Pompadour, if, indeed, she can be said to have acted on a system. It

cannot be denied that she possessed ideas, but more frequently her mind

was a perfect chaos of caprices. It is well known, however, that the Duc

de Choiseul, who united in his own person the portfolios of three

departments of the ministry, and who disposed of all power, followed to

the letter the policy of Madame de Pompadour; namely, in reversing the

system of Louis XIV., in allying himself to Austria, and in forming a

league, or rather a family pact, between the Bourbons of France, Italy,

and Spain. The policy of Madame de Pompadour it was which annexed Corsica

to France, and, consequently, Bonaparte, who was born at the decease of

the marchioness, owed to her his title of French citizen.

Women look not to the future; their reign is from day to day; women of

genius, who have at various epochs sought to govern the world, have never

contemplated the clouds which might be gathering in the distance; they

have been able to see clearly enough within a narrow circle traced around

them, but have never succeeded in piercing the shadows of futurity.

"_Après moi le déluge_," was Madame de Pompadour's motto.

The eighteenth century was a century of striking contrasts. The prime

minister after Cardinal de Fleury was Madame de Pompadour. With the

cardinal a blind religion protected the throne against the parliament;

with the rise of the marchioness's power we perceive the first dawnings

of philosophy, tormenting in turns both the clergy and the parliament.

Under Madame de Pompadour's direction the king, had he been only as bold

and determined as his mistress, would have become a greater king than

ever. The cardinal was miserly and avaricious, the marchioness liberal to

prodigality; she always said, and justly too, that money ought to flow

freely from the throne like a generous stream, fertilizing and humanizing

the entire State. The cardinal had been hostile to Austria, and favorable

to Prussia; the marchioness made war with Frederick to humor

Marie-Thérèse. The battle of Rosbach certainly belied her policy, but, to

use her own words, "Had she the privilege of making heroes?"

And after all, is the historian justified in accusing this woman of all

the dishonors and defeats of the reign of Louis XV.? She attained to

power just as the old legitimate royalty--the royalty, as the French

would call it, _par la grace de Dieu_--was fast giving way before the

royalty of opinion. There was nothing left to be done at Versailles,

simply because in Paris the power was already in the hands of Voltaire,

Montesquieu, Rousseau, and Diderot. And so well did Madame de Pompadour

comprehend this future royalty, that far from seeking to arrest its

progress, she, on the contrary, sought to meet it half way. For we do not

find her openly protecting and encouraging the philosophers of the day;

those very men who, by the mere force of ideas, were destined to

overthrow that throne on which she herself was seated! Thus we find also

the various painters of the time, in their several portraits of the

favorite, never failing to represent her surrounded with all the more

celebrated revolutionary books of the day, such as the _Encyclopaedia_,

the _Philosophical Dictionary_, the _Spirit of Laws_, and the _Social

Contract_.

Madame de Pompadour, woman-like, loved revenge; and this, it must be

said, was her worst vice. For a word she sent Latude to the Bastille; for

a couplet she exiled the minister Maurepas. Frederick of Prussia took it

into his head one day, in a moment of gayety, to call her Cotillon II.,

instead of Madame la Marquise de Pompadour, and styled her reign of favor

_le régne de Cotillon_; a witticism which so incensed her, that,

according to some writers, we may trace to this petty cause the origin of

the disastrous seven years' war.

The position of Madame de Pompadour at court as first favorite was, by

all accounts, far from being an enviable one; as years rolled on she

found herself necessitated to stoop to all kinds of meannesses, and to

endure all sorts of humiliations, to preserve her already tottering

empire. In order to make friends for herself in the parliament, she

suppressed the Jesuits; and she afterward exiled the parliament in order

to conciliate the clergy. Again, to prevent her royal, but most fickle

minded lover, from choosing another mistress out of the ranks of the

court ladies, she contrived that seraglio, the notorious Parc-aux-cerfs,

"the pillow of Louis the Fifteenth's debaucheries," as Chateaubriand

called it; at the last, hated and despised by all France, Madame de

Pompadour said to Louis XV., "For mercy's sake, keep me near you: I

protect you; I take upon myself all the hatred of France; evil times are

come for kings; so soon as I am gone, all the insults which are now

leveled at Madame de Pompadour will be addressed to the king."

Among the many desperate attempts which were made from time to time to

dethrone her, the following is the most curious:--

M. d'Argenson and Madame d'Estrade had resolved upon raising to the

throne of the favorite the young and beautiful Madame de Choiseul, wife

of the court usher. The intrigue was conducted with so much art that the

king granted an interview. At the hour fixed upon for the meeting a great

agitation reigned in the cabinet of the minister. M. d'Argenson and

Madame d'Estrade awaited the event with anxiety; Quesnai, physician to

the king and to the favorite, was also present. All at once Madame de

Choiseul rushed into the room; Madame d'Estrade ran to meet her with open

arms.

"Well!" she exclaimed.

"Yes," replied Madame de Choiseul; "I am loved; _she_ is going to be

dismissed. He has given me his royal word on it."

A burst of joy resounded through the cabinet. Quesnai was, as we know,

the friend of Madame de Pompadour; but he was at the same time the friend

of Madame d'Estrade. M. d'Argenson imagined that in this revolution he

would remain neuter at least, but he was mistaken.

"Doctor," said he, "nothing changes for you; we trust that you will

remain with us."

"Monsieur le Comte," coldly replied Quesnai, rising from his seat, "I

have been attached to Madame de Pompadour in her prosperity, and I shall

remain so in her disgrace;" and so saying he left the room.

This Quesnai, of whom we have just made mention, was a man of uncouth and

rustic manners, a true Danubian peasant. He inhabited a little _entresol_

above the apartments of Madame de Pompadour at Versailles, where he would

pass the whole of his time absorbed in schemes of political economy.

Quesnai, however, did not want for friends, as he could boast of the

esteem of all the most illustrious philosophers of the day. For those

persons who did not go to court would come once a month to dine with the

court physician. Marmontel, in his _Memoirs_, relates that he has dined

there in company with Diderot, D'Alembert, Duclos, Helvetius, Turgot, and

Buffon,--a goodly array of intellect. Thus on the ground floor they

deliberated on peace and war, on the choice of ministers, the suppression

of the Jesuits, the exile of the parliament, and the future destinies of

France; while above stairs those who had not power, but who possessed

ideas, labored unwittingly at the future destinies of the world. What was

concocted in the _rez-de-chaussée_ was demolished in the _entresol_. It

would frequently happen, too, that Madame de Pompadour who could not

receive the guests of Quesnai in her own apartments, would ascend to

those of her physician to see and chat with them.

Every Sunday morning Madame de Pompadour received at her toilet all the

artists, literary men, and great personages of the court, who had the

_entrée_ of her apartments. Marmontel relates that on the arrival of

Duclos and De Bernis, who never missed a single Sunday, she would say to

the first, with a light air, "_Bon jour, Duclos_;" to the second, with an

air and voice more amiable, "_Bon jour_, abbé:" accompanying her words

occasionally with a little tap on his cheek. Artists and men of letters

were invariably better received than the titled courtiers of France;

while many of the nobility were truly lords-in-waiting, the two Vanloos,

De la Tour, Boucher, and Cochin, had never to remain in the antechamber.

The account of her first and only interview with Crebillon is

interesting. Some one had informed her that the old tragic poet was

living in the Marais, surrounded by his cats and dogs, in a state of

poverty and neglect. "What say you!" she exclaimed; "in poverty and

neglect?" She ran to seek the king, and asked for a pension for the poet

of one hundred louis a-year from her privy purse. When Crebillon came to

Versailles to thank her, she was in bed. "Let him come in," she

exclaimed, "that I may see the gray-headed genius." At the sight of

the fine old man--Crebillon was then eighty years of age--so poor and yet

so proud, she was affected to tears. She received him with so touching a

grace that the old poet was deeply moved. As he leaned over the bed to

kiss her hand, the king appeared. "Ah, madame," exclaimed Crebillon, "the

king has surprised us! I am lost!" This sally amused Louis XV. vastly;

Crebillon's success was decided.

Madame de Pompadour passed her last days in a state of deep dejection. As

she was now in the decline both of her favor and of her reign, she no

longer had friends; even the king himself, though still submitting to her

guidance, loved her no more. The Jesuits, too, whom she had driven from

court, overwhelmed her with letters, in which they strove to depict to

her the terrors of everlasting punishment.[E] Every hour that struck

seemed to toll for her the death-knell of all her hopes and joys. On her

first appearance at court, proud of her youth, her beauty, and her

brilliant complexion, she had proscribed rouge and patches, saying that

life was not a masked ball. She had now reached that sad period of life

when she would be compelled to choose between rouge or the first wrinkles

of incipient old age. "I shall never survive it," she used to say,

mournfully,

[Footnote E: The fear of losing her power, and of becoming once more a

_bourgeoise_ of Paris, perpetually tormented her. After she had succeeded

in suppressing the Jesuits, she fancied she beheld in each monk of the

order as assassin and a poisoner.--_Mémoires historiques de la Cour de

France_.]

One night, during the year 1760, she was seized with a violent trembling,

and sitting up in bed, called Madame du Hausset.

"I am sure," she said, "I am going to die. Madame de Vintimille and

Madame de Chateauroux both died _as young as myself_: it is a species of

fatality which strikes all those who have loved the king. What I regret

least is life,--I am weary of flatteries and insults, of friendships and

hatreds; but I own to you that I am terrified at the idea of being cast

into some ditch or other, whether it be by the clergy, by Monseigneur the

Dauphin, or by the people of Paris."

Madame du Hausset took her hands within her own, and assured her that if

France had the misfortune to lose her, the king would not fail to give

her a burial worthy of her rank and station.

"Alas!" rejoined Madame de Pompadour, "a burial worthy of me!--when we

recollect that Madame de Mailly, repenting of having been his first

mistress, desired to be interred in the cemetery of the Innocents; and

not only that, but even under the common water-pipe."

She passed the night in tears. On the following morning, however, she

resumed a little courage, and hastened to call to her aid all the

resources of art to conceal the first ravages of time; but in vain did

she seek to recover that adorable smile which twenty years before had

made Louis XV. forget that he was King of France.

From this time forth she showed herself in Paris no more; and at court

she would only appear by candle-light, and then in the apparel of a Queen

of Golconda, crowned with diamonds, her arms covered with bracelets, and

wearing a magnificent Indian robe, embroidered with gold and silver. She

was always the beautiful Marchioness de Pompadour, but a closer

inspection would show that the lovely face of former days was now but a

made-up face, still charming, but like a restored painting, showing

evident symptoms of having been here and there effaced and retouched.

It was in the mouth that she first lost her beauty. She had in early life

acquired the habit of biting her lips to conceal her emotions, and at

thirty years of age her mouth had lost all its vivid brilliancy of color.

Some persons have stated that Madame de Pompadour died from the effects

of poison, administered either by the Jesuits, who never ceased

persecuting her with anonymous letters, or by her enemies at Versailles;

but this story is not deserving of credit. Most persons are agreed that

Madame de Pompadour died simply because she was five and forty years of

age; and owing as she did all her power but to the charm of her beauty,

its loss she was unable to survive. She suffered for a length of time in

silence, hiding ever under a pallid smile the death she already felt in

her heart. At length she took to her bed--that bed from which she was

fated to rise no more. She was then at the Chateau of Choisy; neither the

king nor his courtiers imagined that her disease was serious, but she

herself well knew that her hour was come. She entreated the king to have

her removed to Versailles; she wished to die upon the throne of her

glory--to die as a queen in the royal palace, still issuing her orders to

the troop of servile courtiers who were accustomed to wait humbly at her

footstool.

Like Diana de Poitiers, Gabrielle d'Estrées, and Madame de Maintenon, she

died in April. The curé of the Madeleine was present during her last

moments. As the old man was preparing to retire, after giving her the

benediction, she rallied for a moment, for she was then almost dead, and

said to him, "Wait a bit, Monsieur le Curé, we will go together." These

were her last words.

Up to this time the king had testified at least the semblance of

friendship and gratitude toward Madame de Pompadour, but no sooner had

she breathed her last than he began to consider how he could, in the

speediest manner possible, get rid of her mortal remains. He gave

immediate orders for the removal of the body to her house in Paris. As

the conveyance was about to start, the king, who was standing at one of

the windows of the Chateau, seeing a violent hailstorm breaking over

Versailles, said, with a smile, half sad, half ironical, "The marchioness

will have bad weather for her journey!"

That same day Madame de Pompadour's will was opened in his presence.

Although she had long since been far from his heart, he could not

restrain a tear at the reading of the document.

The marchioness, in her will, had forgotten none of her friends, nor any

of her servants; the king himself was named. "I entreat the king," she

wrote, "to accept the gift I make him of my hôtel in Paris, in order that

it may become the palace of one of his children: it is my desire that it

may become the residence of Monseigneur le Comte de Provence." This hotel

of Madame de Pompadour has since then been inhabited by illustrious

hosts, for it is better known at the present day under the designation of

the Elysée Bourbon, or rather the Elysée National.

Madame de Pompadour had several residences: she had received from the

king an hôtel at Paris and one at Fontainebleau; the estate of Crecy, the

château of Aulnay, Brimborion sur Bellevue, the seigniories of Marigny

and of Saint-Rémy; an hotel at Compiegne, and one at Versailles; without

counting the millions of francs in money bestowed at various times in

addition to her regular income, for they never counted francs at

Verseilles then.[F] For all this, we find Louis XV. giving the Marquis de

Marigny, her brother, an order for two hundred and thirty thousand

francs, _to assist him in paying the debts of the marchioness_. (_Journal

of Louis XV._, published at the trial of Louis XVI.)

[Footnote F: Except Louis XV., who, it is said, used to amuse himself by

making a private treasury. When he lost at play, he used always to pay

out of the royal treasury.]

The marchioness was interred in a vault of the church of the Capuchins;

by dint of interest and money her family had obtained the privilege of

having a funeral oration pronounced over her mortal remains. This oration

was a _chef d'oeuvre_, which ought most certainly to have been preserved

for the honor of the Church. Unfortunately, this curious and most

remarkable piece of eloquence was never printed, and history has

inscribed but a few lines in its annals. When the priest approached the

bier, he sprinkled the holy water, made the sign of the cross, and

commenced his discourse in the following terms:--"I receive the body of

the most high and powerful lady, Madame le Marquise de Pompadour, maid of

honour to the queen. She was in the school of all virtues," &c. The

remainder of this most edifying discourse is lost in oblivion, but surely

the force of humbug could no further go.

Montesquieu's prediction concerning two remarkable personages of the

eighteenth century (Voltaire and Madame de Pompadour) is

curious,--curious alike for its truth, and for the knowledge of the world

displayed by it.

One day, while on a visit to Ferney, Montesquieu being alone in

Voltaire's magnificent saloon, which opened on the Lake of Geneva, was

surprised by Marshal Richelieu (who had come over from Lyons to see how

Voltaire would play in the _Orphan of China_) standing in deep thought

before a pair of portraits which hung upon the wall.

"Well, Monsieur le President," said he, "you are studying, I perceive,

Wit and Beauty."

"Wit and Beauty, Marshal!" replied Montesquieu; "you see before you the

portraits of a man and a woman who will be the representatives of our

century."

And has not this prediction of Montesquieu's been in some sort

fulfilled?--Historians have styled the seventeenth century the century of

Louis XIV. Could not the eighteenth be with more justice designated the

century of Voltaire and Madame de Pompadour? For if these two characters

be carefully studied, the entire spirit of the age will in them be found

faithfully depicted.

But, O vanity of vanities! Madame de Pompadour, with all her wit, and

grace, and beauty, after having strutted and fretted her little hour on

life's fitful stage, has vanished from the theater of the world into

utter oblivion, leaving, literally speaking, scarcely a trace behind. In

the words of Diderot we may ask, "What now remains of this woman, the

dispenser of millions, who overthrew the entire political system of

Europe, and left her country dishonored, powerless, and impoverished,

both in mind and resources? The Treaty of Versailles, which will last as

long as it can; a statue by Bouchardon, which will be always admired; a

few stones engraved by Gay, which will astonish a future generation of

antiquarians; a pretty little picture by Vanloo; and a handful of ashes."

* * * * *

From Eliza Cook's Journal.

THE CHURCH OF THE VASA D'AGUA.

One very hot evening, in the year 1815, the curate of San Pedro, a

village distant but a few leagues from Seville, returned very much

fatigued to his poor home; his worthy housekeeper, Senora Margarita,

about seventy years of age, awaited him. However much any one might have

been accustomed to distress and privation among the Spanish peasantry, it

was impossible not to be struck with the evidence of poverty in the house

of the good priest. The nakedness of the walls, and scantiness of the

furniture, were the more apparent, from a certain air about them of

better days. Senora Margarita had just prepared for her master's supper

an olla podrida, which notwithstanding the sauce, and high sounding name,

was nothing more than the remains of his dinner, which she had disguised

with the greatest skill. The curate, gratified at the odor of this savory

dish, exclaimed,--

"Thank God, Margarita, for this dainty dish. By San Pedro, friend, you

may well bless your stars to find such a supper in the house of your

host."

At the word host, Margarita raised her eyes, and beheld a stranger who

Accompanied her master. The face of the old dame assumed suddenly an

expression of wrath and disappointment; her angry glances fell on the new

comer, and again on her master, who looked down, and said with the

timidity of a child who dreads the remonstrance of his parent:--

"Peace, Margarita, where there is enough, for two, there is always enough

for three, and you would not have wished me to leave a Christian to

starve? he has not eaten for three days."

"Santa Maria! he a Christian, he looks more like a robber," and muttering

to herself, the housekeeper left the room. During this parley, the

stranger remained motionless at the threshold of the door; he was tall,

with long black hair, and flashing eyes, his clothes were in tatters, and

the long rifle which he carried excited distrust rather than favor.

"Must I go away?" he inquired.

The curate replied, with an emphatic gesture, "never shall he, whom I

shelter, be driven away, or made unwelcome: but sit down, put aside your

gun, let us say grace, and to our repast."

"I never quit my weapon; as the proverb says, two friends are one, my

rifle is my best friend; I shall keep it between my knees. Though you may

not send me from your house till it suits me, there are others who would

make me leave theirs against my will, and perhaps head-foremost. Now to

your health, let us eat." The curate himself, although a man of good

appetite, was amazed at the voracity of the stranger, who seemed to bolt

rather than eat almost the whole of the dish, besides drinking the whole

flask of wine, and leaving none for his host, or scarcely a morsel of the

enormous loaf which occupied a corner of the table. Whilst he was eating

so voraciously, he started at the slightest noise; if a gust of wind

suddenly closed the door, he sprang up and leveling his rifle, seemed

determined to repel intrusion; having recovered from his alarm, he again

sat down, and went on with his repast. "Now," said he, speaking with his

mouth full, "I must tax your kindness to the utmost. I am wounded in the

thigh, and eight days have passed without its being dressed. Give me a

few bits of linen, then you shall be rid of me."

"I do not wish to rid myself of you," replied the curate, interested in

his guest in spite of his threatening demeanor, by his strange exciting

conversation. "I am somewhat of a doctor; you will not have the

awkwardness of a country barber, or dirty bandages to complain of, you

shall see." so speaking, he drew forth, from a closet a bundle containing

all things needed, and turning up his sleeves, prepared himself to

discharge the duty of a surgeon.

The wound was deep, a ball had passed through the stranger's thigh, who,

to be able to walk, must have exerted a strength and courage more than

human. "You will not be able to proceed on your journey to-day," said the

curate, probing the wound with the satisfaction of an amateur artist.

"You must remain here to-night; good rest will restore your health and

abate the inflammation, and the swelling will go down."

