JAN. 18.]

Hugh Weir of Cloburn, a boy of fourteen years, had been taken out of

the town of Edinburgh from his mother’s friends, and carried over to

Ireland, and there married to the daughter of the Laird of Corehouse.

He ‘was, by Sir James Hamilton’s means, apprehended in Ireland, and

sent back to Scotland, and presented to the Council. He was imprisoned

in the Tolbooth, in a room next the Laird of Blackwood, by whose means

the boy was taken away and sent into Ireland.’--_Bal._

* * * * *

[Sidenote: MAR. 3.]

(Tuesday) at ‘half an hour to sax in the morning, ane earthquake had

in divers places.’ ‘On Thursday thereafter, ane other earthquake at 12

hours in the night, had baith in land and burgh.’-_Chron. Perth._

* * * * *

[Sidenote: AUG. 12.]

[Sidenote: 1614.]

Theophilus Howard, Lord Walden (afterwards Earl of Suffolk), made a

short journey of pleasure in Scotland; and as the details give some

idea of the means there were in the country of entertaining a stranger

of distinction, they may be worth noting. His lordship was received

by the Earl of Home into Dunglass House, in Berwickshire, and ‘used

very honourably.’ He dined next day with his brother-in-law, Sir James

Home of Cowdenknowes, at Broxmouth House, near Dunbar. Advancing

thence towards Edinburgh, he was met by the secretary of state, Sir

Thomas Hamilton of Binning, accompanied by a number of gentlemen of

the country, all of whom had waited for him the preceding night at

Musselburgh Links, but were disappointed of his coming forward. He

was by them convoyed to the Canongate, and lodged in John Killoch’s

house. Next morning, he proceeded to the Castle, and ‘viewed the site,

fortification, and natural strength thereof.’ Having dined, he rode

from Edinburgh with the Lord Chancellor to Dunfermline, where he was

entertained with all kindness and respect till Monday, the 16th. He

then went to Culross, to see Sir George Bruce’s coal-works, which

were one of the wonders of the age; ‘where, having received the best

entertainment they could make him, my Lord Chancellor took leave of

him, and left him to be convoyed by my Lord Erskine to Stirling, where

he could not be persuaded to stay above one night. The next day, he saw

the park of Stirling, dined in the Castle, and raid that night towards

Falkland.’ On the way, Lord Erskine transferred him to the care of

Lord Scone, who, assisted by many gentlemen of Fife, took him to his

house in Falkland.’ There, doubtless to the great distress of Lord

Scone, no entreaties could prevail upon Lord Walden to stay longer than

a night, ‘to receive that entertainment which he wald gladly have made

langer to him.’ So, ‘after the sight of the park and palace, having

dined, his lordship and my Lord of Scone came to Burntisland, where

he had ready and speedy passage; but the wind being very loud, he was

exceeding sick at sea.’ Landing at Leith, the distinguished company was

received for refreshment into the house of a rich and prominent person

of that day, Bernard Lindsay, whom we shall see erelong entertaining

Ben Jonson in the same place. Here the secretary again took up

the stranger, and convoyed him once more to John Killoch’s in the

Canongate, ‘whither the bailies of Edinburgh came to him, and invited

him to supper the next day, but could not induce him by any entreaty to

stay.’ Having dismissed them, he went to see the palace of Holyrood.

Next day, the 19th of August, he left Edinburgh, and rode with the

secretary to Seton, ‘where he was received by the Countess of Winton

and her children, and used with all due respect.’ After taking a sight

of the house, which was of princely elegance, with beautiful gardens,

Lord Walden proceeded to Broxmouth, and there spent the night.

‘In all his journey through this country,’ says the contemporary

writer, ‘great and loving respect has been borne to him by all honest

men, whereof he has proven most worthy; for he has esteemed all things

to the uttermost of their worth, and in his courteous discretion has

favourably excused all oversights and defects.... Every honest man here

wishes him happiness in all his other journeys and enterprises, for the

honourable, wise, and humane behaviour he has used amang them.’[351]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: 1614.]

