Andrew Melville, of whose courage and zeal for pure presbytery Scottish
history is at this time full, presided at a disputation in the
theological hall of St Mary’s College, St Andrews, where the question
was, ‘Whether by divining or diabolical force of witches and hags,
bodies may be transported or transformed, or souls released for a time
from bodies, and whether this transportation or transformation of
bodies, or resemblance of a projected corpse, without sense and motion,
as if the soul were banished, be a simple lethargy, or a certain
evidence of execrable demonomania?‘[240]
[Sidenote: 1599.]
If the reader be at a loss to conceive how any body of learned men
could gravely treat such a question, he may have the fact verified
to his mind by looking into King James’s book on _Demonologie_, where
the same matter is fully debated between Philomathes and Epistemon,
the two interlocutors in the dialogue of which that treatise consists.
In answer to the question of Philomathes, by what means may it be
possible for witches to come to those conventions where they worship
the devil and receive his orders, Epistemon coolly says: ‘One way is
natural, which is natural riding, going, or sailing: this may be easily
believed. Another way is somewhat more strange ... being carried by
the force of the spirit which is their conductor, either above the
earth or above the sea swiftly, to the place where they meet; which I
am persuaded to be likewise possible, in respect that as Habakkuk was
carried by the angel in that form to the den where Daniel lay, so think
I, the devil will be ready to imitate God as well in that as in other
things.... The third way is that wherein I think them deluded: for some
of them say that, being transported in the likeness of a little beast
or fowl, they will come and pierce through whatsoever house or church,
though all passages be closed, by whatsoever open the air may enter
in at: and some say, that their bodies lying still, as in an ecstasy,
their spirits will be ravished out of their bodies and carried to such
places; and, for verifying thereof, will give evident tokens, as well
by witnesses that have seen their body lying senseless in the meantime,
as by naming persons whom-with they met, and giving token what purpose
was amongst them, whom otherwise they could not have known; for this
form of journeying they affirm to use most, when they are transported
from one country to another.’
* * * * *
[Sidenote: OCT.]
The reformed clergy did not at first take a decidedly hostile view of
theatricals, and we have seen that even the Regent Moray allowed a
play to be represented before him. In March 1574, the General Assembly
forbade the playing of ‘clerk plays,’ and ‘comedies and tragedies made
of the canonical scriptures’ both on Sabbath and work-days; but as to
‘comedies, tragedies, and other profane plays not made upon authentic
parts of scripture,’ they were willing that such might be considered
before they be proposed publicly, provided they were to be set forth on
work-days only.--_B. U. K._
[Sidenote: 1599.]
Accordingly, it is not surprising that, when a company of comedians
came to Perth in June 1589, and applied to the kirk-session for a
licence to represent a play, of which they produced a copy, that
reverend court expressed itself as follows: ‘_Perth, June 3,
1589._--The minister and elders give licence to play the play, with
conditions that no swearing, banning, nor nae scurrility shall be
spoken, whilk would be a scandal to our religion, and for an evil
example to others. Also, that nothing shall be added to what is in
the register of the play itself. If any one who plays shall do in the
contrary, he shall be wardit, and make his public repentance.’--_P. K.
S. R._
These are among the proofs to the general conclusion, that the
puritanic strictness for which Scotland has been noted, did not reach
its acme during the first age succeeding the Reformation.
Ten years had since elapsed, during which the English drama had passed
through a vigorous adolescence, drawing the highest wits of the land
into its service. No regular theatre had been set up in Scotland, nor
was the time come when one could be supported; but some inclination
was manifested by the London acting companies to pay occasional visits
to the north, where the mirth-loving king and his court were ready to
patronise them. The clergy were by this time disposed to look more
sourly on the children of Thespis. An English company did come to
Edinburgh about October 1599--possibly the Blackfriars company, to
which Shakspeare belonged; but on this point, and as to the question
whether Shakspeare was of the party, we have no information. It
received a licence from the king to perform.
[Sidenote: NOV. 10.]
[Sidenote: 1599.]