"I must depart to-day, at this very hour," replied the stranger, with a

mournful sigh. "There are some who wait for me, others who seek me," he

added with a ferocious smile. "Come, let us see, have you done your

dressing? Good: here am I light and easy, as if I never had been wounded.

Give me a loaf--take this piece of gold in payment for your hospitality,

and farewell." The curate refused the tendered gold with emphasis. "As

you please, pardon me--farewell." So saying, the stranger departed,

taking with him the loaf which Margarita had so unwillingly brought at

her master's order. Soon his tall figure disappeared in the foliage of

the wood about the village.

An hour later, the report of fire-arms was heard. The stranger

reappeared, bleeding, and wounded in the breast. He was ghastly, as if

dying.

"Here," said he, presenting to the old priest some pieces of gold. "My

children--in the ravine--in the wood--near the little brook."

He fell, just as half a dozen soldiers rushed in, arms in hand; they met

with no resistance from the wounded man, whom they closely bound, and,

after some time, allowed the priest to dress his wound; but in spite of

all his remarks on the danger of moving a man so severely wounded, they

placed him on a cart.

"Basta," said they, "he can but die. He is the great robber, Don Josè

della Ribera." Josè thanked the good priest, by a motion of his head,

then asked for a glass of water, and as the priest stooped to put it to

his lips, he faintly said, "You remember."

The curate replied with a nod, and when the troop had departed, in spite

of the remonstrances of Margarita, who represented to him the danger of

going out in the night, and the inutility of such a step, he quickly

crossed the wood toward the ravine, and there found the dead body of a

woman, killed, no doubt, by some stray shot from the guards. A baby lay

at her breast, by her side a little boy of about four years old, who was

endeavoring to wake her, pulling her by the sleeve, thinking she had

fallen asleep, and calling her mamma. One may judge of Margarita's

surprise when the curate returned with two children on his arms.

"Santa Madre! What can this mean! What will you do in the night? We have

not even sufficient food for ourselves, and yet you bring two children. I

must go and beg from door to door, for them and ourselves. And who are

these children? The sons of a bandit--a gipsy; and worse, perhaps. Have

they ever been baptized?"

At this moment, the infant uttered a plaintive cry: "What will you do to

feed this baby? we cannot afford a nurse; we must use the bottle, and you

have no idea of the wretched nights we shall have with him."

"You will sleep in spite of all," replied the good curate.

"O! santa Maria, he cannot be more than six months old! Happily I have a

little milk here, I must warm it," and forgetting her anger, Margarita

took the infant from the priest, kissed it, and soothed it to rest. She

knelt before the fire, stirred the embers to heat the milk quicker, and

when this little one had had enough, she put him to sleep, and the other

had his turn. Whilst Margarita gave him some supper, undressed him, and

made him a bed for the night, of the priest's cloak, the good old man

related to her how he had found the children; in what manner they had

been bequeathed to him.

"O! that is fine and good," said Margarita, "but how can they and we be

fed?"

The curate took the Bible, and read aloud--

"Whosoever shall give, even a cup of cold water, to one of the least,

being a disciple; verily I say unto you, he shall not lose his reward."

"Amen," responded the housekeeper.

The next day, the good father ordered the burial of the poor woman, and

he himself read the service over her grave.

Twelve years from this time, the curate of San-Pedro, then seventy years

of age, was warming himself in the sun, in front of his house. It was

winter, and there had been no sunshine for two days.

Beside him stood a boy, ten or twelve years old, reading aloud the daily

prayers, and from time to time casting a look of envy on a youth of about

sixteen, tall, handsome, and muscular, who labored in the garden

adjoining that of the priest. Margarita, being now blind, was listening

attentively, when the youngest boy exclaimed, "O! what a beautiful

coach," as a splendid equipage drove up near the door.

A domestic, richly dressed, dismounted, and asked the old priest to give

him a glass of water for his master.

"Carlos," said the priest to the younger boy, "give this nobleman a glass

of water, and add to it a glass of wine, if he will accept it. Be quick!"

The gentleman alighted from the coach. He seemed about fifty.

"Are the children your nephews?" inquired he.

"Much better," said the priest, "they are mine by adoption, be it

understood."

"How so?"

"I shall tell you, for I can refuse nothing to such a gentleman; for poor

and inexperienced in the world as I am, I need good advice, how best to

provide for these two boys."

"Make ensigns of them in the king's guards, and in order to keep up a

suitable appearance, he must allow them a pension of six thousand

ducats."

"I ask your advice, my lord, not mockery."

"Then you must have your church rebuilt, and by the side of it, a pretty

parsonage house, with handsome iron railings to inclose the whole. When

this work will be complete, it shall be called the church of the _Vasa

d'Agua_, (Glass of Water.) Here is the plan of it, will it suit you?"

"What can this mean?"

"What vague remembrance is mine; these features--this voice mean that I

am Don Josè della Ribera. Twelve years ago, I was the brigand Josè. I

escaped from prison, and the times have changed; from the chief of

robbers, I have become the chief of a party. You befriended me. You have

been a father to my children. Let them come to embrace me--let them

come," and he opened his arms to receive them. They fell on his bosom.

When he had long pressed them, and kissed them by turns, with tears, and

half-uttered expressions of gratitude, he held out his hand to the old

priest--

"Well, my father, will you not accept the church?"

The curate, greatly moved, turned to Margarita, and said: "Whosoever

shall give even a cup of cold water unto one of the least, being my

disciple; verily I say to you, he shall not lose his reward."

"Amen," responded the old dame, who wept for joy at the happiness of her

master, and his children by adoption, at whose departure she also

grieved.

Twelve months afterward, Don Josè della Ribera and his two sons attended

at the consecration of the church of San Pedro, one of the prettiest

churches in the environs of Seville.

* * * * *

SONG--BY MISS JEWSBURY.

There once was a brave cavalier,

Commanded by Cupid to bow;

And his mistress, though lovely, I hear

Had a very Sultana-like brow;

In battles and sieges he fought

With many a Saracen Nero,

Till back to his mistress he brought

The fame and the heart of a hero:

But when he presumed to demand

The hero's reward in all story,

His mistress, in accents most bland--

Desired him to gather more glory

Poor Camille!

So back went the young cavalier,

(Where dwells such obedience now?)

And he wove amid pennant and spear,

A wreath for that fair cruel brow;

How crimson the roses he sent,

But not with the summer sun's glow;

'Twas the crimson of battle--and lent

By a brave heart forever laid low!

Now if such a lover I knew,

And if I might be his adviser,

I would bid him be tender and true,

But certainly bid him be wiser.

Poor Camille!

* * * * *

FROM PETRARCH.

Weeping for all my long lost years, I go,

And for that love which to this world confined

A spirit whose strong flight, for heaven designed,

No mean example might one man bestow.

Thou, who didst view my wonderings and my woe,

Great King of heaven! unseen, immortal mind!

Succor this weary being, frail and blind;

And may thy grace o'er all my failings flow!

Then, though my life through warring tempests passed;

My death may tranquilly and slowly come;

And my calm soul may flee in peace at last:

While o'er that space which shuts me from the tomb,

And on my death-bed, be thy blessing cast--

From Thee, in trembling hope, I wait my doom.

* * * * *

[From Bentley's Miscellany]

THE FEMALE WRECKER; AND THE HOUSE OF MYSTERY.

A BRACE OF GHOST STORIES.

BY THE AUTHOR OF "THE EXPERIENCES OF A GAOL CHAPLAIN."

It was a glorious summer's evening in July. The sun, robed in a thousand

hues of gorgeous brilliancy, was setting behind the noble hill which

towers over the little hamlet of Shaldon; light pleasure-skiffs, with

tiny sail, were dotted over the bay;[A] the ebb tide was gently laving

the hissing strand; and at intervals, wafted by the breeze, came from

some merry party afloat, a ringing, joyous laugh, or some slight snatch

of song. It was an evening which breathed serenity and repose.

[Footnote A: Teignmouth, Devon.]

Seated on one of the benches which skirt that pleasant promenade[B] were

two feeble-looking men, with whom the summer of life had apparently

passed. They conversed slowly and at intervals. That the theme interested

both was clear from the earnest tone of the one, and the attention

rendered by the other. It was connected too in some way with the sea:

for, from time to time, the speaker paused and eyed wistfully the

slumbering monster at his feet; and more than once the ejaculation was

audible--"the secret is buried there!"

[Footnote B: The Denne.]

"And you believe this?" said the listener, half incredulously, half

respectfully, when his elderly companion ceased.

"I do--firmly."

The other smiled, and then continued in a lower tone--

"All delusion! the result of a heated fancy--all delusion from beginning

to end!"

"What is delusion?" said a tall military-looking figure, striding up and

joining the group. "We all have, at one period or other of our lives, to

battle with delusion and succumb to it. Now. sir," turning to the elder

gentleman (his name was Ancelôt) and making a courteous bow--"pray favor

me with your case and symptoms."

The party addressed looked nettled, and replied--

"Mine was no delusion; it was a stern and solemn reality."

"Well, give it what name you please," returned his companion, "only let

Major Newburgh hear the tale as you narrated it to me."

"To be again discredited? Excuse me, Trevor, no."

"Oh! but," interposed the major, "I'm of a very confiding disposition. I

believe everything and every body. The more extraordinary the narrative,

the more faith am I inclined to place in it. Trevor, there, as we all

know," added he, laughingly, "has a twist. He's a 'total abstinence'

man--a homeopathic man--a Benthamite, and secretly favors Mesmerism. With

such abounding faith upon some points, we will allow him to be somewhat

skeptical upon others. Come, your narrative."

"At the sober age of two-and-forty, a period when the season of delusion

is pretty well over," said Mr. Ancelôt, pointedly, "I found myself in

charge of a notorious fishing-village on the coast of Lincolnshire. It

was famous, or rather infamous, for the smuggling carried on in its

creeks, and for the vigilant and relentless wreckers which it numbered in

its hovels. 'Rough materials!' said the bishop, Dr. Prettyman, when I

waited upon him to be licensed to the curacy--rough materials to work

upon; but by care and diligence, Mr. Ancelôt, wondrous changes may be

effected. Your predecessor, a feeble-minded man, gave but a sorry account

of your flock; but under your auspices, I hope they will become a

church-going and a church-loving people! Make them churchmen--you

understand me? Make them churchmen!'... Heaven help me! They needed first

to be made honest and temperate--to be humanized and Christianized!

'Church-loving and church-going!' The chaplaincy of Newgate is not,

perhaps, a sinecure; that of the Model Prison at Pentonville has,

probably, its hours of toil; and that attached to Horsemonger Lane is not

entirely a bed of roses; but if you wish to wear a man's heart and soul

out; to depress his spirits and prostrate his energies--if you would make

him long to exchange his lot with the day-laborer who whistles at the

plow,--station him as a curate, far apart from his fellows, in a village

made up of prize-fighters, smugglers, and wreckers!" To my lonely cure,

with a heavy heart, I went; and by a most reckless and rebellious crew I

speedily found myself surrounded--a crew which defied control.

Intoxicating liquors of all kinds abounded. The meanest hovel smelt of

spirits. Nor was there any want of contraband tobacco. Foreign luxuries,

in a word, were rife among them. And yet they were always in want--always

craving from their clergyman temporal aid--in his spiritual capacity they

were slow to trouble him; had ever on their lips the entreaty

'give'--'give;' and always protested that they 'were come to their

furthest, and had not a shilling in the world to help themselves withal.'

"For recklessness, drunkenness, and midnight brawls, all England could

not match that parish.

"To the general and prevailing aspect of poverty, there was one, and that

a marked exception. It presented itself in the person of Abigail

Lassiter--a widow--who was reputed to be wealthy, and with whose means,

unscrupulously acquired, a tale of murder was strangely blended.

Abigail's husband had been a smuggler, and she herself was a daring and

keen-eyed wrecker. For a season both throve. He had escaped detection in

many a heavy run of contraband goods; and she had come in for many a

valuable 'waif and stray' which the receding waters left upon the slimy

strand. It was, however, her last venture, which, in her neighbors'

language, _had made her_. Made her, indeed, independent of her fellows,

but a murderer before her God!... About day-break in a thick misty

morning in April, a vessel, heavily laden, was seen to ground on 'The

Jibber Sand;' and after striking heavily for some hours, suddenly to part

asunder. The sea was so rough, and the wind so high, that no help could

be rendered from the shore. Midday drew on--came--passed, and the

villagers assembled on the heights (their eyes fixed the while on the

devoted vessel like vultures watching for their prey) had at length the

satisfaction of seeing the laboring bark yield to the war of the

elements, and her timbers float, piecemeal, over the waters.

"But nothing of any consequence came ashore. A stray spar or two,

a hen-coop, two or three empty barrels, a child's light straw hat, and a

sailor's cap--these were all.

"The gale held: the wind blew off shore, and at nightfall the

wrecking-party, hungry, weary, and out of humor, retired to their cabins.

About an hour after midnight heavy rain fell; the wind shifted, and blew

inshore. With the first appearance of dawn, Abigail's cottage door was

seen slowly to unclose, and she herself to emerge from it, and stealthily

creep down to the shore. Once there, a steep sea-wall--thrown up to

protect the adjoining lowlands from inundation--screened her from

observation. She was absent about an hour, returned apparently

empty-handed, reentered her cottage, nor passed its threshold again

during the remainder of the day.

"But that was a memorable day for the _industrious_. My villagers were

early astir. Their muddy shore was strewed with fragments of the wreck;

and when the tide went down, and the gale moderated, half imbedded in the

Jibber Sand was found 'goodly spoil.' Packages of costly shawls, hampers

of Dutch liqueurs, bales of linen, several kegs of brandy, and two small

canvas-bags containing bullion, were a few of the 'waifs and strays'

which keen eyes speedily detected, and stalwart arms as speedily

appropriated.

"Later on in the afternoon a very bustling personage made his appearance,

much blown and overheated, who announced himself as 'acting under

authority from Lloyd's,' and 'representing the under-writers.' At his

heels, uttering volleys of threats, and menacing every soul he met with

hideous 'penalties according to act of parliament,' followed a very

lady-like young gentleman, with a thin reedy voice, and light down upon

his chin, 'charged with protecting the public revenue.' Well for him in a

dark night if he could protect himself!

"Worthy souls! They might as well have spared their well-fed nags, and

have remained at home snugly housed in their chimney-corner. ''Tis the

early bird that gets the worm.' They had missed it by hours. The spoil

was housed. It was buried in cottage gardens, and cabbages planted over

it. It was secreted among the thatch, where even the best trained

bird-nesting urchin would have missed it. It was stored away under more

than one hollow hearth-stone, on which a cheerful wood-fire was crackling

and blazing. When were the 'womenkind' in a wrecker's village at a loss

for expedients?

"But a discovery was made that afternoon, which, for the moment, made the

boisterous gentleman from Lloyd's falter in his denunciations, and hushed

the menaces of the indignant and well-dressed personage who protected the

revenue, and saddened the few hearts amongst us not entirely devoid of

feeling.

"On a little knoll--called in memory of an unfortunate suicide, 'The Mad

Maiden's Knoll,'--was found the body of a lady, youthful and fair, and by

her side that of a little infant, a few weeks old. The babe, carefully

swathed in countless warm wrappers, was lying in a rude cradle of

wicker-work; this was firmly fastened to the lady's waist, who, on her

part, had been securely lashed to a spar. 'Twas a piteous sight! But

one's sympathies were called into still more painful exercise when it was

found that the unfortunate lady's corpse had been rifled by some

unprincipled marauder; that both ears had been torn, and two of her

fingers had been crushed and broken in the attempt to plunder them of the

rings with which they had been laden. Nor was this all. Every part of her

dress had been carefully examined. Her stays had been ripped open, and a

packet, assumed to be of value, had apparently been taken thence. What

strengthened this surmise was the fact that a fragment of a purple

morocco note-case still adhered to her dress. This fragment bore the

words in gilt letters, 'Bank Notes;' below were the initials 'F.H.B.' The

sight drew forth general expressions of pity: but pity gave place to

indignation when the district surgeon joined the group, and after a

careful examination of the body, said slowly, 'I suspect--I more than

suspect--I am almost positive, that this lady reached the shore alive.

The winds and waves have not destroyed her. She has perished by the hand

of another. Look here,' and he pointed to a small dark rim round the

neck, 'this is the effect of strangulation; and my belief is that the

corpse before us is that of _a murdered woman_.'

"The coroner of the district was summoned, a jury empanneled, and the

simple facts relative to the discovery of the bodies of the woman and

infant were briefly placed on record. Few cared to speak openly. All

had an interest in saying as little as possible. 'Return an open verdict,

gentlemen; return an open verdict by all means,' suggested the wary

official; 'that is the shortest course you can adopt; safe and perfectly

legal; it decides nothing, contradicts nothing, concludes nothing.' No

advice could be more palatable to the parties he addressed. 'Found dead,'

was the ready response; 'but by what means, drowning or otherwise; there

is no evidence to show.'

"The coroner was delighted.

"'Precisely so; quite sufficient. My gig, and a glass of brandy and

water.'"

* * * * *

"No one claimed the bodies. Early interment was necessary; and a few

hours after the inquest was concluded, mother and child were consigned to

their parent earth.

"Six weeks afterward, an elderly man, with a most imperious manner and a

foreign accent, came down to the village and asked countless questions

relative to the shipwreck. The unhappy lady, he said, was his niece; and

earnest were the inquiries he made touching a large sum of money, which,

to his certain knowledge, she had about her when she went on shipboard.

Of this money, as a matter of course, no satisfactory tidings were

forthcoming. He then became violent; called the village a nest of

pirates; cursed the inhabitants without mercy; hoped that heaven's

lightnings would speedily fall, and raze the hamlet to the ground; and

indulged in a variety of comments, some just, some foolish, and all

angry.

"But with all his anxiety about his niece, and all his burning

indignation against her plunderers, he never visited the unhappy lady's

grave; never directed a stone to be placed over her; never deplored her

fate; never uttered a remark about her infant, save and except an avowal

of his unbounded satisfaction that it had perished with the mother-his

ever-recurring subject of regret was, not that he had lost his niece, but

that he had lost her money!

"Oh world! how base are thy calculations, how sordid thy conclusions! The

young, the fair, the helpless, the innocent may perish, it matters not.

Loss of relatives, of children, of country, of character, all may be

borne with complacency but--loss of money!

"Meanwhile the party who was suspected to have benefited most largely by

the shipwreck, went about her daily occupations with her usual subdued

and poverty-stricken air. There was nothing in Abigail Lassiter's dress

or manner to indicate the slightest improvement in her worldly

circumstances. She toiled as earnestly, dressed as simply, and lived as

sparingly as ever. But quietly and almost imperceptibly a vast change was

wrought in the aspect of her dwelling. It was carefully repaired and

considerably enlarged, a small piece of pasture land was bought, and then

a handsome Alderney cow made her appearance. A garden of some extent, at

the rear of the cottage, was next laid out, and stocked, and last of all

a commodious spring cart and clever cob were seen on the little

homestead. But comfort there was none. An invisible hand fought against

its inmates. Their career of success was closed. A curse and not a

blessing was henceforth to track them. On a sudden the husband, Mark

Lassiter, was betrayed in one of his smuggling expeditions, encountered

the coast-guard where he least expected them, was fired at, captured, and

died in jail of his wounds. The eldest son--'Black Ben,' the

pugilist--killed his man, was accused of foul play, and compelled to fly

the country. Robin, second mate of a merchant vessel then lying in Hull

Docks, still remained to her, and him she hastily summoned home for

counsel. Vain precaution! A final separation had already taken place

between them. While wondering at his tardy movements, a brief unfeeling

letter apprised her that, 'returning to his ship at midnight decidedly

the worse for liquor,' Robin Lassiter had missed his footing on the

narrow plank connecting the vessel with the shore, fallen into deep

water, and had sunk to rise no more.

