CHAPTER XXVIII.

THE CENTENNIAL GLORY.

The Centennial year of the Republic was ushered in at Washington

with unusual rejoicings, although the weather was damp and foggy.

There were nocturnal services in several of the Episcopal churches

and watch meetings at the Methodist churches. Several of the

temperance organizations continued in session until after midnight,

and there was much social visiting. Just before twelve o'clock,

the chime of bells of the Metropolitan Methodist church played

"Pleyel's Hymn." The fire-alarm bells then stuck 1-7-7-6 a few

moments later, and as the Observatory clock sounded the hour of

twelve, the fire-alarm bells struck 1-8-7-6; at the same moment

the brilliant light in the tholus which surmounts the dome of the

Capitol was lighted by electricity, casting its beams over the

entire metropolis. A battery of light artillery, stationed on the

Armory lot, thundered forth a national salute of thirty-seven guns.

The Metropolitan bells chimed a national centennial march, introducing

the favorite tunes of this and other nations, and there was general

ringing of bells, large and small, with firing of pistols and

blowing of horns. There were similar demonstrations at Alexandria

and at Georgetown, and the ceremonies at the White House were in

accordance with time-honored usage.

The first entertainment ever given in Washington to an Emperor and

Empress was at the British Legation, early in June, 1876, when Sir

Edward and Lady Thornton entertained Dom Pedro and Donna Teresa,

of Brazil. The spacious hall, the grand staircase, and the drawing-

rooms of the Legation were profusely ornamented with flowers, a

life-sized portrait of Victoria I, Empress of India and Queen of

England, which faced the staircase, apparently welcoming the guests.

Many of those invited had been on an excursion to Mount Vernon and

did not arrive until eleven o'clock.

The ladies' dresses were very elaborate. The Empress wore a vert

d'eau silk trained skirt and basque high at the back and cut V-

shape in front, the sleeves long; the rarest point lace nearly

covered both skirt and basque, set on in successive rows, headed

with plaits of the material; a broad black velvet ribbon, from

which depended a pendant thickly studded with large diamonds,

encircled her throat. She wore large diamond ear-rings, and her

light-brown hair was combed down on her face, parted through the

middle, and covering her ears, a Grecian knot confining her hair

at the back of her head.

Lady Thornton wore a white satin trained skirt and basque, trimmed

with puffings of tulle, held in place by bands and bows of the

darkest shade of ruby velvet, interspersed with fine white flowers.

The Misses Thornton wore charming gowns of Paris muslin and

Valenciennes lace, relieved with bows of pink gros grain ribbons.

Mme. Borges, the wife of the Brazilian Minister, wore a mauve silk

gown, trimmed with lace, and very large diamonds. Countess Hayas,

the wife of the Austrian Minister, wore Paris muslin and Valenciennes

lace over pale blue silk, which was very becoming to her blonde

complexion and youthful face and form, and a profusion of diamonds.

The lately arrived Minister from Sweden, Count Lewenhaupt, was

present with his wife, whose dress of the thickest, most lustrous

satin of a peach-blossom tint, covered with deep falls of point

lace, was very elegant. Mrs. Franklin Kinney wore a rich mauve

satin beneath point applique lace. Mme. Berghmann wore black silk,

embroidered in wreaths of invisible purple, and trimmed with Brussels

lace. Mrs. Field wore a very becoming vert d'eau silk, handsomely

made and trimmed. Mrs. Willis, the wife of the New York Representative,

wore white muslin and Valenciennes lace. Her sister, Mrs. Godfrey,

wore a similar toilet, and the two ladies attracted universal

attention by their beauty and grace. Mrs. Sharpe was very becomingly

dressed in white muslin, trimmed with Valenciennes lace and worn

over a colored silk. Miss Dodge (Gail Hamilton), over ivory-tinted

silk wore the same tint of damasquine.

Supper was served at midnight, and afterward many of the guests

were presented to Dom Pedro and Donna Teresa in an informal manner,

for the Emperor was, according to his usual custom, wandering about

talking to whom he pleased, and the Empress, not being very strong,

sat upon a sofa and talked pleasantly with all who were introduced

to her.