In this year, a small volume was printed and published by Andro Hart

of Edinburgh, under the title of _Mirifici Logarithmorum Canonis

Descriptio_, &c., _Auctore et Inventore Joanne Napero, Barone

Merchistonii, Scoto_. This was a remarkable event in the midst of so

many traits of barbarism, bigotry, and ignorance; for in Napier’s

volume was presented a mode of calculation forming an essential

pre-requisite to the solution of all the great problems involving

numbers which have since been brought before mankind.

John Napier is believed to have been engaged in the elaboration of his

Logarithms for fully twenty years, while at the same time giving some

of his time to such inventions as burning-glasses for the destruction

of fleets, to theological discussions, and the occult sciences. The

tall, antique tower of Merchiston, in which he lived and pursued his

studies, still exists at the head of the Burgh-moor of Edinburgh.

[Sidenote: 1614]

Napier’s little book was published in an English translation by Henry

Briggs of Oxford, the greatest mathematician of his day in England.

The admiration of Briggs for the person of Napier was testified in the

summer of 1615 by his paying a visit to Scotland, in order to see him.

Of this rencontre there is a curious and interesting account preserved

by William Lilly in his _Life and Times_. ‘I will acquaint you,’

says he, ‘with one memorable story related unto me by John Marr, an

excellent mathematician and geometrician, whom I conceive you remember.

He was a servant to King James I. and Charles I. When Merchiston first

published his Logarithms, Mr Briggs, then reader of the astronomy

lectures at Gresham College in London, was so surprised with admiration

of them, that he could have no quietness in himself until he had seen

that noble person whose only invention they were. He acquaints John

Marr therewith, who went in[to] Scotland before Mr Briggs, purposely

to be there when these two so learned persons should meet. Mr Briggs

appoints a certain day when to meet at Edinburgh; but failing thereof,

Merchiston was fearful he would not come. It happened one day, as John

Marr and Lord Napier were speaking of Mr Briggs, “Oh! John,” saith

Merchiston, “Mr Briggs will not come now.” At the very instant, one

knocks at the gate. John Marr hasted down, and it proved to be Mr

Briggs, to his great contentment. He brings Mr Briggs into my lord’s

chamber, where almost one quarter of an hour was spent, each beholding

other with admiration, before one word was spoken. At last Mr Briggs

began: “My lord, I have undertaken this long journey purposely to see

your person, and to know by what engine of wit or ingenuity you came

first to think of this most excellent help unto astronomy--namely, the

Logarithms; but, my lord, being by you found out, I wonder nobody else

found it out before, when, now being known, it appears so easy.” He

was nobly entertained by the Lord Napier; and every summer after that,

during the laird’s being alive, this venerable man went purposely to

Scotland to visit him.’

As Napier (whom Lilly erroneously calls lord) died in April 1617, Mr

Briggs could not have made more than one other summer pilgrimage to

Merchiston.

* * * * *

Died John M‘Birnie, minister of St Nicolas’ Church, Aberdeen--a typical

example of the more zealous and self-denying of the Presbyterian clergy

of that age. A similar one of the next age says of M‘Birnie: ‘I heard

Lady Culross say: “He was a godly, zealous, and painful preacher; and

that he used always, when he rode, to have two Bibles hanging at a

leather girdle about his middle, the one original, the other English;

as also, a little sand-glass in a brazen case: and being alone, he

read, or meditated, or prayed; and if any company were with him,

he would read or speak from the Word to them.”... When he died, he

called his wife, and told her he had no outward means to leave her,

or his only daughter, but that he had got good assurance that the

Lord would provide for them; and accordingly, the day he was buried,

the magistrates of the town came to the house, after the burial, and

brought two subscribed papers, one of a competent maintenance to his

wife during her life, another of a provision for his daughter.’[352]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: 1615.]

The latter part of the winter 1614-15 was of such severity as to

be attended with several remarkable circumstances which were long

remembered. In February, the Tay was frozen over so strongly as

to admit of passage for both horse and man. ‘Upon Fasten’s E’en

[February 21], there was twa puncheons of Bourdeaux wine carriet,

_sting and ling_,[353] on men’s shoulders, on the ice, at the mids of

the North Inch, the weight of the puncheon and the bearers, estimate

to three score twelve stane weight.’ This state of things, however,

was inconvenient for the ferrymen, ‘being thereby prejudgit of their

commodity.’ So they, ‘in the night-time, brak the ice at the entry, and

stayit the passage.’--_Chron. Perth._

[Sidenote: 1615.]