"These successive bereavements paralyzed her. For the first time the idea

seems to have presented itself, that it was possible adversity might

overwhelm her. She confined herself rigidly to her home; said that _the

moan of the sea wearied and worried her_, and blocked up every window

which _looked upon the ocean!_ For hours she would sit, abstractedly, in

silence. Then, wringing her hands, would wake up with a wistful cry, and

repeat--'Wrong never comes right! Wrong never comes right!'

"Much as I knew she hated religion, its ministers, its sanctuary, and

every object which, by possibility, could remind her that _there was a

coming future_, I yet felt it my duty to make another and a third attempt

at an interview. She received me ungraciously enough, but not insolently.

Her fair, soft, feminine features betrayed evident annoyance at my visit,

but still there was an absence of that air of menace and hatred which

characterized her in former days.

"'You visit me?' was her inquiry; 'why?'

"'To condole with you on the ravages which death has made in your

family.'

"Her reply was instant and firmly uttered.

"'Yes; two are gone. Their part is played and over. I presume they are at

rest.'

"A passing remark followed, in which a hope was expressed that I should

see her at church.

"'Never, until I'm brought there. I shouldn't know myself in such a

place, nor would those who assemble there know me.'

"While framing my reply she continued--

"'Your visit, sir, is wholly unexpected; I have never troubled the

clergy, and I hope they will not trouble me; I have my sorrows, and I

keep them to myself.'

"'They will overwhelm you unless aid be granted--'

"She interrupted me.

"'I seek it not, and therefore have no right to expect it. But why should

I detain you sir,' said she, rising from her seat; 'there are others who

may prize your presence more than I do.'

"One of Wilson's little volumes was in my hand. I proffered it with the

remark--'You will perhaps read this in my absence?'

"She declined it with a gesture of impatience.

"'No! no! I seldom read, and my hourly endeavor _now_ is not to think!

This way lies your road, sir. Farewell.'

"A more thoroughly unsatisfactory interview it is scarcely possible to

imagine.

"Two years had rolled away, when, one morning, a message reached me that

'Dame Lassiter was ill,' and wished I would 'call in the course of the

day.' Within the hour came another summons: 'Dame Lassiter was much

worse,' and begged to 'see me without delay.' Before midday I was at the

cottage. Her sole attendant,--a bold, saucy, harsh looking girl of

eighteen,--awaited me at the threshold.

"'Right glad am I you're come,' was her greeting; 'the mistress, sir, has

been asking for you ever since day-break.'

"'She is worse then?'

"She lowered her voice to a whisper, and continued:--

"'She's going! She'll not hold it long. The doctors have given her up,

and there's no more medicine to be gone for. This last is a sure sign.'

"'Is she sensible?'

"The girl hesitated.

"'_In_ times she be,' was her reply, rather doubtfully given! 'in times

she be; but there's something about her I don't quite fancy; the plain

fact is, she's rather _quair_, and I shall go up to the village. You'll

not mind being alone, I dare say?'

"And without waiting for a reply this careful and considerate attendant

hurriedly opened the door; went out; and then locked it briskly and

firmly on the outside. I was a prisoner, and my companion a dying woman!

For the moment I felt startled; but a hollow moan of anguish, sadly and

painfully reiterated in the chamber above, at once recalled me to my

duties, and bade me seek the sufferer. In a room of fair dimensions lay,

stricken and emaciated, the once active and dauntless Abigail. On

entering I could with difficulty disguise my surprise at the variety

of articles which it contained, and at the costliness and splendor of

many of them. The curtains of the sick woman's bed were of figured silk

damask; and though here and there a dark spot was visible where

sea-water, or some other destructive agency, had penetrated, enough still

remained to vindicate the richness of the fabric and the brilliancy of

the color. The linen on the bed was of the finest texture, apparently the

production of a Dutch loom, while the vessel which held her night-drink

was an antique goblet, indisputably of foreign workmanship,--its

materials silver and mother-of-pearl. Under the window, which commanded

her flower garden, stood a small work-table of birds'-eye maple, which

methought had once stood in the lady's cabin of some splendidly appointed

steamer. Her wash-stand was of mahogany richly carved: on the shelf above

it stood an ebony writing-desk, inlaid with silver; below was a lady's

dressing case--ivory--and elaborately carved. Two cases of foreign birds

of exquisite plumage completed the decoration of the apartment. It is

true necessitous sailors and carousing smugglers might have contributed

some of the costly articles I saw around me; but as I gazed on them the

thought recurred, are not these the wages of iniquity? Have they not been

rifled from the grasp of the helpless, the drowning, and the dying?

"I spoke. She was in full possession of her faculties; but manifestly

near her end. I expressed my sorrow at finding her so feeble; told her

that I had readily obeyed her summons; and asked her whether I should

read to her.

"'Neither read to me,' was her distinct reply: 'nor pray with me; but

listen to me. They tell me I have not many hours to live. If so, I have

something to disclose; and some money which I should wish--I should

wish'--she hesitated and became silent--'the point is, am I beyond

recovery? If so I should desire that this money--'

"'Under any circumstances,' was my reply, 'confess all; restore all'

"She looked up quickly and said sharply; 'Why restore?'

"'To prove the sincerity of your regrets.'

"'Ah, well!' said she, thoughtfully, 'if I could only satisfy myself that

recovery was impossible. I have much to leave behind me; and there are

some circumstances--'

"She hesitated and was silent. A minute or two elapsed and I urged--

"'Be candid and be just,--make reparation while you possess the power.'

"'You advise well,' said she, faintly. 'I would fain relieve my mind. It

is sorely oppressed, for with regard to my property--my--my savings--'

"As she spoke there arose, close to us, clear and painfully audible, a

low, mocking laugh. It was not akin to mirth. There was no gladness in

its tone. It betokened enmity, triumph, scorn. The dying woman heard it,

and cowered beneath its influence. An expression of agonizing fear passed

over her countenance. Some minutes elapsed before she could sufficiently

command herself to speak or even listen.

"'Carry out forthwith,' said I, in a tone of resolution I could with

difficulty command, 'carry out your present determination. Make

restitution to the utmost of your power. Restore all; confess all.'

"'I will do so and now,' was her reply.

"Again that bitter, scornful, chilling laugh; and closer to us! To no

ebullition of any earthly emotion can I compare it. It resembled none. It

conveyed scorn, exultation, defiance, hatred. It seemed an uncontrollable

burst of triumph over a parting and ruined soul. Again, I gazed

steadfastly on the dying woman. A spasm convulsed her countenance. She

pointed feebly to some unseen object--unseen at least by me--and

clasped her hands with an imploring gesture. Another spasm came on-a

second-a third--and all was silence. I was _alone_ with the dead."

* * * * *

"And you are persuaded that these sounds were real and not fanciful, that

imagination had nothing to do with the scene?" said the younger of the

three when the aged speaker had concluded.

The reply was immediate.

"I state simply what I heard; that, and no more. No opportunity for trick

existed. The cottage had one door, _and but one_. The dying woman and

myself were the only parties within its walls. We were locked in from

without: until the attendant returned and unclosed the door there was no

possibility of either entering or quitting the dwelling. I was alone with

the dead for upward of an hour--no enviable vigil--when it pleased her

unfeeling and gossiping retainer to return and release me. Believe it,

say you? I do believe it--and most firmly--as fact and not fancy."

"And what say you, Major?" pursued the questioner, turning to his

military companion.

"I believe it also, and the more readily from recollecting what once

occurred to myself. Soon after my awkward hit at Vittoria, where I

received a bullet, which I carry about with me to this hour, I was

ordered home on sick leave. Landing at Falmouth from a filthy transport,

feeble, feverish, solitary and wretched, I was recognized by a former

intimate, who followed me to my inn and insisted upon taking me down with

him into ----shire. Rest and country air, he was sure, would recruit me.

In vain I explained the wretched cripple I was. In vain I submitted that

the 'hospital mates,' one and all, entertained the worst opinion of my

injury. He would take no denial. It was a case, he contended, not for the

knife or the doctor; but for beef-steaks and Barclay's stout. And this

opinion he would make good, in my instance, against the whole hospital

staff at home and abroad. Too weak to contest the point, I gave in; and

promised that, if living, that day week should find me at ---- House. The

first part of my journey I made out with comparatively little suffering.

The latter part, where I was obliged to have recourse to a hack chaise,

neither wind nor weather tight--ill hung, and badly driven, was torture.

At length, unable to endure longer agony, I got out; and bidding the

postboy drive with my luggage to ---- House, limped along across the

fields under the pilotage of an old laborer--it was a work of time--to my

destination.

"My gray-haired guide, who commiserated my situation, was very

inquisitive about 'the war and Lord Wellington;' asked whether _all_ the

Spaniards lived on 'mules' flesh fried with onions,' as he 'had been told

for truth;' inquired what 'our side' thought of 'Boney's covenant with

the devil,' a covenant, (according to his reading,) to this effect, that

'the devil had given Boney _a lease of luck_ for threescore and three

years, and that when it was up he was to be shot by a Spanish maiden with

a silver bullet.' Many folks, he said, believed all this to be true and

_sartain_; but that he, for his part, 'did not _hold_ with it: what did I

think?' But however talkative about the war, my venerable pilot was

reserved about ---- House. I asked him if he knew it. 'These fifty years

and more,' was his answer. 'The House of Mystery; good people live there

now,--yes, good people, kind people,--a blessed change for all about and

around the House of Mystery. More he would not utter. At length I reached

the winning post, hobbled in, received a cordial welcome, and retired

early to bed.

"None but those who have lain for weeks in a crowded military hospital,

who have battled day by day with death, now flushed with fever, now

racked with agonizing spasmodic action in every nerve, can conceive the

effect of the quiet, the pure air, the bracing freshness of the country.

The stillness which reigned around,--the peaceful landscape beneath my

window,--the balmy fragrance of the flowers,--the hush of woods reposing

in all the stillness of a summer's twilight,--the faint tinkling of the

distant sheep-bell,--the musical murmur of the rill which gurgled gaily

and gladly from beneath the base of the sun-dial,--the deer dotted over

the park, and grazing lazily in groups beneath the branching oaks, made

up a picture which soothed and calmed me. I went to bed satisfied that _I

should sleep_. I did so without a single twinge till after midnight. Then

I was roused by a grating sound at a distance. It drew nearer, became

more and more distinct, and presently at a pelting pace, up drove a

carriage and four. I say four, because a man used to horses all his life,

can, by their tramp, judge, though blindfold, pretty accurately as to

their numbers. I heard the easy roll of the carriage, the grating of the

wheels on the gravel, the sharp pull-up at the main entrance, the

impatient pawing of the animals on the hard and well-rolled road. All

this I caught most distinctly. But though I listened keenly I heard no

bell ring, no door unclose, no servant hasten to these new arrivals. I

thought it odd. I struck my repeater. 'A quarter to one. Strange hour,

surely, for visitors to arrive! However, no business of mine. I have not,

happily, to rise and do the honors.' And, after a yawn or two, and a

hurried, though I trust grateful acknowledgment for the comparative ease

I was enjoying, I turned upon my side and dozed off. I had slept about

two hours when a similar noise again aroused me. Up came another carriage

at the same slapping pace. Pat, pat, pat, went the hoofs upon the hard

avenue. The wheels rattled; the gravel grated on the ear; there was the

same quick, sharp, knowing pull-up at the main door, and the same

impatient stamp of high-fed steeds anxious to be off, and eager for the

rest and feed of the stable. I became irritated and angry. 'A pretty

house,' said I, 'for an invalid! Guests arriving at all hours! Moreover,

a precious lot of fresh faces shall I have to encounter at the breakfast

table. A nice figure I am! My walk particularly straight and lively! I

shall be "the observed of all observers" with a vengeance. I wish with

all my soul I had remained at Exeter. I had there my hospitable friends,

the Greens, in "the Barn-field," to keep an eye to me, while _here_,

carriages are driving up at a splitting pace from midnight to

cock-crowing.' And fuming and fretting, chafed and annoyed, I lay

feverish and discontented till daybreak.

"The next morning, having taken peculiar pains with my toilet, and having

arrived at the inevitable conclusion that I hobbled worse than ever, and

was as infirm as an old gentleman of eighty, I presented myself in the

breakfast room.

"I expected to find it lined with fresh faces. I was mistaken. The party

assembled was the same, without diminution or addition, which I had

quitted the preceding evening. After an interchange of civilities I

hazarded an inquiry:--

"'Where are the new arrivals?'

"'There are no new arrivals,' said my hostess; 'I hope you are not tired

of us already?'

"'You allude to an utter impossibility,' was my rejoinder; 'but beyond

all doubt two carriages drove up to the main entrance early this

morning.'

"'You are our only guest,' observed my hostess with an air of peculiar

gravity, and even perceptible annoyance in her manner.

"'You see us as we are, a quiet family party, Mr. Newburgh,' observed the

youngest daughter hastily, and then adroitly changed the conversation.

"'Oh,' thought I, 'I'm on unsafe ground. Some disagreeable people,

self-invited, and dismissed at all hazards. Very well. _Moi c'est égal!_

What concern have I with the family arrangements of another?'

"The second night of my visit drew on. I slept well and soundly till

about three in the morning, when my slumbers were suddenly broken by a

rapid rush of horsemen across the lawn, directly under my dressing-room

window. 'Hunting at three in the morning is a rank absurdity,' was my

comment; 'but if I ever heard the sound of horses and horsemen I did

then. The park gates must have been left open, and the farm horses have

broken loose. Utter destruction to the lawn, and to the flower beds, and

the glorious rhododendrons! What negligent menials.' And while murmuring

my abhorrence of such atrocious carelessness, and my deep regret at its

results, my eyes closed. The next morning I peeped with apprehension from

my window, on what I presumed would prove a scene of devastation. All was

fair and smiling, gaze where I would. Here was the trim and smoothly

shaven lawn--there the blooming parterre--beyond the early flowering

shrubs not a twig, not a leaf injured. I left my room in amazement.

"Below, the papers had arrived. They gave the details of another and

decisive battle. _That_, and an expedition during the morning to a

neighboring Roman encampment, banished the horsemen of the preceding

night, nor did they recur till I found myself in my room, exhausted and

bent down with pain, at eleven. The fact was I had played the fool and

overwalked myself, and my avenger, the bullet, began to remind me of his

presence in my system. For three mortal hours no poor wretch, save in his

death struggle, endured greater agony than I did. At last, a 'compassion

that never faileth,' bestowed on me an interval of ease, and I slept.

Heavily, I imagine, since for some time a strange booming noise droned

continuously in my ears before it waked me. At last I was roused. I

listened. The sound was like nothing I had ever heard before. It seemed

as if a heavy-sledge hammer, or huge wooden mallet, carefully muffled in

wadding, was at work in the room _below me_. The stable clock struck

four. 'No mason,' thought I, 'no mason would commence his day's work at

four in the morning. Burglars, perhaps,' and I resolved to give alarm.

The noise suddenly ceased, and some three minutes afterward as suddenly

recommenced in the children's play-room immediately _above me_. 'Be they

whom they may they shall be disturbed.' And I began to dress in the dark

with all possible expedition. Some partial progress was made when the

noise ceased in the upper room and descended forthwith to my own. An

instant afterward it seemed to proceed from the library. In about twenty

minutes it ceased altogether.

"'No mason, no burglar,' was my conclusion. 'This noise has nothing in

common with either the one or the other. Did my old guide speak

accurately when he called this "The House of Mystery?" Whether it be such

or no, it is not the house for me. I can't sleep in it. I must flit; and

I will do so with the morning's light.'

"But with the morning's light came bright and cheerful faces, kindly

inquiries, and renewed hospitality, and with them an abandonment of my

menaced departure. During the day an opportunity presented itself of

mentioning to my young host the harassing disturbances of the night, and

asking for an explanation.

"'I can give none,' was his reply: 'after many years residence in the

house, and ceaseless endeavors to ascertain the cause of these

annoyances, you are as much _au fait_ of their origin as myself.'

"'Is their[*sic] no motive, adequate or inadequate,' I continued, 'which

can be assigned for these nightly visitations?'

"'None beyond the tradition--apparently authentic--that an ancestor of

ours, a man whose character will not bear investigation, met his death,

unfairly, in an old house on the site of which this is built. He was a

miser, and presumed to be extremely wealthy. He lived secluded from

society; his factotum and agent being an Italian valet, who was perfectly

aware of the ample means of his master. On a sudden my vicious kinsman

disappeared, and shortly afterward the valet. But the story

runs--tradition it must still be called--that the former was robbed,

brutally beaten, and finally _walled up_ in some recess by his desperate

retainer. So immured he died of actual starvation; but according to the

legend, much of the miser's wealth continued hidden about the mansion

which the Italian's fears prevented his carrying off, and which still

remains, snug and safe, in some dusty repository, ready to reward "a

fortunate speculator." I only wish,' continued he merrily, 'I could light

upon the hoard! Give me a clew, dear Newburgh, and I'll buy you a troop.'

"'At any rate,' said I, 'from the mirth with which you treat it, the

visitation is not unpleasant.'

"'You are in error,' said my entertainer; 'the subject is unquestionably

annoying, and one which my mother and the family studiously avoid. As for

your bed-room--the porch-room--I am aware that parties occupying it have

occasionally heard the strangest noises on the gravel-walk immediately

below them. Your hostess was most averse to those quarters being assigned

you; but I thought that the room being large and lofty, and the steps to

it few, you would occupy it with comfort. I am grieved that my

arrangement has proved disagreeable.' And then, finishing off with a

hearty laugh, in which, for the life of me I couldn't join, my host

added, '_if he be walled up_, I am sure you will say, Newburgh, that he's

a persevering old gentleman, and makes the most laudable efforts to get

out of his cell.'"

"The levity of some persons," was the major's grave aside, "how

inconceivable, how indescribable!"

"My visit," continued he, "lasted about a fortnight, during the whole of

which period, at intervals, the rapping was audible in different parts of

the house. It appeared to me however--I watched attentively--to come with

the greatest frequency from the hall. Thence it sounded as if an immense

mallet, muffled in feathers or cotton, was striking heavily on the floor.

The noise was generally heard between twelve and two. The blows sometimes

followed each other with great rapidity; at other times more slowly and

leisurely. One singularity of the visitation was this--that in whatever

part of the house you might be listening, the noise seemed to come from a

remote direction. If you heard the blows in the drawing-room, they

appeared to be given in the library. And if you heard them in the

library, they seemed to be falling in the nursery. The invisible workman

was busy always _at a distance_. Another feature was its locomotive

powers. It moved with the most extraordinary rapidity. Nothing that I

could think of--mice, rats, drains, currents of air, dropping of

water--would explain it. If the noise had been caused by the agency of

any one of these causes, it would have been heard in the day time. _It

never was_. Night was the season, and the only season in which the

ponderous, but invisible, mallet was wielded. Nothing could exceed the

kindness with which I was treated. No words can do justice to the

thoughtful and delicate hospitality which I received. But I declare to

you this mysterious visitation was too much for me. It was impossible to

listen to it at night without depression. Perhaps my nerves were

unstrung. The tone of my system might be enfeebled. The fault, I dare

say, was in myself. But to lie awake, as I often did, during long hours

from pain, and to hear this muffled, hollow, droning, mysterious noise

passing from room to room about the house--to listen to it now above me,

now below me, now quite close to my chamber door, and in a couple of

seconds rising up from the very center of the hall, and to be all the

while utterly unable to account for it, fevered me. I curtailed my visit;

but the nursing and kindness I received are graven in my memory. Bearing

all these matters in remembrance," said the major firmly; "recollecting

my own strange experience, how can I discredit Mr. Ancelôt's narrative?