The Imperial party had rooms at the Arlington Hotel, and the Emperor

proved himself to be an indefatigable sight-seer, keeping on the

move from morning until night. He would not permit his dinner to

be served in courses, but had everything put on the table at the

same time, as he could devote only thirty minutes to his repast.

The proceedings of the National Republican Convention, at Cincinnati,

had naturally been regarded with deep interest at Washington, and

the excitement was intense when, on the Sunday prior to the meeting,

it was announced that Mr. Blaine had been stricken by illness on

his way to church. He became unconscious, and on being carried

home was for some hours in an apparently critical condition, at

times hardly able to breathe and unable to take the restoratives

administered by his physicians. His condition was pronounced one

of simple cerebral depression, produced primarily by great mental

strain, and, secondarily, by the action of excessive heat. There

was no apoplectic congestion or effusion, nor any symptoms of

paralysis.

The news of Mr. Blaine's illness was telegraphed to Cincinnati,

and undoubtedly had an unfavorable effect upon the Convention.

Mr. Blaine, nevertheless, had gradually gained votes, until on the

second day of the Convention he was within a few votes of the

coveted prize. The shadows were settling down on the excited crowd,

the tellers found it getting too dark to do their work, and gas

was demanded. The Blaine men, in an ungovernable frenzy, were

determined to resist every effort at adjournment, while the combined

opposition were equally bent on postponement in order to kill off

Blaine. Then it was that a well-known citizen of Cincinnati sprang

to the platform, waved his hat at the Chairman, and during a moment's

lull in the fearful suspense made the crushing statement that the

building was not supplied with gas. Candles were asked for, but

the anti-Blainites had received their cue, and before the Blaine

lines could be reformed they carried an adjournment by stampede.

Political lies in this country are presumably white lies, but they

are seldom followed with such tremendous results. Delay enabled

the opposition to mass its forces against the favorite, and Hayes,

instead of Blaine, passed the next four years in the White House.

Nothing could have been more certain in this world than the nomination

of Blaine on that eventful evening, if the same gas which burned

brightly enough twenty-four hours later for a Hayes' jubilee meeting

had not been choked off at a more critical time.

Washington was wild with excitement immediately after the Presidential

election. The returns received late on Tuesday night indicated

the election of Mr. Tilden, and even the Republican newspapers

announced on the following morning the result as doubtful. Senator

Chandler, who was at New York, was the only confident Republican,

and he telegraphed to the Capitol, "Hayes has one hundred and eighty-

five votes and is elected." He also telegraphed to General Grant

recommending the concentration of United States troops at the

Southern capitals to insure a fair count. General Grant at once

ordered General Sherman to instruct the commanding generals in

Louisiana and Florida to be vigilant with the forces at their

command to preserve peace and good order, and to see that the proper

and legal boards of canvassers were unmolested in the performance

of their duties. "Should there be," said he, "any grounds of

suspicion of fraudulent count on either side, it should be reported

and denounced at once. No man worthy of the office of President

should be willing to hold it if counted in or placed there by fraud.

Either party can afford to be disappointed by the result. The

country cannot afford to have the result tainted by the suspicion

of illegal or false returns."

Some were disposed to wait, with as much patience and good-humor

as they could command, the news from the pivotal States, while

others shouted frantically about fraud. A number of leading

politicians were sent by each party to the State capitals, where

the National interest was concentrated, and the telegraph wires

vibrated with political despatches, many of them in cipher. Senator

Morrill was requested by the Rothschilds to telegraph them who was

elected President at as early a time as was convenient. He replied

on Wednesday that the canvass was close, with the chances in favor

of Tilden; but on Friday he telegraphed again that Hayes was probably

elected.