An enormous fall of snow took place early in March, so as to stop all

communication throughout the country. On its third day, many men and

horse perished in vain attempts to travel. The accumulation of snow was

beyond all that any man remembered.

‘In some places, men devised snow-ploughs to clear the ground, and

fodder the cattle.’--_Bal._ The snow fell to such a depth, and endured

so long upon the ground, that, according to Sir Robert Gordon, ‘most

part of all the horse, nolt, and sheep of the kingdom did perish, but

chiefly in the north.’[354]

The Privy Council, viewing the ‘universal death, destruction, and

wrack of the beasts and goods throughout all parts of the country,’

apprehended that, without some extraordinary care, there would not be

enough of lambs left to replenish the farms with sheep for future use.

They accordingly interfered with a decree forbidding the use of lamb

for a certain time. Nevertheless, so early as the 26th of April, it was

ascertained that there were undutiful subjects, who, ‘preferring their

own private contentment and their inordinate appetite, and the delicate

feeding of their bellies, to the reverence and obedience of the law,’

continued to use lamb, only purchasing it in secret places, as if

no such prohibition had ever been uttered. It was therefore become

necessary that severe punishment should be threatened for this offence.

The threats launched forth on this occasion were found next year to

have been of some effect in preserving the remnant of the lamb stock;

and, to complete the restoration of the stock, a new decree to the like

effect was then made (March 14, 1616).

[Sidenote: JAN.]

[Sidenote: 1615.]

The king and his English council having, with the usual short-sighted

policy of the age, decreed that no goods should be imported into or

exported out of England, except in English vessels, the burghs of

Scotland were not slow to perceive that the interests of their country

would be deeply injured thereby, as other states would of course

establish similar restrictions, ‘and if so, there is naething to be

expected but decay and wrack to our shipping, insaemickle as the best

ships of Scotland are continually employed in the service of Frenchmen,

not only within the dominions of France, but also within the bounds

of Spain, Italy, and Barbary, where their trade lies, whilk is ane

chief cause of the increase of the number of Scots ships and of their

maintenance, whereas by the contrary, the half of the number of ships

whilk are presently in Scotland will serve for our awn privat trade and

negotiation.’

The king of France did in reality revenge the selfish policy of England

by issuing a similar order in favour of French shipping, the first

consequence of which was that an English vessel and a Dutch one, lading

in Normandy, were obliged to disburden themselves and come empty home.

‘Ane Scottish bark perteining to Andrew Allan, whilk that same time was

lading with French merchandise,’ would have been subjected to the same

inconvenience, if the master had not pretended to an immunity in favour

of his country, through its ancient alliance with France, ‘inviolably

kept these 800 years bypast.’ The Scots factors in France entered a

complaint before the parliament of Paris, reminding it of that ancient

alliance, and pleading that the French had ever had liberty of trade in

all Scottish ports; shewing, indeed, that Scotland was not comprised

in the edict of the English monarch and his council. The parliament

accordingly decreed that the Scotch should remain in the enjoyment of

freedom of trade within France, as heretofore.

The attention of the king being necessarily called to the interests

of Scotland in this matter, he was found obstinate in favour of the

general principle of the English order in council. ‘Natural reason,’

he said, ‘teaches us that Scotland, being part of an isle, cannot

be mainteined or preserved without shipping, and shipping cannot be

mainteined without employment; and the very law of nature teacheth

every sort of corporation, kingdom, or country, first to set their own

vessels on work, before they employ any stranger.’[355] He was willing,

however, to relax in particular cases. James argues logically, but he

had not sagacity to anticipate the doctrines of Adam Smith.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: FEB. 6.]

This day saw the extraordinary sight of a Scottish earl, cousin-german

to the king, led out to a scaffold in the High Street of Edinburgh, and

there beheaded. The sufferer was Patrick Earl of Orkney, whose father

was a natural son of King James V. Forty years earlier, this man would

have stood his ground against the law: now, it was too strong for him,

and he fell before it.

[Sidenote: 1615.]