_I firmly believe it_. We are surrounded by mysteries. The invisible

world enshrouds us. Spirits have their regards intently fixed on us, and

a very slight vail divides us. Spurn the vulgar error," said the old

veteran stoutly, "that a soldier must be a scoffer. I remember the holy

record, and its thrilling declaration; 'We are a spectacle unto angels

and unto men.'" A pause ensued, which neither of the listeners cared to

terminate. At length he spoke again. "The dews are falling. The last

pleasure-boat has landed its fair freight upon the Denne. The breeze from

the sea blows keenly, and warns us elderlies to think of our

night-possets and our pillows. Trevor, give me your arm. Happy dog! You

have no bullet in your back! May you never know the agony of existence

when even to move some dozen yards is torture!"

* * * * *

We should do our utmost to encourage the Beautiful, for the Useful

encourages itself.--_Goethe_.

* * * * *

[From the Ladies' Companion.]

THE LADY LUCY'S SECRET.

BY MRS. NEWTON CROSLAND.

"With clamourous demands of debt, broken bonds,

And the detention of long due debts,

Against my honor."--TIMON OF ATHENS

"How in the turmoil of life can love stand,

Where there is not one heart, and one mouth, and one hand?"

LONGFELLOW

In a charming morning-room of a charming London house, neighboring

Hyde-Park, there lounged over the breakfast-table a wedded pair,--the

rich merchant Farrars, and his young wife, the Lady Lucy. Five years of

married life had, in most respects, more than realized the brightest

hopes which had been born and cherished in the dreaming days of

courtship. Till the age of forty, the active mind of Walter Ferrars had

been chiefly occupied by business,--not in mean shuffling, speculative

dealings, but on the broad basis of large transactions and an almost

chivalrous system of integrity.

Then, when a secured position and the privileges of wealth had introduced

him to that inner circle of English society which not wealth _alone_ can

penetrate, but where wealth in some due proportion is an element

necessary to hold fast a place, it was thought most natural and proper

that he should choose a wife from the class which seems set apart from

the rest of womankind like the choice flowers of a conservatory, on whom

no rude breath must blow. The youthful, but nearly portionless, daughter

of a poor Earl seemed the very bride decreed by some good angel for the

merchant-prince.

But though the nuptials fulfilled nearly all the requirements of a

_mariage de convenance_, there was in reality very much more of the

ingredients in their hearts which amalgamate into very genuine "love,"

than always meet at the altar; though of course "the World" resolutely

refused to believe anything of the sort--the World, which is capable of

so much kindness, and goodness, and justice, among its individuals, taken

"separately and singly," and yet is such a false, malignant, many-headed

monster in its corporate body! Walter Ferrars had a warm heart, that

yearned for affection, as well as a clear head; and, fascinated as he had

been by the youthful grace and beauty, the high-bred repose of manner and

cultivated talents of the Lady Lucy, he set himself resolutely to win and

keep her girlish heart, not expecting that the man of forty was to obtain

it without an effort. Thus, when he assumed a husband's name, he did not

"drop the lover." His was still the watchful care, made up of the

thousand little thoughtful kindnesses of daily life, neither relaxed in a

_tête-à-tête_, nor increased in public. He was the pleased and ready

escort for every occasion, save only when some imperative business

claimed his time and presence; and these calls now were rare, for he had

long since arrived at the position when efficient servants and assistants

carry out the plans a superior has organized.

Is there wonder that the wife was grateful? Few--few women indeed are

insensible to the power of continued kindness; they may have a heart of

stone for the impetuous impulsive lover, but habitual tenderness-that

seems so unselfish--touches the finest chords of their nature, and

awakens affection that might have lain dormant through a long life, but

for this one sweet influence. Thus it was that the wife of five years

loved her husband with an almost adoring worship. She had felt her own

mind expand in the intimate communion with his fine intellect; she had

felt her own weaknesses grow less, as if she had absorbed some of his

strength of character; and she had recognised the very dawn of principles

and opinions which had been unknown to her in the days of her

thoughtless, ignorant, inexperienced girlhood. And yet with all her love,

with all her matured intelligence, she had never lost a certain awe of

her husband, which his seniority had perhaps first implanted, and alas!

one fatal circumstance had gone far to render morbid.

They sat at breakfast. It was early spring, and though the sunshine

streamed through the windows, and from one of them there crept the odors

of the conservatory, a bright fire gleamed and crackled in the grate; and

shed a charm of cheerfulness through the room. Mr. Ferrars had a

newspaper in his hand, but not yet had he perused a line, for his son and

heir, a brave boy of three years old, a very model of patrician beauty,

was climbing his large chair, playing antics of many sorts, and even

affecting to pull his father's still rich and curling hair, so little awe

had the young Walter of the head of the house--while Mr. Farrars'

parental glee was like a deep bass to the child's crowing laugh. Lady

Lucy smiled too, but she shook her head, and said more than once,

"Naughty papa is spoiling Watty." It was a pretty scene; the room was

redolent of elegance, and the young mother, in her exquisitely simple but

tasteful morning dress, was one of its chief ornaments. Who would think

that beneath all this sweetness of life there was still a serpent!

A post was just in, and a servant entered with several letters; among

those delivered to Lady Lucy were two or three large unsightly,

ill-shaped epistles, that seemed strange company for the others. An

observing stranger might have noticed that Lady Lucy's cheek paled, and

then flushed; that she crushed up her letters together, without

immediately opening them, and that presently she slid the ugly ones into

the pocket of her satin apron. Mr. Ferrars read his almost with a

glance--for they were masculine letters, laconic, and to the point,

conveying necessary information, in three lines and a half--and he

smiled, as after a while he observed his wife apparently intent on a

truly feminine epistle--four sides of delicate paper closely crossed--and

exclaimed gaily:

"My dear Lucy, there's an hour's reading for you, at least; so I shall

ring and send Watty to the nursery, and settle steadily to the _Times_."

But though Lady Lucy really perused the letter, her mind refused to

retain the pleasant chit-chat gossip it contained. Her thoughst[*sic]

were far away, and had she narrowly examined her motives she would have

known that she bent over the friendly sheet chiefly as an excuse for

silence, and to conceal her passing emotions. Meanwhile the newspaper

crackled in her husband's hand as he moved its broad leaves.

Presently Mr. Ferrars started with an exclamation of grief and

astonishment that completely roused his absent wife.

"My dear Walter, what has happened?" she asked, with great anxiety.

"A man a bankrupt, whom I thought as safe as the Bank of England. Though

it is true people talked about him months ago--spoke suspiciously of his

personal extravagance, and, above all, said that his wife was ruining

him."

"His wife!"

"Yes;--but I cannot understand that sort of thing. A few hundreds a year

more or less could be of little moment to a man like Beaufort, and I

don't suppose she spent more than you do, my darling. At any rate she was

never better dressed. Yet I believe the truth was, that she got

frightfully into debt unknown to him; and debt is a sort of thing that

multiplies itself in a most astonishing manner, and sows by the wayside

the seeds of all sorts of misery. Then people say that when pay-day came

at last, bickerings ensued, their domestic happiness was broken up.

Beaufort grew reckless, and plunged into the excitement of the maddest

speculations."

"How dreadful!" murmured Lady Lucy.

"Dreadful, indeed! I don't know what I should do with such a wife."

"Would not you forgive her if you loved her very much?" asked Lady Lucy,

and she spoke in the singularly calm tone of suppressed emotion.

"Once, perhaps, once; and if her fault were the fault of youthful

inexperience,--but so much falseness, mean deception, and mental

deterioration must have accompanied such transactions, that--in short, I

thank Heaven that I have never been put to the trial."

As he spoke, the eyes of Mr. Farrars were fixed on the leading article of

the _Times_, not on his wife. Presently Lady Lucy glided from the room,

without her absence being at the moment observed. Once in her

dressing-room she turned the key, and sinking into a low chair, gave vent

to her grief in some of the bitterest tears she had ever shed. She, too,

was in debt; "frightfully," her husband had used the right word;

"hopelessly," so far as satisfying her creditors even out of the large

allowance Mr. Farrars made her; and still she had not the courage

voluntarily to tell the truth, which yet she knew must burst upon him ere

long. From what small beginnings had this Upas shadow come upon her! And

what "falseness, mean deception, and mental deterioration" had truly been

hers!

Even the fancied relief of weeping was a luxury denied to her, for she

feared to show the evidence of tears; thus after a little while she

strove to drive them back, and by bathing her face before the glass, and

drawing the braids of her soft hair a little nearer her eyes, she was

tolerably successful in hiding their trace. Never, when dressing for

court or gala, had she consulted her mirror so closely; and now, though

the tears were dried; she was shocked at the lines of anguish--those

delvers of the wrinkles of age--which marked her countenance. She sat

before her looking-glass, one hand supporting her head, the other

clutching the hidden letters which she had not yet the courage to open.

There was a light tap at the door.

"Who is there?" inquired Lady Lucy.

"It is I, my lady," replied Harris, her faithful maid. "Madame Dalmas is

here."

Lady Lucy unlocked her door and gave orders that the visitor should be

shown up. With the name had come a flush of hope that some trifling

temporary help would be hers. Madame Dalmas called herself a

French-woman, and signed herself "Antoinette," but she was really an

English Jewess of low extraction, whose true name was Sarah Solomons.

Her "profession" was to purchase--and sell--the cast-off apparel of

ladies of fashion; and few of the sisterhood have carried the art of

double cheating to so great a proficiency. With always a roll of bank

notes in her old leathern pocket-book, and always a dirty canvas bag full

of bright sovereigns in her pocket, she had ever the subtle temptation

for her victims ready.

Madame Dalmas--for she must be called according to the name engraved on

her card--was a little meanly-dressed woman of about forty, with bright

eyes and a hooked nose, a restless shuffling manner, and an ill-pitched

voice. Her jargon was a mixture of bad French and worse English.

"Bon jour, miladi Lucy," she exclaimed, as she entered Lady Lucy's

sanctum, "need not inquire of health, you look si charmante. Oh, si

belle!--that make you wear old clothes so longer dan oder ladies, and

have so leetel for me to buy. Milady Lucy Ferrars know she look well in

anything, but yet she should not wear old clothes: no right--for

example--for de trade, and de hoosband always like de wife well

dressed--ha--ha!"

Poor Lady Lucy! Too sick at heart to have any relish for Madame Dalmas'

nauseous compliments, and more than half aware of her cheats and

falsehoods, she yet tolerated the creature from her own dire necessities.

"Sit down, Madame Dalmas," she said, "I am dreadfully in want of money;

but I really don't know what I have for you."

"De green velvet, which you not let me have before Easter, I still give

you four pounds for it, though perhaps you worn it very much since then."

"Only twice--only seven times in all--and it cost me twenty guineas,"

sighed Lady Lucy.

"Ah, but so old-fashioned--I do believe I not see my money for it.

Voyez-vous, de Lady Lucy is one petite lady--si jolie mais très petite.

If she were de tall grand lady, you see de great dresses could fit small

lady, but de leetle dresses fit but ver few."

"If I sell the green velvet I must have another next winter," murmured

Lady Lucy.

"Ah! vous avez raison--when de season nouveautés come in. I tell you

what--you let me have also de white lace robe you show me once, the same

time I bought from you one little old pearl brooch."

"My wedding-dress? Oh no, I cannot sell my wedding-dress!" exclaimed poor

Lady Lucy, pressing her hands convulsively together.

"What for not?--you not want to marry over again--I give you twenty-two

pounds for it."

"Twenty-two pounds!--why it is Brussels point, and cost a hundred and

twenty."

"Ah, I know--but you forget I perhaps keep it ten years and not sell--and

besides you buy dear; great lady often buy ver dear!" and Madame Dalmas

shook her head with the solemnity of a sage.

"No, no; I cannot sell my wedding-dress," again murmured the wife. And be

it recorded, the temptress, for once, was baffled; but at the expiration

of an hour, Madame Dalmas left the house, with a huge bundle under her

arm, and a quiet satisfaction revealed in her countenance, had any one

thought it worth while to study the expression of her disagreeable face.

Again Lady Lucy locked her door; and placing a bank-note and some

sovereigns on the table, she sank into a low chair, and while a few large

silent tears flowed down her cheeks, she at last found courage to open

the three letters which had hitherto remained unread in her apron pocket.

The first--the second, seemed to contain nothing to surprise her, however

much there might be to annoy--but it was different with that last: here

was a gross overcharge, and perhaps it was not with quite a disagreeable

feeling that Lady Lucy found something of which she could justly

complain. She rose hurriedly and unlocked a small writing-desk, which had

long been used as a receptacle for old letters and accounts.

To tell the truth, the interior of the desk did not present a very

orderly arrangement. Cards of address, bills paid and unpaid, copies of

verses, and papers of many descriptions, were huddled together, and it

was not by any means surprising that Lady Lucy failed in her search for

the original account, by which to rectify the error in her shoemaker's

bill. In the hurry and nervous trepidation which had latterly become

almost a constitutional ailment with her, she turned out the contents of

the writing-desk into an easy chair, and then kneeling before it, she set

herself to the task of carefully examining the papers. Soon she came to

one letter which had been little expected in that place, and which still

bore the marks of a rose, whose withered leaves also remained, that had

been put away in its folds. The rose Walter Ferrars had given her on the

eve of their marriage, and the letter was in his handwriting, and bore

but a few days earlier date. With quickened pulses she opened the

envelope; and though a mist rose before her eyes, it seemed to form into

a mirror in which she saw the by-gone hours. And so she read--and read.

It is the fashion to laugh at love-letters, perhaps because only the

silly ones come to light. With the noblest of both sexes such effusions

are sacred, and would be profaned by the perusal of a third person: but

when a warm and true heart is joined to a manly intellect; when reason

sanctions and constancy maintains the choice which has been made, there

is little doubt but much of simple, truthful, touching eloquence is often

to be found in a "lover's" letter. That which the wife now perused with

strange and mingled feelings was evidently a reply to some girlish

depreciation of herself, and contained these words:--

"You tell me that in the scanty years of your past life, you already look

back on a hundred follies, and that you have unnumbered faults of

character at which I do not even guess. Making some allowance for a

figurative expression, I will answer 'it may be so.' What then? I have

never called you an angel, and never desired you to be perfect. The

weaknesses which cling, tendril-like, to a fine nature, not unfrequently

bind us to it by ties we do not seek to sever. I know you for a

true-hearted girl, but with the bitter lessons of life still unlearned;

let it be my part to shield you from their sad knowledge,--yet whatever

sorrow or evil falls upon you, I must or ought to share. Let us have no

secrets; and while the Truth which gives its purest luster to your eye,

and its richest rose to your cheek, still reigns in your soul, I cannot

dream of a fault grave enough to deserve harsher rebuke than the kiss of

forgiveness."

What lines to read at such a moment! No wonder their meaning reached her

mind far differently than it had done when they were first received. Then

she could have little heeded it; witness how carelessly the letter had

been put away--how forgotten had been its contents.

Her tears had flowed in torrents, but Lucy Ferrars no longer strove to

check them. And yet there gleamed through them a brighter smile than had

visited her countenance for many a month. A resolve approved by all her

better nature was growing firm within her heart; and that which an hour

before would have seemed too dreadful to contemplate was losing half its

terrors. How often an ascent, which looks in the distance a bare

precipice, shows us, when we approach its face, the notches by which we

may climb!--and not a few of the difficulties of life yield to our will

when we bravely encounter them.

"Why did I fear him so much?" murmured Lady Lucy to herself. "I ought not

to have needed such an assurance as this to throw myself at his feet, and

bear even scorn and rebuke, rather than prolong the reign of falsehood

and deceit. Yes--yes," and gathering a heap of papers in her hand with

the "love-letter" beneath, she descended the stairs.

There is no denying that Lady Lucy paused at the library door--no denying

that her heart beat quickly, and her breath seemed well-nigh spent; but

she was right to act on the good impulse, and not wait until the new-born

courage should sink.

Mr. Ferrars had finished the newspaper, and was writing an unimportant

note; his back was to the door, and hearing the rustle of his wife's

dress, and knowing her step, he did not turn his head sufficiently to

observe her countenance, but he said, good-humoredly,

"At last! What have you been about? I thought we were to go out before

luncheon to look at the bracelet I mentioned to you."

"No, Walter--no bracelet--you must never give me any jewels again;" and

as Lady Lucy spoke she leaned against a chair for support. At such words

her husband turned quickly round, started up, and exclaimed.

"Lucy, my love!--in tears--what has happened?" and, finding that even

when he wound his arm around her she was still mute, he continued,

"Speak--this silence breaks my heart--what have I done to lose your

confidence?"

"Not you--I--" gasped the wife. "Your words at breakfast--this

letter--have rolled the stone from my heart--I must confess--the

truth--I am like Mrs. Beaufort--in debt--frightfully in debt." And with a

gesture, as if she would crush herself into the earth, she slipped from

his arms and sank literally on the floor.

Whatever pang Mr. Ferrars felt at the knowledge of her fault, it seemed

Overpowered by the sense of her present anguish--an anguish that proved

how bitter had been the expiation; and he lifted his wife to the sofa,

bent over her with fondness, called her by all the dear pet names to

which her ear was accustomed, and nearer twenty times than once gave her

the "kiss of forgiveness."

"And it is of you I have been frightened!" cried Lady Lucy, clinging to

his hand. "You who I thought would never make any excuses for faults you

yourself could not have committed!"

"I have never been tempted."

"Have I? I dare not say so."

"Tell me how it all came about," said Mr. Farrars, drawing her to him;

"tell me from the beginning."

But his gentleness unnerved her--she felt choking--loosened the collar of

her dress for breathing space-and gave him the knowledge he asked in

broken exclamations.

"Before I was married--it--began. They persuaded me so many--oh, so

many--unnecessary things--were--needed. Then they would not send the

bills--and I--for a long time--never knew--what I owed--and then--and

then--I thought I should have the power--but--"

"Your allowance was not sufficient?" asked Mr. Ferrars, pressing her hand

as he spoke.

"Oh, yes, yes, yes! most generous, and yet it was always forestalled to

pay old bills: and then--and then my wants were so many. I was so weak.

Madame Dalmas has had dresses I could have worn when I had new ones on

credit instead, and--and Harris has had double wages to compensate for

what a lady's maid thinks her perquisites; even articles I might have

given to poor gentlewomen I have been mean enough to sell. Oh, Walter! I

have been very wrong; but I have been miserable for at least three years.

I felt as if an iron cage were rising around me,--from which you only

could free me--and yet, till to-day, I think I could have died rather

than confess to you."

"My poor girl! Why should you have feared me? Have I ever been harsh?"

"Oh, no!--no--but you are so just--so strict in all these things--"

"I hope I am; and yet not the less do I understand how all this has come

about. Now, Lucy,--now that you have ceased to fear me--tell me the

amount."

She strove to speak, but could not.

"Three figures or four? tell me."

"I am afraid--yes, I am afraid four," murmured Lady Lucy, and hiding her

face from his view; "yes, four figures, and my quarter received last week

gone every penny."

"Lucy, every bill shall be paid this day; but you must reward me by being

happy."

"Generous! dearest! But, Walter, if you had been a poor man, what then?"

"Ah, Lucy, that would have been a very different and an infinitely sadder

story. Instead of the relinquishment of some indulgence hardly to be

missed, there might have been ruin, and poverty, and disgrace. You have

one excuse,--at least you knew that I could pay at last."