The political telegrams sent over the Western Union wires during

the Tilden-Hayes campaign were subsequently surrendered by President

Orton, of that company, to the Senate Committee on Privileges and

Elections. It was asserted that those likely to prove prejudicial

to Republicans were destroyed, and those damaging to Democrats were

clandestinely conveyed to a New York paper for publication. These

political telegrams showed that the intimate friends of Mr. Tilden

were guilty of an attempt to secure the Presidential elections in

several States by the use of money. The translation of these

cryptogramic messages by a working journalist, and their publication

in the New York _Tribune_, was a great success, as it made clear

what had previously been unintelligible. When a Committee of the

House of Representatives undertook to investigate these cipher

telegrams, the principal witness was Colonel Pelton, the nephew

and private secretary of Mr. Tilden. His testimony was given in

an apparently frank and straightforward manner, though he occasionally

seemed perplexed, pondered, and hesitated. He had a loud, hard,

and rather grating voice, and delivered his answers with a quick,

jerky, nervous utterance, which often jumbled his words so as to

render them partially inaudible. Colonel Pelton's tone in reply

to the questions propounded to him during the examination-in-chief

was loud and emphatic, as though he wanted all the world to understand

that he was perfectly ready to answer every question put by the

Committee. He sat easily, either throwing one leg over the other,

facing the Chairman, or picking his teeth, or blinking his eyes

hard, which was one of his peculiar habits, as he kept examining

the photo-lithographed copies of the cipher telegrams and the

_Tribune_ compilation before him. Sometimes Colonel Pelton's blunt

confessions were of such astounding frankness as to elicit an

audible whisper and commotion, what the French call a "sensation,"

among the listeners.

Colonel Pelton's loud voice sank very low, and his easy, nonchalant

attitude changed very perceptibly, when Messrs. Reed and Hiscock,

the Republican members, took him in hand and subjected him to one

of the most merciless cross-examinations ever heard in a committee

room. The two keen cross-questioners evidently started out with

the determined purpose to tear Colonel Pelton's testimony to pieces,

and to literally not leave a shred behind worthy of credibility.

The respective "points" scored by the Republicans and the Democratic

members of the Committee elicited such loud applause on the part

of the auditors as to turn for the time the cross-examination into

a regular theatrical exhibition. The cipher despatches confirmed

the opinion at Washington that Mr. Tilden spent a great deal of

money to secure his nomination, and much more during and after the

campaign.

Disappointed politicians and place-hunters among the Democrats

talked wildly about inaugurating Mr. Tilden by force, while some

Republicans declared that General Grant would assume to hold over

until a new election could be ordered. General Grant made no secret

of his conviction that Mr. Hayes had been lawfully elected, and he

would undoubtedly have put down any revolutionary movement against

his assuming the Chief Magistracy on the 4th of March, but there

is no evidence that he intended to hold over. Neither did the

Republican leaders in the Senate and House intend that he should

hold over, in any contingency. There were Republican Congressmen,

however, who intended to elect Senator Morton President _pro tempore_

of the Senate, and, in the event of a failure to have a formal

declaration of Mr. Hayes' election in the joint Convention, to have

had Senator Morton declared President of the United States.

Meanwhile, it was positively asserted, and never authoritatively

denied, that a compact had been entered into between representatives

of Southern Congressmen and the authorized friends of Mr. Hayes at

Wormley's Hotel, in Washington, by which it was agreed that the

Union troops were to be withdrawn from the South in consideration

of the neutrality of the Southern vote in Congress on all questions

involving the inauguration of Mr. Hayes as President of the United

States.

[Facsimile]

JamesGBlaine

JAMES GILLESPIE BLAINE was born in Washington County, Pennsylvania,

January 31st, 1830; adopted the editorial profession; was a member

of the Maine Legislature, 1859-1862; was a Representative from

Maine, 1863-1876; was United States Senator from Maine, 1876-1880;

was Secretary of State under Presidents Garfield and Arthur, March

5th, 1881 - December 12th, 1881; was nominated for President by

the Republican Convention, at Chicago, June 3d-6th, 1884, and was

defeated.

Perley's reminiscences of sixty years in the national metropolis, v. 1-2 · 第 28 / 47 章