Earl Patrick appears to have been a man of grand and ambitious views,

and his dream of life was to make himself a sort of independent prince

in the remote group of islands where lay his estate. The sketch given

of his style of living there by a contemporary writer is striking:

‘He had a princely and royal revenue; and indeed behavit himself

with sic sovereignty, and, gif I durst say the plain verity, rather

tyrannically, by the shadow of Danish laws, different and more rigorous

nor [than] the municipal or criminal laws of the rest of Scotland;

whereby no man of rent or purse might enjoy his property in Orkney,

without his special favour, and the same dear bought.... Fitchit and

forgit faults was so devisit against many of them, that they were

compellit by imprisonment and small rewaird to resign their heritable

titles to him; and gif he had a stieve purse and no rent, then was some

crime devisit against him, whereby he was compellit [to give up] either

half or haill thereof, gif not life and all beside. And his pomp was

so great there [in Kirkwall], as he never went from his castle to the

kirk, nor abroad otherwise, without the convoy of fifty musketeers and

other gentlemen of convoy and guard. And siclike, before dinner and

supper, there were three trumpeters that soundit still till the meat of

the first service was set at table, and siclike at the second service;

and consequently, after the grace. He had also his ships directit to

the sea, to intercept pirates, and collect tribute of uncouth [foreign]

fishers, that came yearly to these seas. Whereby he made sic collection

of great guns and other weapons for weir [war] as no house, palace, nor

castle, yea all in Scotland were not furnished with the like.’

[Sidenote: 1615.]

The doings of this insular potentate at length attracted the attention

of the law, and he was summoned in 1610 to answer for various acts of

the nature of a usurpation of the royal authority during the preceding

twenty years. It appears from this summons, that he made laws of his

own, and prosecuted divers gentlemen for disobeying them. He had forced

some of these persons into a Bond of Manrent, obliging themselves to

maintain his cause against whatsoever persons, and that they should

never know of any ‘skaith’ threatening him but they would reveal it

within twenty-four hours. He had imprisoned sundry persons in irons

and stocks sundry days and weeks, and compelled many of the poorer

class ‘to work for him all manner of work and labour by sea and land,

in rowing and sailing his ships and boats, working in the stane quarry

... loading his boats with stane and lime ... bigging his park dykes,

and all other sorts of servile and painful labour, without either meat,

drink, or hire.’ While forbidding the people generally to sell any of

the produce of their lands without his licence, he imposed on them

grievous taxations. In short, he had acted the baronial tyrant in the

extremest form of the character.

The earl was now a prisoner in Edinburgh Castle, and there could

have been no difficulty in convicting and punishing him. The king,

however, felt mercifully towards his cousin; and after several briefer

postponements, the case was hung up, and the earl conveyed, for the

safer custody of his person, to Dumbarton Castle. It is believed that

King James was even willing to have come to a compromise with the

culprit, granting him the lucrative keepership of some one of the royal

palaces, on condition of his renouncing all claim to Orkney. The earl

refused to temporise, and continued to entertain the secret resolution

to regain, if possible, his island sovereignty, and there set all law

at defiance.

He had a natural son, Robert, a fitting instrument for his designs.

Under his instructions, this youth proceeded to Orkney in 1614, and

there assembling a company, took possession of the castle of Kirkwall,

at the same time fortifying the church and steeple. Voluntarily or by

compulsion, a great number of the islanders signed a bond, engaging to

support him; and it was soon understood that Orkney was in rebellion

against the crown. The Privy Council met to consider what should be

done. The Earl of Caithness was now in Edinburgh, attempting to obtain

remission for offences of his own, one of which consisted in his

waging war in the preceding year against the Earl of Sutherland. It

readily occurred to his wily mind, that, for a culprit like himself,

nothing could be so good as to offer to help the government to punish

the crimes of others. It was, moreover, rather a pleasure than a duty

to carry war into Orkney. His offered services were accepted, and he

quickly sailed with a strong military party for Kirkwall. He found the

fortress strong, the country people generally in favour of the rebels,

and great deficiency of provision for his troops. He nevertheless

beleaguered the castle for about a month, during which time some damage

was done by ordnance on both sides. At length, by adroit dealing with

one Patrick Halcro, the chief associate of Robert Stuart, he brought

about a surrender of the house and all it contained (September 29,

1614), with a condition for the saving of Halcro’s life, but for no

favour to any other.

[Sidenote: 1615.

Domestic Annals of Scotland from the Reformation to the Revolution, Volume 1 (of 2) · 第 176 / 198 题