"Ah, but at what a price! The price of your love and confidence."

"No, Lucy--for your confession has been voluntary; and I will not ask

myself what I should have felt had the knowledge come from another. After

all, you have fallen to a temptation which besets the wives of the rich

far more than those of poor or struggling gentlemen. Tradespeople are

shrewd enough in one respect--they do not press their commodities and

long credit in quarters where ultimate payment seems doubtful--though--"

"They care not what domestic misery they create among the rich."

"Stay: there are faults on both sides, not the least of them being that

girls in your station are too rarely taught the value of money, or that

integrity in money matters should be to them a point of honor second only

to one other. Now listen, my darling, before we dismiss this painful

subject forever. You have the greatest confidence in your maid, and

_entre nous_ she must be a good deal in the secret. We shall bribe her to

discretion, however, by dismissing Madame Dalmas at once and forever. As

soon as you can spare Harris, I will send her to change a check at

Coutts', and then, for expedition and security, she shall take on the

brougham and make a round to these tradespeople. Meanwhile, I will drive

you in the phaeton to look at the bracelet."

"Oh, no-no, dear Walter, not the bracelet."

"Yes--yes--I say yes. Though not a quarrel, this is a sorrow which has

come between us, and there must be a peace-offering. Besides I would not

have you think that you had reached the limits of my will, and of my

means to gratify you."

"To think that I could have doubted--that I could have feared you!"

sobbed Lady Lucy, as tears of joy coursed down her cheeks. "But, Walter,

it is not every husband who would have shown such generosity."

"I think there are few husbands, Lucy, who do not estimate truth and

candor as among the chief of conjugal virtues:--ah, had you confided in

me when first you felt the bondage of debt, how much anguish would have

been spared you!"

* * * * *

JONES ON CHANTREY.[A]

[Footnote A: _Sir Francis Chantrey, R. A.; Recollections of his Life,

Practice and Opinions_. By George Jones, R. A. London, Moxon, 1849.]

The criticisms of Literature in the _London Times_ are as clever in their

way as the other articles of that famous journal. It keeps a critic of

the Poe school for pretenders, and the following review of a recent life

of Chantrey the sculptor is in his vein. It embodies a just estimate of

the artist.

A good life of Chantrey would be a welcome and a serviceable contribution

to the general store. Chantrey was a national sculptor in the sense that

Burns was a national poet. His genius, of the highest order, indicated

throughout his career the nature of the soil in which it had been

cherished. As man and artist he was essentially British. By his own

unassisted strength he rose from the ranks, and achieved the highest

eminence by the simplest and most legitimate means. His triumph is at

once a proof of his power, and an answer to all who, instead of putting

shoulder to the wheel, console their mediocrity by railing against the

cold exclusiveness of aristocratic institutions.

Chantrey began life in a workshop. A friend, toward the close of the

artist's life, passing through his studio, was struck by a head of

Milton's Satan lying in a corner. "That head," said Chantrey to his

visitor, "was the very first thing that I did after I came to London.

I worked at it in a garret, with a paper cap on my head, and, as I could

then afford only one candle, I stuck that one in my cap that it might

move along with me, and give me light whichever way I turned." A still

severer school of discipline had, previously to his appearance in the

London garret, given his mind the practical turn chiefly characteristic

of his life and works. He was born in 1782, at Norton, in Derbyshire, and

when eight years old lost his father. His mother married again, and in

1798 proposed to apprentice him to a solicitor in Sheffield. Whilst

walking through that town the boy saw some wood carving in a shop window.

His good angel was with him at the moment, and stood his friend. Chantrey

begged to be made a carver, and he was accordingly apprenticed to a Mr.

Ramsay, a wood carver in Sheffield.

At the house of his master the apprentice often met Mr. Raphael Smith,

known for his admirable crayon drawings. The acquaintance led to a more

refined appreciation of art, and excited in the youth so strong a desire

to cultivate it in a higher sphere, that at the age of 21 he gave to his

master the whole of his wealth, amounting to £50, to cancel his

indentures. Had he waited patiently for six months longer, his liberty

would have been his own, unbought. Leaving the carver's shop Chantrey

began to study in earnest. He painted a few portraits, which brought him

in a little money, and, with a little more borrowed from his friends, he

started for London. Here, guided by common sense, he sought employment as

an assistant carver. He might have starved had he started as a

professional painter.

Whilst laboring for subsistence Chantrey still used his brush, and also

laid the foundation of his coming success by making models in clay of the

human figure. He would hang, says his present biographer, pieces of

drapery on these models, "that he might get a perfect knowledge of the

way, and the best way, that it should be represented. In this manner he

was accustomed to work, and when he had completed one figure or mass of

drapery he pulled it down and began to model another from drapery

differently arranged; for at that time he never did anything without

nature or the material being before him." In 1808 Chantrey's first

imaginative work was exhibited. We have already mentioned it. It was the

head of Satan produced in the garret.

For eight years, according to Chantrey himself, he did not gain £5 by his

modeling. A fortunate commission, however--the bust of Horne

Tooke--finally obtained for him other commissions, amounting altogether

To £12,000. In 1811 "he married his cousin Miss Wale; with this lady he

received £10,000; this money enabled him to pay off some debts he had

contracted, to purchase a house and ground, on which he built two houses,

a studio and offices, and also to buy marble to proceed in the career he

had begun." In 1812 he executed for the city of London a statue in marble

of George III., placed in the council-chamber of Guildhall, and in 1817

he produced the exquisite monument--not to be surpassed for tenderness of

sentiment and poetic beauty--of the two children whose death this piece

of sculpture now commemorates in Lichfield cathedral. With this

achievement the race was won. In 1818 he was elected an associate of the

Royal Academy, and as soon after as the practice of the Academy admitted

he was elevated to the rank of Academican.

From this period until his death, in 1841, the career of the sculptor was

a series of noble and well rewarded efforts. He amassed a fortune, which

at his death he bequeathed to the Royal Academy for the promotion of

British art. He was a favored subject of three successive Sovereigns, and

the friend and companion of the most illustrious among his

contemporaries. His death was somewhat singular. For two years he had

been in a declining state of health, but his condition had given his

friends no immediate alarm. On the 22d of November he wrote to Sir

Charles Clarke, from Norwich, expressing his intention to go to town on

the following day, and announcing an invitation to Audley-end, which he

had accepted for the 8th of the following month. On Thursday, the 25th of

November, a friend called at his house in London, between 5 and 6

o'clock, and was pressed to dine. As he could not do so, Chantrey

accompanied his visitor on his way home as far as Buckingham Palace,

complaining on the way of a slight pain in the stomach, but at the same

time receiving his friend's condolences with jokes and laughter. The

clock struck 7 when the friends shook hands and parted. At 9 Chantrey was

dead.

Let us regard Chantrey from what point we may, the features that present

themselves to the observer bear the same unmistakable stamp. As sculptor

and as man, at home or abroad, in his serious recreations or pleasurable

pursuits, in his temper and social bearing, Francis Chantrey was a

thorough Englishman. Heaven endowed him with genius, and his sound sense

enabled him to take the precious gift as a blessing. Sheffield, that

reared him, had no cause to be uneasy on his account; the prudence and

shrewdness of the North were admirably mingled with the aesthetic

qualities of the South. In the pocketbook which accompanied the sculptor

on his Italian tour, notes were found referring to the objects of art

visited on the way, and in the same tablet were accurate accounts of

expenditure and the current prices of marble. Avoiding as much as

possible the treatment of purely poetical subjects, Chantrey by the

force of simplicity idealized the most ordinary topics. He shrank from

allegory by a natural instinct, yet his plain unadorned forms have the

elevation and charm of a figurative discourse. "Chantrey," says Mr.

Jones.

"Cast aside every extrinsic recommendation, and depended entirely on form

and effect. He took the greatest care that his shadows should tell boldly

and in masses. He was cautious in introducing them, and always reduced

them as much as might be compatible with the complete development of the

figure. He never introduced a fold that could be dispensed with, rarely

deviated from long lines, and avoided abrupt foldings. His dislike to

ornament in sculpture was extreme."

In architecture he liked it no better. Superfluous embellishment in this

branch of art he held to be either concealment of inability or a

development of puerile taste. Fine buildings, he asserted, must still be

fine, if divested of every ornament and left altogether bare. Apparent

artlessness is the consummation of art. The busts of Chantrey bear

immortal testimony to the fact.

The manly and courageous view which Chantrey took of his duties as an

artist sustained him in every attempt he made to impress that view upon

his works. He is described as "shrinking from no difficulty," as being

"deterred by no embarrassment that labor, assiduity, and good sense could

surmount." His independence was as great as his energy, and both smacked

of the Saxon blood in his veins. The manner of the sculptor was rough and

unceremonious, but he exhibited as little coarseness in his demeanor as

in the massive figures of his chisel, which might offend some by their

heaviness, but which gratified all by their undoubted grandeur and

dignity. The quiet yet splendid generosity of Chantrey was equally

characteristic of his country. He assisted the needy largely and

unobtrusively. Instances of his bounty are on record which would do honor

to the wealthiest patron of art. How much more luster do they shed upon

the indefatigable day-laborer? If we follow the sculptor from his studio

to the open fields, he is still national to the backbone. He escapes from

London to pass days with his rod at the river side, or to walk with his

gun on his arm "from 10 o'clock until half-past 4 without feeling the

least fatigue." Yesterday he killed two salmon in the Conway, at

Llanrwst, and to-day he kills "28 hares, 8 pheasants, 4

partridges--total, 40 head, all from my own gun." Visit him at home and

e is the prince of hospitality. His dinners are of the best, and he is

never happier than when presiding at them. Like an Englishman, he was

proud of the illustrious society his success enabled him to summon around

him, and, like an Englishman too, he had greater pride still in dwelling

upon the humbleness of his origin, and in recounting the history of his

difficult journey from struggling obscurity to worldwide renown.

Now, what we contend for is--without presuming ourselves to attempt

anything like a worthy portraiture of Francis Chantrey--that here,

ready-made to the hand of any man competent to the task of illustrating a

life full of instruction for the rising brotherhood of art, is a subject

which it behooved the Royal institution that has so largely profited by

Chantrey's liberality and fame, not to neglect, much less throw away. The

book which we have taken for the foundation of this notice, written by a

Royal Academician, is a disgrace to the Royal Academy. Is then, we ask,

no single member of that gifted body competent to say a word or two in

plain English for the departed sculptor, that such a melancholy

exhibition of helplessness must needs be sent forth as a tribute from

excellence to excellence? The life of Chantrey properly written could not

but prove of the utmost value to Englishmen, and simply because it is the

career of a man attaining the highest distinction by means thoroughly

understood by his countrymen, and by the exercise of an intellect at all

times under the salutary influence of a wholesale national bias. Jones on

Chantrey is Jenkins on Milton; the poet of Moses and Son upon the

_Inferno_ of Dante--the ridiculous limping after the sublime.

The great aim of Mr. George Jones, R.A., in his present undertaking,

seems to have been to exhibit his own vast erudition and his great

command of the hard words of his native tongue. Indeed, he quotes so much

Greek and Latin, and talks so finely, that it is only to be regretted

that he does not now and then come down from his stilts in order to

gratify himself with a little intelligible English and his readers with

some homely grammar. It will be our painful duty to submit to the

reader's notice a specimen or two of Mr. Jones' peculiar style, which,

together with the profound simplicity of his original remarks, make up as

curious a production as it has ever fallen to our lot to read and to

criticise.

When our old friend, M. Soyer, declared his conviction that "to die is a

religious duty which every human being owes to his Creator," and that

when the parents of a family are suddenly cut off, the unfortunate event

"not only affects the children personally, but their future generations,

by destroying all the social comfort which generally exists in such

families, and probably would cause misery to exist instead of happiness,"

it occurred to us that sterner truisms in more naked guise it would be

difficult to produce. We had not then read Jones. _His_ self-evident

propositions are perfectly astounding. Here are a few of them.

"Chantrey believed that the mind and morals are improved by the

contemplation of beautiful objects." Who could have supposed it?

"Chantrey was convinced that variety in building, if under the guidance

of good sense and propriety, tends much to the beauty of a country." Is

it possible? "Chantrey believed that all which has been done may be

exceeded _when genius and ability are equal to the task_, for as Raphael

has surpassed the lay-figure art of most of his predecessors, so no

reason exists why Raphael should not be surpassed." Had he never spoken

again, this idea would have procured him a niche next to Francis Bacon.

The sculptor actually believed that even the glories of the past may be

outdone when there are genius and ability enough in the world to surpass

them! Will Mr. Jones favor us with the day and precise moment at which

this wonderful conception entered the great sculptor's mind? We should

like to record it. "Chantrey felt that the blind adoration of right and

wrong was likely to mislead the public." We really think we have heard

the remark before. "Chantrey referred every object to the Creator of all,

and admired without limit the works of the Great Artificer, from the

smallest leaf to the noblest production, and in his mundane calling

aimed at an imitation of that excellence of beauty which nature has

displayed." There is nothing like getting at the idiosyncrasies of the

famous. Since Chantrey, according to Jones, has set the example of

referring creation to a creator, and of studying nature when be wished to

imitate her, we can only trust that the practice may henceforward be

universally adopted. Chantrey was of opinion--no, we mistake, this is

Jones' own--Jones is of opinion that "although the literary education of

artists ought to be as extensive as possible, yet they may sometimes

require the assistance of those whose opportunities and abilities have

enabled them to make a deeper research." Finely said. Jones is a case in

point. We do not know the extent of his literary education, but whatever

it be, the assistance of Lindley Murray would, we are certain, be of

infinite service to him at this moment.

We forget how many thousands of pounds, poor Chantrey left to the Royal

Academy. Jones never tires of lauding the Academy by referring to the

munificent bequests; yet this, we repeat, is the return made by that

favored institution, in the person of one of its chief members, to the no

less distinguished and generous donor. The life of Chantrey would not

have been difficult in the hands of a moderately informed artist. "Dear

Jones, we wanted a man of taste (d--n taste), we mean judgment," and your

professed regard for your friend should not have rested content until it

had found one.

* * * * *

SONG.

BY R. H. STODDARD.

I've left my native home afar,

Beyond the dark blue main;

And many a mouth may come and go

Ere I return again:

But months and years must come and go

As rolling waves depart,

Ere I forget to give you all

A home within my heart!

I come to you as swallows come,

Across the stormy foam;

My chief delight in alien lands,

To sing my songs of home:

Nor will I once regret my home

And all the sea that parts,

If you will only give me now

A home within your hearts!

* * * * *

[From the Athenaeum.]

VIRGINIA TWO HUNDRED YEARS AGO.[A]

[Footnote A: The Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia;

expressing the Cosmographie and Comodities of the Country, togither with

the Manners and Customes of the People. Gathered and observed as well by

those who went first thither as collected by William Strachey, Gent, the

first Secretary of the Colony. Now first edited from the original

Manuscript, in the British Museum, by R. H. Major, Esq., of the British

Museum. Printed for the Hakluyt Society.]

This is a suggestive book, with its prophetic motto,--its dedication to

Lord Bacon, the fit patron of discoverers,--and its curious map,

"described by Captayn John Smith," adorned with ships, and huge whales,

and all the land so closely dotted over with tall trees and

molehill-sized mountains, and here and there the mark of an Indian

settlement just visible. Worthy William Strachey, Gent., what would be

his surprise to look over a map of Virginia Britannia,-that "ample tract

of land" with "sufficient space and ground enough to satisfie the most

covetous,"--in the year 1850; and to mark the teeming and busy

population, the steamboats that navigate the "five faire and delightfull

navigable rivers" within the Chesapeake Bay, the railroads that intersect

the whole country and the vast human tide still pouring westward?

"This shall be written for the generation to come," is his motto; and

interesting it is to the reader to follow him in his narrative of the

toils and privations of the good company to which he was secretary, and

in his full and minute account of the produce of the country, and its

strange inhabitants. Who William Strachey was, Mr. Major, notwithstanding

all his diligence, has not been able to ascertain. In his dedication to

Lord Bacon, he describes himself as having been "one of the Graies-Inne

Societe," and his narrative affords ample proof of his being a man of

learning and worth: but of his family, the date of his birth or of his

death, we have no record.

The earlier attempts to colonize North America were numerous, but all

unfavorable. "Divers voyages" were made thither from the year 1578 to the

close of the reign of Elizabeth, but without success; nor were the first

adventurers in the reign of her successor more fortunate.

"At the time of the death of Queen Elizabeth, one hundred and eleven

years subsequent to the great discovery of the Western World by Columbus,

the Spaniards, on whose behalf his discovery had been made, were the sole

permanent settlers in this wide and wealthy continent. In 1606, the

French began to make settlements in Canada and Acadie, now Nova Scotia,

but it was not till 1607 that the enterprise, which was finally destined

to lay the foundation of British occupancy of American soil, was

undertaken. Twenty-three years had expired since the patent has been

granted to Sir Walter Raleigh to discover and take possession, with

little less than royal privileges, of remote heathen and barbarous lands,

hitherto not actually possessed by any Christian prince; and yet not an

acre of American soil had hitherto become the property of the

English..... It was shortly after this period, viz., A° 1605-6, that

Richard Hakluyt, the '_presidium et dulce decus_' of our Society, to

whom, as Robertson justly remarks, 'England is more indebted for its

American possessions than to any man of that age,' used influential

arguments with various gentlemen of condition, to induce them to present

a petition to King James to grant them patents for the settlement of two

plantations on the coast of North America. This petition issued in the

concession of a charter, bearing date the 10th of April 1606, by which

the tract of country lying between the thirty-forth and forty-fifth

degrees of latitude was to be divided into nearly equal portions, between

two companies; that occupying the southern portion to be called the first

colony (subsequently named the London Company), and that occupying the

northern, to be called the second colony (subsequently named the Plymouth

Company). The patent also vested in each colony a right of property over

fifty miles of the land, extending along the coast each side of the point

of first occupation, and a hundred miles inland. The chief adventurers

in the London or South Virginian Company, with which as the first

settlement we now have principally to do, were Sir Thomas Gates, Sir

George Somers, Richard Hakluyt, and Edward Maria Wingfield. The command

of the expedition was committed to Captain Newport."

"By a strange caprice of the king, these instructions were sent carefully

sealed up and inclosed in a box, not to be opened till their arrival in

Virginia." Thus, destitute of a leader at the time when they most needed

one, they chose the gallant Captain John Smith, so well known from "the

romantic tale of his own life and Englishmen's lives, for his sake, being

saved once and again, by the personal devotion of the generous but

ill-requited Pocahontas." Under him the first permanent settlement of the

English in America was effected, and James Town built. In 1609 the

expedition under Lord Delaware set out; and "under his enlightened and

beneficent auspices the colony soon assumed a wholesome and active

appearance." Ill health, however, compelled him within two years to

return to England: but Sir Thomas Dale arriving soon after, with a fresh

supply of emigrants, the colony continued prosperous, its affairs

subsequently retrograded; and Lord Delawarr again went out in the year

1618,--but unfortunately only to die, near the bay which still bears his

name.

"Finally it was not till 1620, after so many abortive efforts had been

made both by Government and powerful bodies to form an establishment in

North Virginia, that at length it received, under unexpected

circumstances, an influx of settlers which soon rendered it by far the

most prosperous of all colonies in North America. This was the emigration

of a large band of Puritans, who suffering under the intolerance of the

English Government, on account of non-conformity, first passed into

Holland, and afterward found an asylum in America."

The "Historie" very properly begins with a description of the land.-the

fruitfulness of which is dwelt on; and a hint is given of the probability

that even gold may be discovered,--and "sure it is that some mineralls

have ben there found." "The temperature of the country" "doth well agree

with the English constitutions;" and moreover, not only all "needful

fruits and vegetables which we transport from hence and plant there

thrive and prosper well," but vines and tobacco and oranges, and probably

sugar-canes, will grow there,--for the soil is "aromaticall," and

moreover abounds with medicinal plants and drugs. All this is the

favorable side of the picture;--but then, "the savages and men of Ind"

whose strange appearance and barbarous usages had excited so much fearful

curiosity at home!--Why, says Master Strachey. "let me truly saie, how

they never killed man of ours, but by our men's owne folly and

indiscretion, suffering themselves to be beguiled and enticed up into

their howses without their armes; for fierce and cunning as they are,

still they stand in great awe of us." Among them the Sasquesahanougs

"came to the discoverers with skynns, bowes, arrowes, and tobacco

pipes"--doubtless the calumet of peace "for presents." But the chief

object of interest is, "the great King Powhatan."--already well known by

the name as the father of the interesting Indian girl, Pocahontas; "the

greatnes and boundes of whose empire, by reason of his powerfulnes and

ambition in his youth, hath larger lymitts than ever had any of his

predicessors."

"The great King" was not deficient in that important mark of royalty-and

which doubtless corroborated the opinion, then widely prevailing, that

these Indians were of eastern origin--a goodly number of wives. Indeed,

"he is supposed to have many more than one hundred, all of which he doth

not keepe, yet as the Turk, in one seraglia or howse, but hath an

appointed number, which reside still in every their severall places,

amongst whome, when he lyeth on his bedd, one sittith at his head and

another at his feet; but when he sitteth at meat, or in presenting

himself to any straungers, one sittetn on his right hand, and another on

his leaft." And here we have the picture of the great Powhatan, sitting

pipe in hand, "the very moral," feather-head-dress and all, of the

protecting genius of the tobacconist's shop, with a rather pretty-looking

wife on each side and twenty more, laughingly huddled round a huge fire,

at his feet. His family was rather patriarchal; consisting at this time

of twenty sons and ten daughters, besides "a young one, a great darling,"

and Pocahontas, "now married to a private captain." Some of his

"weroances," or under governors, took somewhat of kingly state on them,

and so did their favorite wives. One, a very handsome "savadge woman,"

took on her "a shewe of greatnes" in this manner.--

"I was once early at her howse (yt being sommer tyme), when she was layed

without dores, under the shadowe of a broad-leaved tree, upon a pallet of

osiers, spred over with four or five fyne gray matts, herself covered

with a fare white drest deare skynne or two; and when she rose, she had a

mayd who fetcht her a frontall of white currall, and pendants of great

but imperfect couloured and worse drilled pearles, which she put into her

eares, and a chayne, with long lyncks of copper, which they call

Tapoantaminais, and which came twice or thrice about her neck, and they

accompt a jolly ornament; and sure thus attired, with some variety of

feathers and flowers stuck in their haires, they seeme as _debonaire_

quaynt, and well pleased as (I wis) a daughter of the howse of Austria

behune [decked] with all her jewells; likewise her mayd fetcht her a

mantell, which, they call puttawus, which is like a side cloak, made of

blew feathers, so arteficyally and thick sewed togither, that it seemed

like a deepe purple satten, and is very smooth and sleeke; and after she

brought her water for her hands, and then a braunch or twoo of fresh

greene asshen leaves, as for a towell to dry them. I offend in this

digression the willinger, since these were ceremonyes which I did little

looke for, carrying so much presentetnent of civility."

The description of the Indian dress does not differ from the modern

accounts; the style of the "ear-rings," however, seems to have interested

Strachey greatly,--especially the "wild beast's claws" stuck in, and,

above all, "a small greene and yellow-colored live snake, neere half a

yard in length, crawling and lapping himself about his neck." Truly, we

can scarcely be surprised that the early settlers looked with suspicion

on men who wore such unchristian-like ornaments, and that they more than

suspected them to be in league with "the old serpent." A full description

is given of their modes of hunting and fishing; and also of their

amusements,--especially their dances, which resemble those of "frantique

and disquieted bachanalls." The writer was not able to obtain much

information as to their religion. From some scattered hints, it seems to

have resembled the Mexican, both in the human sacrifices and in the

secrecy attending them. They also used a sort of embalming for their

kings, whose bodies were kept in one of their temples.

Their principal temple "is at Vtamussack, proper to Powhatan, upon the

top of certaine red sandy hills; and it is accompanied by two others

sixty feet in length, filled with images of their kings and deviles, and

tombes of the predecessors. This place they count so holy as that none

but the priests and kings dare come therein." They are not observed to

keep any specific days of devotion; but from time to time the whole

population assemble "to make a great fier in the house or fields, and all

to sing and daunce about yt, in a ring like so many fayries, with rattles

and showtes." This points to an eastern source: so does the following:

"They have also divers conjurations: one they made at what tyme they had

taken Captain Smyth prisoner, to know, as they reported, if any more of

his countrymen would arrive there, and what they intended; the manner of

yt Captain Smyth observed to be as followeth: first, soe sone as daie was

shut in, they kindled a faire great fier in a lone howse, about which

assembled seven priests, takinge Captain Smyth by the hand, and

appointing him his seat; about the fier they made a kynd of enchanted

circle of meale; that done, the chiefest priest, attyred as is expressed,

gravely began to sing and shake his rattle, solemly rownding and marching

about the fier, the rest followed him silently untill his song was done,

which they all shutt up with a groane. At the end of the first song the

chief priest layd downe certaine graines of wheat, and so continuyed

howling and invoking their okeus to stand firme and powerful to them in

divers varieties of songs, still counting the songs by their graynes,

untill they had circled the fier three tymes, then they devided the

graynes by certaine number with little sticks, all the while muttering

some ympious thing unto themselves, oftentymes looking upon Captain

Smyth. In this manner they contynued ten or twelve howers without any

other ceremonies or intermission, with such violent stretching of their

armes, and various passions, jestures, and simptoms, as might well seeme

stang to him before whom they so conjured, and who every hower expected

to be the hoast and one of their sacrifice. Not any meat did they eat

untill yt was very late, and the night far spent. About the rising of the

morning starr they seemed to have finished their work of darknes, and

then drew forth such provision as was in the said howse, and feasted

themselves and him with much mirth."

Some part of this narrative reminds us of the conjurations of the

Scandinavian prophetess--before she poured forth "the Runic rhyme," as

related by Bartolinus; we wish the writer had mentioned whether they

moved eastward or westward. The prophetess we have just alluded to,

grasped her staff carved with Runic characters, all the time, and singing

a low monotonous chant, she proceeded, _contrary_ to the course of the

sun, round and round the charmed fire. The coincidence is, however,

striking.

The first book ends with a high eulogy on the capabilities of the

country; the probability of its containing great mineral wealth, as well

as the certainty of its yielding abundant produce, "for yt hath (even

beside necessary helpes, and commodities for life) apparent proufs of

many naturall riches." The second book gives a very interesting account

of the various attempts to colonize this portion of America, from the

time of the discovery to the expedition of Lord Delawarr,--of which Mr.

Major has given an excellent epitome in his introduction.

Looking at the period when this work was probably written, and especially

at the arguments used by the earnest writer, we cannot but think it

likely that it may have aided the Pilgrim Fathers in their determination

to seek on the farther shores of the Atlantic that freedom which was

denied them here. Although in manuscript, it may have been well known;

for we have several instances of copies being made of works not intended

for the press. In this instance, two copies are still extant; and the

circumstance of that in the Ashmolean Collection being dedicated to Sir

Allen Apsley, Lucy Hutchinson's father, affords strong probability that

it would soon become known to the Puritans, since the wife of Sir

Allen,--as we learn from her daughter's delightful memoir,--was a warm

adherent to their cause. The incidental benefits which Strachey

anticipates for the natives by their intercourse with civilized and

Christian people were strongly dwelt on by the exiles at Amsterdam; and

the very motto on the title-page of the work before us--"This shall be

written for the generation to come: and the people which shall be created

shall praise the Lord"--was so often used by them, that in the record of

their settlement at Plymouth it might almost have been taken for _their_

motto. If such were the case, if the book before us gave, indeed, the

impulse to that devoted band of settlers, how mighty was its

influence:--for seldom have greater destinies been enshrined in a frail

bark than those that freighted the May-flower!--Mr. Major merits much

commendation for his careful editorship and his illustrative notes: nor

should the excellent etchings by his lady be overlooked, inasmuch as they

give additional interest to a very interesting volume.

* * * * *

[From the Times.]

THE GREAT LORD MANSFIELD.

Lord Campbell has learned to take a broad and manly view of the

Profession which his own erudition adorns. In his temporary retirement he

paid homage to literature; and literature, as is her wont, rewards her

worshiper by extending his vision and emancipating his mind. A more

intimate acquaintance with the transactions and passions of the past, a

disinterested and unbiased survey of the lives and triumphs of his

illustrious predecessors, has prepared our present Chief Justice for his

eminence by teaching him, above all things, that judicial fame does not

arise from a dull though perfect knowledge of the technicalities of law,

and that there is all the difference in the world between a splendid

ambition and the groveling prosecution of an ignoble trade.

It is certainly not extraordinary that the life of the great Earl of

Mansfield has been contemplated by his biographer until a sense of

humility has been engendered, and eloquent admiration for transcendent

intelligence evoked. From among a host this luminary stands forth.

Faultless he was not, as we shall presently see; but his failings,

whatever they may have been, in no way obscured the luster of a genius

that gave sublimity to the most prosaic of pursuits, and, in the teeth of

prejudice, vindicated law against the toils of the narrow-minded and the

opprobrium of ages. What Bacon proved to philosophy Mansfield in his day

became, in a measure, to his own cherished science; and, as Coke affected

commiseration for the author of the _Novum Organum_, so the fettered

slaves of forms and rules in later times pitied and reproached Lord

Mansfield for his declared unconquerable preference for the spirit of

justice to the unilluminated letter of the law.

Nature and education prepared William Murray for the very highest

forensic distinction, and his career is chiefly remarkable for the

certain, though gradual steps, by which he reached it. His success was

the legitimate and logical result of the means sedulously taken to obtain

it. Had William Murray failed to win his race, it would have been because

he had dropped down dead on the course, or violent hands had forbidden

his progress. The conditions of victory were secured at starting, in his

own person, let the competitors be whom they might. The spirit of the boy

was as ambitious of worldly glory as the spirit of the man looked for

undying fame; from first to last, from the beginning of the century until

the close of it, the same application, the same aptitude, the same

self-devotion, and the same clear, unruffled, penetrating judgment, were

visible in Mansfield's useful and protracted life.

The younger son of a poor Scotch lord, whose family favored the Stuart

cause, William Murray quitted his school at Perth on the 15th of March,

1718, being then thirteen years of age, and started on the back of a pony

for the city of London. His destination was the house of an apothecary,

who, emigrating from Perth, had settled in London, and was now

commissioned to see the son of his former patron safely deposited at

Westminster School, where it was hoped the young student would win, in

due time, his Oxford scholarship. Upon the 8th of May, just two months

after the journey was commenced, the pony completed his task, and the

rider resolutely began his own. He soon distinguished himself by his

classical attainments, and, according to Mr. Welsby, "his superiority was

more manifest in the declamations than in any of the other exercises

prescribed by the regulations of the school." In May, 1723, after a

severe examination, William Murray took his place as first on the list

of King's scholars who were to proceed to Christ Church.

At Oxford the student determined to go to the bar, and through the

generosity of the first Lord Foley, who supplied him with funds, he was

enabled to follow a profession for which, as he himself said, he felt "a

calling." He had not been at Oxford a year before he became a member of

the Hon. Society of Lincoln's inn, although he did not begin to keep his

terms there until he had taken his bachelor's degree. At college William

Murray was as diligent as he had been at school, and, intent upon renown,

he took care to make all study subservient to the one great object of his

life. He read whatever had been written on the subject of

oratory,--translated into English every oration of Cicero, and

retranslated it into Latin, until every thought and expression of the

illustrious example was familiar to his mind. He applied himself

vigorously to original composition, and strengthened his intellect by the

perusal of works which do not ordinarily fall within the college course.

He was still at Oxford in 1727, the year of George the First's death, and

became the successful competitor for a prize when the students of the

University were called upon, in the name of the Muses, to mourn over the

urn of the departed Cæsar,--"of that Cæsar," as Mr. Macaulay has it, "who

could not read a line of Pope, and who loved nothing but punch and fat

women." A rival poet upon this occasion was a lad from Eton.

Disappointment and vexation at defeat, it is said, rankled in this boy's

bosom, and opened a wound which closed only with life. Be this as it may,

the classic rivalry begun at school between Pitt and Murray became fiery

strife between Chatham and Mansfield, fit for a civilized world to

witness and to profit by.

From Christ Church to Lincoln's-inn was a transfer of abode, scarcely a

change of habits or of life. Murray was four years nearer to his goal,

but that goal had still to be reached, and could only be won by untiring,

patient, and ceaseless endeavor. At Oxford he had attended lectures on

the _Pandects of Justinian_, "which gave him a permanent taste for that

noble system of jurisprudence." In his chambers he made himself

thoroughly acquainted with ancient and modern history, applied himself

diligently to ethics, to the study of Roman civil law, the foundation of

jurisprudence, of international law, and of English municipal law. No

drudgery was too laborious, no toil too dull. Expecting, from his

northern connections, to be employed in appeals from Scotland, he made

himself master of the law of that country, and when he was not engaged in

these and similar pursuits, or at the Courts of Westminster listening to

judgments, he would take his chief of all delights in the company of the

juridical writers of France, "that he might see how the Roman and feudal

laws had been blended in the different provinces of that kingdom." Not a

moment was lost in making preparations for the victory which it was the

purpose of his life to win.

Technical knowledge, however, came to enlighten and inform, not to burden

and oppress. The mind of Murray rejoiced in freedom and exercised itself

in light. Text-books were his handmaidens, he was not their slave. The

exclusive labors of the great masters of his craft occupied his hours,

but he still found time for other more interesting lore common to

mankind. Craig, Bracton, Littleton, and Coke, all in their turns were

trusty counselors and dear companions, but as welcome as any to his

studious hearth was the living presence of Alexander Pope. Murray, while

at Westminster, had been introduced to the great poet, and had been

charmed by his exquisite powers of conversation. Pope was no less struck

by the accomplished genius of the young Scot, "the silvery tones of whose

voice," it is said, fell like a charm upon every ear. Pope, anxious for

the success of the youth, visited him at his chambers, in order to teach

him elocution. Once, says Lord Campbell, the young lawyer "was surprised

by a gay Templar in the act of practicing the graces of a speaker at a

glass, whilst Pope sat by in the character of preceptor." Teacher and

pupil would spend hours together thus occupied. Mr. Pope, writes Bishop

Warburton, "had all the warmth of affection for the great lawyer, and

indeed no man ever more deserved to have a poet for his friend."

In 1730 Murray paid a short visit to the continent, and on the 23d of

November in that year he was called to the bar in Lincoln's-inn hall.

Never was lawyer better armed for the battle of life. How he had

qualified himself for the practice of his profession we have attempted in

our narrow space to show. With a rooted attachment to that profession,

with a lofty ambition and noble desire to serve his country, and a

consciousness of strength equal to the bravest undertaking; with a mind

thoroughly imbued with the literature of Greece and Rome, as well as of

his own country; with a perfect understanding of the codes of every

civilized nation, ancient and modern; with an intimate knowledge and an

accurate appreciation of the peculiarities of our mixed constitution;

with a natural dignity of manner that commanded instant respect; with a

clear persuasive power of oratory that never failed to win the sympathy

of all to whom it was addressed; with a voice that in earlier days had

been compared to the note of the nightingale; with almost every

intellectual and physical gift which nature could confer, and with every

gift gratefully received and assiduously improved, William Murray stood

at the threshold of his career and waited calmly for his opportunity. It

is sufficient to say that the opportunity came. Twelve years after Murray

was called to the bar, he was appointed Solicitor-General by the

Government which had risen upon the downfall of Sir Robert Walpole, and

which knew how to estimate the value of so rare an acquisition.

The success of Murray in the House of Commons justified the reputation

which the new Solicitor-General had already attained at the bar. His

first speech, as member for Boroughbridge, fixed his position. He

maintained it for fourteen years, when he quitted the lower house upon

his elevation to the bench. When Murray accepted office under the

Pelhams, another much more ardent and unscrupulous politician already in

the House of Commons was writhing under the vexation of neglect. The

Solicitor-General had met the ambitious youth before, and the

recollection of their last parting was hardly likely to insure a cordial

or a friendly recognition. Murray's first task in Parliament was to

defend the employment of Hanoverian troops, 16,000 of whom had recently

been taken into British pay. Pitt, at the head of the "Boys," as Walpole

called the burning patriots whose services he had himself respectfully

declined, and hounded on by the Jacobites and Tories, denounced the steps

as "illegal, unconstitutional, a sacrifice of British to electoral

interests, and a prelude to the introduction of despotism into this

country." Pitt was created to denounce, Murray to defend. Overwhelming

as the torrent of declamation and invective might be which Pitt knew so

well how and when to pour forth, the barrier set up against it by the

calm dignity, the perfect reasoning, the marvelous self-government, the

exquisite tones, and conciliatory manner of Murray, was more than

sufficient to protect him against submersion. A division taking place

upon the Hanoverian question, Government found themselves in a large

majority. Murray was pronounced to be a match for his rival, and George

II. became suddenly as attached to the one as he had long hated and

feared the other.

On the 3d of March, 1754, Mr. Pelham, the Prime Minister, died, and, had

Murray's ambition soared in that direction, he might at once have stepped

into the vacant office. He had long been the prop of the Ministry in the

House of Commons, and was by far the most sagacious member of the

Government. Throughout his Parliamentary career, what has happily been

called his "clear, placid, mellow splendor" had suffered no tarnish, and

had not been obscured by a single cloud. Always ready, well informed,

lucid in argument, and convincing in manner, he had virtually assumed the

leadership in the House of Commons, and his elevation would in no way

have altered the aspect or proceedings of that assembly. The nation

respected him, and the monarch regarded him with more than common favor.

Murray, however, coveted not the prize. Mr. Macaulay, referring to this

period in one of his masterly essays, attributes the conduct of the

Solicitor-General to moral infirmity. "The object of Murray's wishes," he

says, "was the judicial bench. The situation of Chief Justice might not

be so splendid as that of First Lord of the Treasury, but it was

dignified, it was quiet, it was secure; and therefore it was the favorite

situation of Murray." Lord Campbell states the case more creditably, and,

as we think, more fairly to Lord Mansfield. "From a high feeling," says

the biographer, "that his destiny called him to reform the jurisprudence

of his country, he sincerely and ardently desired to be placed on the

bench, and the especial object of his ambition was to be Chief Justice of

England." We remember that, whilst a lad, and destined by his parents for

the church. Murray, of his own motion, dedicated himself to the study of

the law, feeling a "calling" for that profession. Why Lord Mansfield had

resisted every temptation in order to secure the eminence for which, it

is not too much to say, he was in all respects better fitted than any who

have won it, became evident enough within a year of his appointment to

the bench. Moral courage he lacked; something nobler than its want led

him to renounce the Premiership.

What Murray rejected the less capable and not over nice Duke of Newcastle

Greedily seized. The Attorney-General, Sir Dudley Ryder, was elevated to

the bench, and Murray, gaining a step in professional rank, was by so

much nearer to the consummation of his hopes. Never was Ministry so

thoroughly weak and so wretchedly unfortunate. The whole burden of

defending it rested in the House of Commons upon the shoulders of the

Attorney-General, and the feebleness of the Government was all the more

painful from the manifest strength of the great master of sarcasm and

invective, their unflinching opponent, growing in favor throughout the

country, merciless in his attack at all times, but terrific in his

onslaughts upon a foe worthy of his hatred, and capable of defense.

Imagination cannot linger upon a finer picture than is presented in the

persons of these mighty combatants; nor is the effect diminished by the

fact that of their great achievements little remains beyond the bare

tradition. We know that by a word, a gesture, a glance of his eagle eye,

Pitt awed the House of Commons, and chilled it into death-like silence.

We have heard how like a torrent his unpremeditated and impassioned

oratory rushed into the hearts of men, expelling rooted convictions, and

whatever else possessed them at the moment; how readily he spoke on all

emergencies, how daring were his strange digressions, how apposite his

illustrations, how magnificent and chivalric the form and structure of

his thoughts--how madly spirit-stirring his high and stern appeals. We

have read of the proud bearing of the austere yet gentle commoner, to

whom it was a matter of sublime indifference whether in a debate he rose

late or early, first or last, and who ever contented himself with simply

following the current, and obeying the fine instinct of his own rapt

mind, regardless of the speakers who had gone before, or were about to

follow him. We have pictured to ourselves the commanding countenance, the

characteristic action, the patrician manner that belonged to William Pitt

as exclusively as his own wild and wayward genius; but records are

wanting to establish all that we feel and know. Fragments of Pitt's

oratory only have reached us, and of these but few can be pronounced

wholly authentic. What that oratory must have been we learn from its

effects. More is not vouchsafed us. What remains to us of Murray's

speeches in Parliament is equally meager and unsatisfactory, but we may

judge of his power by reflecting upon the character of the assailant with

whom he successfully wrestled. There must surely have been wonderful

capability of argument, vast knowledge, a faculty of persuasion

irresistible in its winning grace, all combined in the man able, by the

mere force of quiet intellectual skill, to bear the brunt of an assault

which threatened demolition in its furious advance, and to turn aside

blows intended for annihilation. Lord Chesterfield addressing his son,

points to Pitt and Murray as to two great models for imitation.

Contemporary history assigns to them the highest place among their

fellows.

In 1756 Sir Dudley Ryder died, and Murray immediately claimed the vacant

Chief Justiceship. The Duke of Newcastle was panic-stricken by the

announcement. It has it said that from the beginning the Attorney-General

had been the mainstay of the Government; but at this particular crisis

his adherence was essential to its life. The nation was discontented and

sullen, as well it might be. War, carried on in almost every part of the

world, had resulted in lasting disgrace to England. Minorca had been lost

to her through the folly or cowardice of an English admiral, and

elsewhere ignominious defeat had attended her arms. Addresses from the

Throne poured in, intimations of stopping the supplies were thrown out,

and unmistakable references made to the conduct of the chiefs of the

Government. Fox, the only capable Minister, resigned his office in fear

and disgust, and, at the very moment when Newcastle turned to Murray as

to his last hope and refuge in the coming storm, that cautious and

resolute official respectfully demanded the promotion to which he had a

right. Alarmed for his place and his head, the Duke promised the

Attorney-General enough to make the fortunes of six if he would but

forego his purpose. He should have the Duchy of Lancaster for life,

tellerships and reversions without end for himself and his nephew, Lord

Stormont; if he would only stay in the House of Commons until the address

was carried he should have a pension of 6,000l. a-year; offers rose as

Murray showed himself more firm. Temptation came in vain. Murray averred

that he "would on no terms agree to remain in the House of Commons for

one session longer, or one month, or one day, even to support the

address;" he "never again would enter that assembly." If he could not be

Chief Justice he would not be Attorney-General. That peremptory avowal

was enough. To keep Murray from opposition, Newcastle conferred upon the

country the only great boon he ever bestowed upon it, and made the

Attorney-General Chief Justice of the King's Bench. The poor Duke gained

little by the move. Forced in his naked helplessness to resign, he was

succeeded by the Duke of Devonshire, who took care to appoint Pitt

Secretary of State, and to give him the lead in the House of Commons.

Upon the 8th day of November, 1756, Murray was sworn in before Lord

Chancellor Hardwicke, and created a peer by the title of Baron Mansfield,

of Mansfield, in the county of Nottingham, and three days afterward he

sat for the first time in the Court of King's Bench. "Over that great

court," says Lord Brougham, "he presided for thirty years, and his

administration of its functions during that long period shed a luster

alike upon the tribunal and the judge." During that period, too, but two

cases occurred in which his opinion was not unanimously adopted by his

brethren; and of the many thousand judgments which he pronounced but two

were reversed. In all his time no bill of exceptions was ever tendered to

his direction, and "all suitors sanguine in their belief of being

entitled to succeed" were eager to bring their causes to be tried before

him. There were drawbacks to Murray's complete success in the House of

Commons; there were qualities which he lacked whilst practicing at the

bar. Mansfield wanted nothing to make up the perfect portrait of a

British judge. In the Legislature he was helpless in attack; and both in

the House of Commons and in the House of Lords he exhibited on more than

one occasion a want of moral courage as humiliating to his friends as it

proved profitable to his foes; at the bar, learned and able though he

always was, yet wary circumspection even there cramped his powers and

deprived him of the transcendent reputation which other advocates have

earned. On the bench there was neither fear nor hesitation, neither undue

caution nor lack of energy, to impede his great intelligence. There he

sat, as above the common passions of humanity, surveying its doings with

a mind unobscured by prejudice, as wide in its grasp as it was masculine

it capability. His clearness of apprehension, his perspicuity of

statement, his perfect self-command, his vast knowledge of every kind,

were amongst the least of his qualifications for his high station. More

preeminently than all was his heroic and almost chivalric devotion to the

judicial office; his stern and unflinching love of justice, as

distinguished from "the puny technicalities of an obscure walk;" his

superiority to the favors of the great or to the clamors of the many, and

his unquestioned spotless integrity. During a portion of his lengthened

judicial career Lord Mansfield held a seat in the Cabinet, but nobody

thought of questioning the purity of his judgments on that account.

Toward the close of his judicial life Lord George Gordon was tried for

Inciting the rioters who set fire to Lord Mansfield's house and destroyed

his property. Lord Mansfield was the presiding judge on that memorable

occasion, and it was upon his exposition of the law of high treason to

the jury, and after his summing up, that Lord George Gordon was

acquitted.

"The benefits conferred by this accomplished judge upon the Court and

upon its suitors," says one of his biographers,--

"Were manifold and substantial. He began by at once so regulating the

distribution of the business, as to remove all uncertainty of the matters

which should be taken up each day, and to diminish both the expense, and

the delay, and the confusion of former times. He restored to the whole

bar the privilege of moving in turn, instead of confining this to the

last day of the term. He almost abolished the tedious and costly practice

of having the same case argued several times over, restricting such

rehearings to questions of real difficulty and adequate importance." The

benefits conferred upon the country were far greater. Burke, once quoting

an argument of Solicitor-General, Murray, said that "the ideas of Murray

go to the growing melioration of the law by making its liberality keep

pace with the demands of justice and the actual concerns of the

world--not restricting the infinitely diversified occasions of men and

the rules of natural justice within artificial circumscriptions, but

conforming our jurisprudence to the growth of our commerce and our

empire."

The statement is just, and a finer panegyric it were impossible to write.

Our limits, unfortunately, enable us only to indicate the achievements of

Chief Justice Mansfield; but such indications must be given, however

briefly. He found the common law of England a reproach, and, according to

Professor Story, "he put England, America, and the whole civilized world

under the deepest obligations" by the permanent improvement which he

effected in the system. During the reign of George II. England had become

the greatest manufacturing and commercial country in the world, but her

jurisprudence had, in the meanwhile, made no provision whatever for the

regulation of commercial dealings. When questions arose affecting

purchases and sales, the affreightment of ships, marine insurances, bills

of exchange, and promissory notes, it was impossible to decide them;

there were no cases to refer to, no treatises to consult. Lord Mansfield

grappled with the difficulty and overcame it. His judicial decisions

supplied the deficiencies of law and became themselves law. His mode

of procedure was as philosophical as it was bold. From every case that

came before him he extracted a general principle of universal

application, and availed himself of it not only to rule the particular

case under consideration, but to serve as a guide in all similar cases

hereafter; and he would enlarge upon the principle thus brought out

until, as his contemporaries declare, all listeners were lost in

admiration at the strength and stretch of his understanding. Lord

Campbell tells us that the common law of England which Lord Mansfield had

to administer upon his elevation to the bench, "was a system admirably

adapted to the condition of England in the Norman and early Plantagenet

reigns, whence it sprang up." As high an authority in America declares

that

"Wherever commerce shall extend its social influences, wherever justice

shall be administered by enlightened and liberal rules, wherever

contracts shall be expounded upon the eternal principles of right and

wrong, wherever moral delicacy and judicial refinement shall be infused

into the municipal code, at once to persuade men to be honest and to keep

them so; wherever the intercourse of mankind shall aim at something more

elevating than that groveling spirit of barter in which meanness, and

avarice, and fraud strive for the mastery over ignorance, credulity, and

folly, the name of Lord Mansfield will be reverenced, not only for

adapting the inefficient system which he found to the exigencies of his

own age in his own country, but for furnishing forever the great laws

founded upon everlasting truth and justice to the whole family of man."

In 1760 George III. ascended the throne, and Mansfield became a member of

the Cabinet, of which Bute was at the head. Ten years afterward the Chief

Justice prudently withdrew from the intimate connection with the

Government, into which he ought never to have entered, and seven years

Before his retirement the brief, though magnificent authority of Bute,

had been shattered to pieces, and the Minister himself disgraced. But,

although Cabinet Councils were henceforward held without the Chief

Justice, Lord Mansfield in his place in Parliament stood by the

Government, and vigorously defended them against a virulent Opposition.

Pitt, "blasting his character," according to Horace Walpole, "for the

sake of a paltry annuity and a long-necked peeress," had followed his

ancient rival into the House of Lords, and by this suicidal act given

Mansfield an immense advantage. Chatham, eager enough to tie his victim

to the stake, was doomed to bitter disappointment in an arena utterly

unfitted for the exercise of his peculiar powers. The atmosphere of the

House of Peers, admirably suited to the calm dignity and sublime

moderation of Mansfield, proved too often nipping frost to the burning

declamation of the man whose very look could rouse a more popular

assembly, and whose words oftener than once had inspired it with the

noblest sentiments. It was not in the House of Lords that at this period

of his history Lord Mansfield found his most dangerous opponent. A secret

enemy had arisen in the outside world amongst the people, one even more

unscrupulous than Chatham in his animosity: one who reveled in his

questionable privilege of striking in the dark, and who justified abuse

that knew no mercy, and acknowledged no law, by reiterated and fervid

appeals to God and his country. The moral courage of Murray had once

given way in the House of Commons, when Pitt, speaking daggers to him,

and suddenly exclaiming, "Judge Festus trembles, he shall hear me another

day," quietly sat down. But his sufferings were nothing compared with the

torture his weakness underwent beneath the repeated inflictions of the

unsparing Junius.

Toward the close of the year 1769 Junius sent forth his celebrated letter

to the King, for the publication of which criminal informations were laid

against Woodfall, as well as against Almon and Miller, who immediately

reprinted the libel. "Rex v. Almon" was the first case brought to trial,

and the jury found a general verdict of guilty. The defense set up in the

trial against Woodfall was, that the letter was not libellous. The part

which Lord Mansfield took is well known. He contended that

"All the jury had to consider was, whether the defendant had published

the letter set out in the information, and whether the inuendos, imputing

a particular meaning to particular words, as that 'the K----' meant His

Majesty King George III., but that they were not to consider whether the

publication was 'false and malicious,' these being mere formal words, and

that whether the letter was libellous or innocent was a pure question of

law, upon which the opinion of the court might be taken by a demurrer, or

a motion in arrest of judgment."

The jury retired, and after some hours deliberation returned a verdict of

"Guilty of the printing and publishing only." The attempt of Lord

Mansfield to withdraw the cognizance of the question of libel from the

jury to vest it in the court, contrary, as it unquestionably was, both to

liberty and law, had high authorities for its justification, and was

supported by the unanimous opinion of the judges who sat at his side.

Posterity will acquit the otherwise upright judge of the moral obliquity

of which his living enemies, with regard to this proceeding, pronounced

him guilty, and for which Junius would have crushed the Chief Justice,

had his ability been equal to his will.

It behooves the present generation to approach the lucubrations of the

redoubted Junius in a spirit of enlightened discrimination. We must bear

in mind that the poisoned arrows of the unseen combatant were discharged

at a period peculiarly favorable for the exercise of his destructive

skill; when startling invective was in fashion; when the mercenary acts

of the foremost public man excused, if they did not justify, wholesale

and unreflecting chastisement; when the public press was in its earliest

infancy, and public writers had not yet educated the audience whose good

sense now holds the libertinism of even the public censor in check, and

provides its own best remedy against the crimes or follies of the pen.

Junius but imitated the example of his betters when he fastened upon a

foe, guilty or innocent, and heaped upon his head every opprobrious term

a heated imagination could supply. A statesman's policy had but to be

inconvenient to his adversary in order to prove the Minister "hateful,"

"execrable," "abominable," "wicked," a traitor to his country, and a

conspirator against the liberties of the people. Pitt honored Walpole

with such vituperation, and when Walpole went out, and Carteret came in

without Pitt, the same expressive language was transferred by the

illustrious commoner from Minister to Minister, as though no virtue

could possibly be found in any Government without his presence. When

Junius affected to regard Lord Mansfield as the incarnation of all that

is odious in humanity, his praise of Lord Chatham knew no bounds; yet it

is well known that under another disguise Junius dealt far severer blows

against the patriot than he ever inflicted upon a man born, as he says,

to abet despotism in its hateful attempts to trample upon the people's

rights. Nothing can be more inconsistent than the accusations brought by

Junius against Lord Mansfield. In one and the same breath he charges him

with assuming an arbitrary power of doing right; so that if he does wrong

it lies only between him and his conscience; and with condescending to

evasive, indirect courses, in the temper of a quibbler. Now the Chief

Justice is something more than a lawyer, now considerably less. At one

moment he is setting common law at defiance, at another he is twisting

the law to the purposes of corruption, and taking refuge behind the forms

which he is expressly charged with heroically setting at defiance. Had

Lord Mansfield been less timorous, Junius might have been less daring. At

the close of one of his letters the reckless assailant writes "Beware how

you indulge the first emotions of your resentment. This paper is

delivered to the world, and cannot be recalled. The prosecution of an

innocent printer cannot alter facts nor refute arguments. Do not furnish

me with further materials against yourself." Another venomous diatribe

ends with a similar threat. Dare "to represent this charge as a contempt

of the authority of the House of Peers, and move their Lordships to

censure the publisher of this paper, and I affirm that you support

injustice by violence; that you are guilty of a heinous aggravation, of

your offense; and that you contribute your utmost influence to promote,

on the part of the highest court of judicature, a positive denial of

justice to the nation!" Junius traded up on the invincible infirmity of a

judge, who might have been destroyed by his weakness had he not been

upheld by his unsullied purity and fame.

The attacks of Junius were not without effect on Parliament. A motion was

made in the House of Commons for "a committee to inquire into the

proceedings of the judges in Westminster Hall, particularly in cases

relating to the liberty of the press." In the House of Lords Lord Chatham

and Lord Camden re-echoed the charges of the House of Commons, and while

the latter warned noble lords how they received the opinions in that

House of the "most experienced lawyers" upon questions of law, the

former, in his accustomed style, threatened to ring again and again "the

alarm-bell of liberty," until he "could rouse the people to a proper

sense of their injuries." Stung by persecution Lord Mansfield suffered

himself to be betrayed into unaccountable error. Intimating one day that

he had something of importance to bring to the notice of the House, he

moved that their Lordships should be summoned to receive the

communication. The appointed day arrived, and the attendance of peers was

unusually large. Lord Mansfield rose amidst profound and anxious silence.

Lord Chatham and Lord Camden had calumniated the judges, and they were

now no doubt to be the objects of a vote of censure. Nothing of the kind.

Lord Mansfield simply informed the House that he had left a paper with

the clerk assistant containing the judgment of the Court of King's Bench

in the case of "the King against Woodfall," and then, to the astonishment

of every one, resumed his seat. Lord Camden rose and inquired whether the

noble lord intended hereafter to found any motion on his paper? Lord

Mansfield answered "No," and the House proceeded to other business. The

very next day Lord Camden resumed the subject. He regarded the conduct of

the Chief Justice as a challenge against himself, and he at once accepted

it. In direct contradiction to Lord Mansfield he maintained that his

doctrine was not the law of England. He had considered the noble lord's

"paper," and had not found it very intelligible. He begged to propose

four questions to the noble and learned lord, to which he required

categorical answers, that their lordships might know precisely the points

they had to discuss. The questions were submitted, and Lord Mansfield,

instead of meeting them, "with most abject soothings," as Horace Walpole

gleefully says, "paid the highest compliments to Lord Camden." He had the

highest esteem for the noble and learned lord who thus attacked him, and

had ever courted his esteem in return. He had not expected this treatment

from his candor. It was unfair; he would not answer interrogatories. The

reply was a signal for relentless torment. Not a peer interposed on his

behalf. Distressed by his misery, Lord Mansfield sat down, remained

still, and in sheer pity for their prey the dogs were called off.

In 1778 Lord Chatham died, and from the departure of the great commoner

until his own decease Lord Mansfield occupied a more conspicuous place as

a judge than as a politician in the public eye. He continued to display

upon the bench, as heretofore, the keenest perception, a resolute

obedience to the dictates of justice, high incorruptibility, great

learning, and thorough self-devotion to his beloved and chosen

occupation. He has been largely accused of favoring, in his early

manhood, the designs of the Pretender, yet, from the beginning to the

close of his public life, his fidelity to the reigning family could not

be called in question. He has been charged with gratifying prerogative at

the expense of law, yet the liberty of the law was never more perfect,

the rights of the subject were never more secure, than during his long

tenure of the judicial office. He has been stigmatized by Junius as an

oppressor of men's consciences, yet no man of his time regulated his

conduct with a stricter regard to the humanizing principle of religious

toleration. Had Lord Mansfield been faithless to the people his death

would never have been regarded as an irreparable loss by the whole

country; had he been a bigot, the world would never have lost the

treasures which it is said were consumed in the house burnt to the ground

by zealous Protestants eager to take the life as well as to destroy the

goods of Lord Mansfield, for no other reason than that he chose to hold

the scales of justice fairly and steadily between Protestant and

Catholic.

In his 82d year, having been absent scarcely a day from court, Lord

Mansfield retired to Tunbridge Wells for the benefit of his health. The

year following he resigned his office. For six years longer he lived in

dignified retirement, occupying himself in his garden, or refreshing his

mind with the works that had charmed and instructed his youth. To the

last he retained his memory, and, dying without a pain at the close of

the century, the man who had spent his happiest evenings with Pope was

destined to listen to all the horrors of the French Revolution, in common

with thousands living at the present hour. Lord Mansfield's death was

mourned as a national calamity; his remains were deposited in Westminster

Abbey, and they lie close to those of the Earl of Chatham. After the

stormy conflict of a glorious life, the two schoolboy rivals lie side by

side in silent and everlasting repose.

We have freely stated the one great deformity of Lord Mansfield's

character; his quailing before Lord Camden is but a solitary instance of

the fault that tarnished his otherwise brilliant career. When we have

said that the Chief Justice acted unconstitutionally in continuing in the

Cabinet whilst he held the Judicial office, and that, admitted to the

friendship and confidence of his sovereign, he did not scruple to

exercise power without official responsibility, we have confessed to the

most serious offenses with which he is chargeable. It is not, however, to

dwell upon these blemishes of true greatness, or to indulge in idle

panegyric, that we have occupied so large a portion of valuable space,

and intermixed with the living doings of today one striking record of the

buried past. The life of Lord Mansfield is nothing to us if it yields no

profitable instruction and contains no element of usefulness for the

generation to whom our labors are addressed. Is it wholly unnecessary to

place at this moment before the bar of England so noble a model for

imitation so sublime an ideal for serious contemplation as that offered

in the person of the Earl of Mansfield? Is it impertinent to warn our

lawyers, that, without confirmed habits of industry, temperance,

self-subjugation, unsullied honor, vast knowledge, enlightened and lofty

views of their difficult yet fascinating profession, and a love of the

eternal principles of truth and justice, incompatible with meanness and

degrading practice, true eminence is impossible, and imperishable renown

not to be obtained? Never, at any other period of our history, has it

been so necessary to urge upon the students of the law the example of

their worthiest predecessors. The tendency of the age is to lower, not to

elevate, the standard set up by our ancestors for the attainment of

preeminence. That our giants may not be stunted in their growth--that the

legal stock may not hopelessly degenerate--Chief Justice Campbell does

well to impress upon his brethren the patient and laborious course--the

high and admirable qualities--by which Chief Justice Mansfield secured

his greatness and his fame.

* * * * *

[From Blackwood's Magazine.]

MY NOVEL;

OR, VARIETIES IN ENGLISH LIFE.

BY PISISTRATUS CAXTON.

BOOK 1.--INITIAL CHAPTER; SHOWING HOW MY NOVEL CAME TO BE WRITTEN.

SCENE, _The Hall in Uncle Roland's Tower_. TIME,_Night_--SEASON,

_Winter_.

Mr. Caxton is seated before a great geographical globe, which he is

turning round leisurely, and "for his own recreation," as, according to

Sir Thomas Browne, a philosopher should turn round the orb, of which that

globe professes to be the representation and effigies. My mother having

just adorned a very small frock with a very smart braid, is holding it

out at arm's length, the more to admire the effect. Blanche, though

leaning both hands on my mother's shoulder, is not regarding the frock,

but glances toward _Pisistratus_, who, seated near the fire leaning back

in his chair, and his head bent over his breast, seems in a very bad

humor. Uncle Roland, who has become a great novel reader, is deep in the

mysteries of some fascinating Third Volume. Mr. Squills has brought _The

Times_ in his pocket for his own especial profit and delectation, and is

now bending his brows over "the state of the money market," in great

doubt whether railway shares can possibly fall lower. For Mr. Squills,

happy man! has large savings, and does not know what to do with his

money; or, to use his own phrase, "how to buy in at the cheapest, in

order to sell out at the dearest."

_Mr. Caxton_, musingly.--"It must have been a monstrous long journey. It

would be somewhere hereabouts I take it, that they would split off."

_My Mother_, mechanically, and in order to show Austin that she paid, him

the compliment of attending to his remarks--"Who split off, my dear?"

"Bless me, Kitty," said my father, in great admiration, "you ask just the

question which it is most difficult to answer. An ingenious speculator on

races contends that the Danes, whose descendants make the chief part of

our northern population, (and indeed if his hypothesis could be correct,

we must suppose all the ancient worshipers of Odin,) are of the same

origin as the Etrurians. And why, Kitty, I just ask you, why?"

My mother shook her head thoughtfully, and turned the frock to the other

side of the light.

"Because, forsooth," cried my father, exploding--"because the Etrurians

called their gods 'the Æsar,' and the Scandinavians called theirs 'the

Æsir, or Aser! And where do you think he puts their cradle?"

"Cradle!" said my mother, dreamingly--"it must be in the nursery."

_Mr. Caxton_.--"Exactly--in the nursery of the human race--just here,"

and my father pointed to the globe; "bounded, you see, by the River

Halys, and in that region which, taking its name from Ees or As, (a word

designating light or fire) has been immemorially called _Asia_. Now,

Kitty, from Ees or As our ethnological speculator would derive not only

Asia, the land, but Æsar or Aser, its primitive inhabitants. Hence he

supposes the origin of the Etrurians and the Scandinavians. But, if we

give him so much, we must give him more, and deduce from the same origin

the Es of the Celt, and the Ized of the Persian, and--what will be of

more use to him, I dare say, poor man, than all the rest put

together--the Æs of the Romans, that is, the God of Copper-Money--a very

powerful household god he is to this day!"

My mother looked musingly at her frock, as if she were taking my father's

Proposition into serious consideration.

"So, perhaps," resumed my father, "and not unconformably with sacred

records, from one great parent horde came all these various tribes,

carrying with them the name of their beloved Asia; and whether they

wandered north, south, or west, exalting their own emphatic designation

of 'Children of the Land of Light' into the title of gods. And to think,

(added Mr. Caxton pathetically, gazing upon that speck in the globe on

which his forefinger rested,)--to think how little they changed for the

better when they got to the Don, or entangled their rafts amidst the

icebergs of the Baltic--so comfortably off as they were here, if they

could but have stayed quiet!"

"And why the deuce could not they?" asked Mr. Squills.

"Pressure of population, and not enough to live upon, I suppose," said my

father.

_Pisistratus_, sulkily.--"More probably they did away with the Corn Laws,

sir."

"Papæ!" quoth my father, "that throws a new light on the subject."

_Pisistratus_, full of his grievances, and not caring three straws about

the origin of the Scandinavians.--"I know that if we are to lose £500

every year on a farm which we hold rent free, and which the best judges

allow to be a perfect model for the whole country, we had better make

haste and turn Æsar or Aser, or whatever you call them, and fix a

settlement on the property of other nations, otherwise I suspect our

probable settlement will be on the parish."

_Mr. Squills_, who, it must be remembered, is an enthusiastic

Free-trader.--"You have only got to put more capital on the land."

_Pisistratus_.--"Well, Mr. Squills, as you think so well of that

investment, put _your_ capital on it. I promise that you shall have every

shilling of profit."

_Mr. Squills_, hastily retreating behind _The Times_.--"I don't think the

Great Western can fall any lower; though it is hazardous--I can but

venture a few hundreds--"

_Pisistratus_.--"On our land, Squills? Thank you."

_Mr. Squills_.--"No, no--anything but that-on the Great Western."

Pisistratus relapses into gloom. Blanche steals up coaxingly, and gets

snubbed for her pains. A pause.

_Mr. Caxton_--"There are two golden rules of life; one relates to the

mind, and the other to the pockets. The first is--If our thoughts get

into a low, nervous, aguish condition, we should make them change the

air; the second is comprised in the proverb, 'it is good to have two

strings to one's bow.' Therefore, Pisistratus, I tell you what you must

do--Write a Book!"

_Pisistratus_.--"Write a Book!--Against the abolition of the Corn Laws?

Faith, sir, the mischief's done. It takes a much better pen than mine to

write down an Act of Parliament."

_Mr. Caxton_.--"I only said, 'Write a Book.' All the rest is the addition

of your own headlong imagination."

_Pisistratus_, with the recollection of The Great Book rising before

him.--"Indeed, sir I should think that would just finish us!"

_Mr. Caxton_, not seeming to heed the interruption.--"A book that will

sell! A book that will prop up the fall of prices! A book that will

distract your mind from its dismal apprehensions, and restore your

affection to your species, and your hopes in the ultimate triumph of

sound principles--by the sight of a favorable balance at the end of the

yearly accounts. It is astonishing what a difference that little

circumstance makes in our views of things in general. I remember when the

bank in which Squills had incautiously left £1000 broke, one remarkably

healthy year, that he became a great alarmist, and said that the country

was on the verge of ruin; whereas, you see now, when, thanks to a long

succession of sickly seasons, he has a surplus capital to risk in the

Great Western--he is firmly persuaded that England was never in so

Prosperous a condition."

_Mr. Squills_, rather sullenly.--"Pooh, pooh."

_Mr. Caxton_.--"Write a book, my son--write a book. Need I tell you that

Money or Moneta, according to Hyginus, was the mother of the Muses? Write

a book."

_Blanche_ and my _Mother_, in full chorus.--"Oh yes, Sisty--a book-a

book! you must write a book."

"I am sure," quoth my Uncle Roland, slamming down the volume he had just

concluded, "he could write a devilish deal better book than this; and how

I come to read such trash, night after night, is more than I could

Possibly explain to the satisfaction of any intelligent jury, if I were

put into a witness-box, and examined in the mildest manner by my own

counsel."

_Mr. Caxton_.--"You see that Roland tells us exactly what sort of a book

it shall be."

_Pisistratus_.--"Trash, sir?"

_Mr. Caxton_.--"No--that is not necessarily trash--but a book of that

class which, whether trash or not, people can't help reading. Novels have

become the necessity of the age. You must write a novel."

_Pisistratus_, flattered, but dubious.--"A novel! But every subject on

which novels can be written is preoccupied. There are novels on low life,

novels of high life, military novels, naval novels, novels philosophical,

novels religious, novels historical, novels descriptive of India, the

Colonies, Ancient Rome, and the Egyptian Pyramids. From what bird, wild

eagle, or barn-door fowl, can I

"'Pluck one unwearied plume from Fancy's wing!'"

_Mr. Caxton_, after a little thought.--"You remember the story which

Trevanion (I beg his pardon, Lord Ulswater) told us the other night. That

gives you something of the romance of real life for your plot--puts you

chiefly among scenes with which you are familiar, and furnishes you with

characters which have been sparingly dealt with since the time of

Fielding. You can give us the country squire, as you remember him in your

youth: it is a specimen of a race worth preserving--the old

idiosyncrasies of which are rapidly dying off, as the railways bring

Norfolk and Yorkshire within easy reach of the manners of London. You can

give us the old-fashioned parson, as in all essentials he may yet be

found--but before you had to drag him out of the great Puseyite sectarian

bog; and, for the rest, I really think that while, as I am told, many

popular writers are doing their best, especially in France, and perhaps a

little in England, to set class against class, and pick up every stone in

the kennel to shy at a gentleman with a good coat on his back, something

useful might be done by a few good-humored sketches of those innocent

criminals a little better off than their neighbors, whom, however we

dislike them, I take it for granted we shall have to endure, in one shape

or another, as long as civilization exists; and they seem, on the whole,

as good in their present shape as we are likely to get, shake the dice

box of society how we will."

_Pisistratus_.--"Very well said, sir; but this rural country gentleman

life is not so new as you think. There's Washington Irving--"

_Mr. Caxton_.--"Charming--but rather the manners of the last century than

this. You may as well cite Addison and Sir Roger de Coverley."

_Pisistratus_.--"_Tremaine_ and _De Vere_."

_Mr. Caxton_.--"Nothing can be more graceful, nor more unlike what I

mean. The Pales and Terminus I wish you to put up in the fields are

familiar images, that you may cut out of an oak tree--not beautiful

marble statues on porphyry pedestals twenty feet high."

_Pisistratus_.--"Miss Austin; Mrs. Gore in her masterpiece of _Mrs.

Armytage_; Mrs. Marsh, too; and then (for Scottish manners) Miss

Ferrier!"

_Mr. Caxton_, growing cross.--"Oh, if you cannot treat on bucolics but

what you must hear some Virgil or other cry 'Stop thief,' you deserve to

be tossed by one of your own 'short-horns.'--(Still more

contemptuously)--I am sure I don't know why we spend so much money on

sending our sons to school to learn Latin, when that Anchronism of yours,

Mrs. Caxton, can't even construe a line and a half of Phædrus. Phædrus,

Mrs. Caxton--a book which is in Latin what Goody Two Shoes is in the

vernacular!"

_Mrs. Caxton_, alarmed and indignant.--"Fie, Austin! I am sure you can

construe Phædrus, dear!"

Pisistratus prudently preserves silence.

_Mr. Caxton_.--"I'll try him--

"'Sua cuique quum sit animi cogitatio

Colorque proprius.'

"What does that mean?"

_Pisistratus_, smiling.--"That every man has some coloring matter within

him, to give his own tinge to--"

"His own novel," interrupted my father! "_Contentus peragis_."

During the latter part of this dialogue, Blanche had sewn together three

quires of the best Bath paper, and she now placed them on a little table

before me, with her own inkstand and steel pen.

My mother put her finger to her lip, and said, "Hush!" my father returned

to the cradle of the Æsar; Captain Roland leant his cheek on his hand,

and gazed abstractedly on the fire; Mr. Squills felt into a placid doze;

and, after three sighs that would have melted a heart of stone, I rushed

into--MY NOVEL.

* * * * *

CHAPTER II.

"There has never been occasion to use them since I have been in the

Parish," said Parson Dale.

"What does that prove?" quoth the Squire sharply, and looking the Parson

full in the face.

"Prove!" repeated Mr. Dale--with a smile of benign, yet too conscious

superiority--"What does experience prove?"

"That your forefathers were great blockheads, and that their descendant

is not a whit the wiser."

"Squire," replied the Parson, "although that is a melancholy conclusion,

yet if you mean it to apply universally, and not to the family of the

Dales in particular, it is not one which my candor as a reasoner, and my

Humility as a mortal, will permit me to challenge."

"I defy you," said Mr. Hazledean triumphantly. "But to stick to the

subject, which it is monstrous hard to do when one talks with a parson, I

only just ask you to look yonder, and tell me on your conscience--I don't

even say as a parson, but as a parishioner--whether you ever saw a more

disreputable spectacle?"

While he spoke, the Squire, leaning heavily on the Parson's left

shoulder, extended his cane in a line parallel with the right of that

disputatious ecclesiastic, so that he might guide the organ of sight to

the object he had thus flatteringly described.

"I confess," said the Parson, "that, regarded by the eye of the senses,

it is a thing that in its best day had small pretensions to beauty, and

is not elevated into the Picturesque even by neglect and decay. But, my

friend, regarded by the eye of the inner man--of the rural philosopher

and parochial legislator--I say it is by neglect and decay that it is

rendered a very pleasing feature in what I may call 'the moral topography

of a parish.'"

The Squire looked at the Parson as if be could have beaten him; and

indeed, regarding the object in dispute not only with the eye of the

outer man, but the eye of law and order, the eye of a country gentleman

and a justice of the peace, the spectacle _was_ scandalously

disreputable. It was moss-grown; it was worm-eaten; it was broken right

in the middle; through its four socketless eyes, neighbored by the

nettle, peered the thistle:--the thistle!--a forest of thistles!--and, to

complete the degradation of the whole, those thistles had attracted the

donkey of an itinerant tinker; and the irreverent animal was in the very

act of taking his luncheon out of the eyes and jaws of--THE PARISH

STOCKS.

The Squire looked as if he could have beaten the Parson; but as he was

not without some slight command of temper, and a substitute was luckily

at hand, he gulped down, his resentment and made a rush--at the donkey!

Now the donkey was hampered by a rope to its fore feet, to the which was

attached a billet of wood called technically "a clog," so that it had no

fair chance of escape from the assault its sacrilegious luncheon had

justly provoked. But, the ass turned round with unusual nimbleness at the

first stroke of the cane, the Squire caught his foot in the rope, and

went head over heels among the thistles. The donkey gravely bent down,

and thrice smelt or sniffed its prostrate foe; then, having convinced

itself that it had nothing farther to apprehend for the present, and very

willing to make the best of the reprieve, according to the poetical

admonition, "Gather your rosebuds while you may," it cropped a thistle in

full bloom, close to the ear of the Squire; so close indeed, that the

Parson thought the ear was gone; and with the more probability, inasmuch

as the Squire, feeling the warm breath of the creature, bellowed out with

all the force of lungs accustomed to give a view-hallo!

"Bless me, is it gone?" said the Parson, thrusting his person between the

ass and the Squire.

"Zounds and the devil!" cried the Squire, rubbing himself as be rose to

his feet.

"Hush!" said the Parson gently. "What a horrible oath!"

"Horrible oath! If you had my nankeens on," said the Squire, still rubbing

himself, "and had fallen into a thicket of thistles with a donkey's teeth

within an inch of your ear!"

"It is not gone--then?" interrupted the Parson.

"No--that is, I think not," interrupted the Squire dubiously; and he

clapped his hand to the organ in question. "No, it is not gone."

"Thank heaven!" said the good clergyman kindly.

"Hum," growled the Squire, who was now once more engaged in rubbing

himself. "Thank heaven indeed, when I am as full of thorns as a

porcupine! I should just like to know what use thistles are in the

world."

"For donkeys to eat, if you will let them, Squire," answered the Parson.

"Ugh, you beast!" cried Mr. Hazeldean, all his wrath reawakened,

whether by the reference to the donkey species, or his inability to

reply to the Parson, or perhaps by some sudden prick too sharp for

humanity--especially humanity in nankeens--to endure without kicking;

"Ugh, you beast!" he exclaimed, shaking his cane at the donkey, who, at

the interposition of the Parson, had respectfully recoiled a few paces,

and now stood switching his thin tail, and trying vainly to lift one of

its fore legs--for the flies teased it.

"Poor thing!" said the Parson pityingly. "See, it has a raw place on the

shoulder, and the flies have found out the sore."

"I am devilish glad to hear it," said the Squire vindictively.

"Fie, fie!"

"It is very well to say 'Fie, fie.' It was not you who fell among the

thistles. What's the man about now, I wonder?"

The Parson had walked toward a chestnut tree that stood on the village

green--he broke off a bough--returned to the donkey, whisked off the

flies, and then tenderly placed the broad leaves over the sore, as a

protection from the swarms. The donkey turned round its head, and looked

at him with mild wonder.

"I would bet a shilling," said the Parson, softly, "that this is the

first act of kindness thou hast met with this many a day. And slight

enough it is, Heaven knows."

With that the Parson put his hand into his pocket, and drew out an apple.

It was a fine large rose-cheeked apple: one of the last winter's store,

from the celebrated tree in the parsonage garden, and he was taking it as

a present to a little boy in the village who had notably distinguished

himself in the Sunday-school. "Nay, in common justice, Lenny Fairfield

should have the preference," muttered the Parson. The ass pricked up one

of his ears, and advanced its head timidly. "But Lenny Fairfield would be

as much pleased with twopence: and what could twopence do to thee?" The

ass's nose now touched the apple. "Take it in the flame of charity,"

quoth the Parson, "Justice is accustomed to be served last:" And the ass

took the apple. "How had you the heart?" said the Parson, pointing to the

Squire's cane.

The ass stopped munching, and looked askant at the Squire.

"Pooh! eat on; he'll not beat thee now!"

"No," said the Squire apologetically. "But, after all, he is not an ass

of the parish; he is a vagrant, and he ought to be pounded. But the pound

is in as bad a state as the stocks, thanks to your new-fashioned

doctrines."

"New-fashioned!" cried the Parson almost indignantly, for he had a great

disdain of new fashions. "They are as old as Christianity; nay, as old as

Paradise, which you will observe is derived from a Greek, or rather a

Persian word, and means something more than a 'garden,' corresponding

(pursued the Parson rather pedantically) with the Latin _vivarium_--viz.

grove or park full of innocent dumb creatures. Depend on it, donkeys were

allowed to eat thistles there."

"Very possibly," said the Squire drily. "But Hazeldean, though a very

pretty village, is not Paradise. The stocks shall be mended to-morrow

day, and the pound too--and the next donkey found trespassing shall go

into it, as sure as my name is Hazeldean."

"Then," said the Parson gravely, "I can only hope that the next parish

may not follow your example; or that you and I may never be caught

straying!"

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International Miscellany of Literature, Art and Science, Vol. 1, No. 3, Oct. 1, 1850 · 第 1 / 8 章