Roused by ‘certain malicious and restless bodies, wha upon every
little occasion misconstrue his majesty’s haill doings,’ the general
kirk-session of the city passed an act in direct opposition to the
purport of the royal licence, threatening with censure all who should
support the comedy; and this they ordered to be read in all pulpits,
where, at the same time, the ‘unruly and immodest behaviour of the
stage-players’ became the theme of abundant declamation. The king
chose to take up this act as a discharge of his licence, and called
the sessions before him, when, after a conference, they professed to
be convinced that ‘his hieness had not commandit nor allowit ony thing
carrying with it ony offence or slander;’ and they readily agreed
to annul their former act. This was accordingly done next day, ‘sae
that now not only may the comedians freely enjoy the benefit of his
majesty’s liberty and warrant grantit to them, but all his majesty’s
subjects, inhabitants within the said burgh, and others whatsomever,
may freely at their awn pleasure repair to the said comedies and plays,
without ony pain, reproach, censure, or slander to be incurrit by
them.’--_P. C. R._
We learn, however, from Spottiswoode, that this was ‘to the great
offence of the ministers.’
* * * * *
[Sidenote: OCT.]
The Western Isles being a scene of almost incessant private war and
strife, and the crown-rents remaining unpaid, the king became desirous
to reduce that part of his dominions to obedience and the arts of
peace. It was thought that a plantation of industrious Lowlanders might
prove an effectual means of civilising the district. As a preliminary
step, an act of parliament was passed (June 1598) for depriving of
their lands all who should not shew their titles by a particular day--a
most arbitrary measure, which to some extent the turbulent chieftains
were justified in resisting. In this manner the islands of Lewis and
Harris, the lands of Dunvegan in Skye, and of Glenelg on the mainland,
were declared to be at the disposal of the government. It was resolved
to proceed, in the first place, with the planting of the Lewis, where
there were only two illegitimate sons of the late proprietor to give
any opposition.
Accordingly, a set of gentlemen, chiefly belonging to Fife, associated
themselves together as adventurers; namely, the Duke of Lennox;
Patrick, Commendator of Lindores; William, Commendator of Pittenweem;
Sir James Anstruther, younger of that Ilk; Sir James Sandilands of
Slamanno; James Learmont of Balcomie; James Spens of Wormiston; John
Forret of Fingask; David Home, younger of Wedderburn; and Captain
William Murray. By the terms of a contract between these individuals
and the government, they were, in consideration of the great expenses
to be incurred by them, and the improvements which they were
expected to make, freed from any payment of rent for the lands which
they were to occupy, for seven years. At the end of that time, an
annual grain-rent of one hundred and forty chalders of beir was to
commence.[241]
[Sidenote: 1599.]
In October 1599, ‘the adventurers met altogether in Fife, where
they assembled a company of soldiers, and artificers of all sorts,
with everything which they thought requisite for a plantation. So,
transporting themselves into the Lewis, they began apace to build and
erect houses in a proper and convenient place fit for the purpose.
In the end, they made up a pretty town, where they encamped. Niel
Macleod and Murdo Macleod--now only left in that island of all Rorie
Macleod his children--withstood the undertakers. Murdo Macleod
invaded the Laird of Balcomie, whom he apprehended with his ship [near
the Orkneys], and killed all his men: so, having detained him six
months in captivity within the Lewis, he released him, upon promise
of a ransom. But Balcomie died in his return homeward to Fife,[242]
after his releasement, whereby Murdo Macleod was disappointed of his
ransom.’--_G. H. S._
The two brothers soon after quarrelled, and Niel took Murdo prisoner.
The enterprisers entered into an agreement with him for the delivery
of Murdo to themselves, promising him, in requital, a portion of their
lands. Niel consequently obtained a pardon at Edinburgh, while Murdo
was hanged at St Andrews, confessing that the Lord of Kintail, the
ambitious chief of the Mackenzies, had been the instigator of his
brother and himself in their opposition to the plantation, the fact
being, that Kintail desired to obtain the Lewis himself.
The truth of this appeared when the Lord of Kintail soon after set at
liberty Tormod Macleod, legitimate son of the late proprietor, who
immediately proceeded to raise a new war against the undertakers. Niel
joining him, they attacked the settlement, which they destroyed, killed
most of the people, and took the commanders prisoners. These gentlemen
were only released eight months after, on a promise that they should
abandon the island, and never return; besides which, they undertook to
procure a pardon from the king for their conquerors.
Thus ended, for a time, the attempt to plant the Lewis.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: DEC. 17.]
[Sidenote: 1599.]
Till this time, the new year legally held in Scotland was that
originally pitched upon by Exiguus when he introduced the Christian
era--namely, the 25th of March, or day of the Annunciation. King James,
probably looking upon the approaching year 1600 as the beginning of a
new century, thought it would be a good occasion for bringing Scotland
into a conformity with other countries in respect of New-year’s Day.
There was therefore passed this day at Holyrood an act of Privy
Council, in which it is set forth that ‘in all other weel-governit
commonwealths and countries, the year begins yearly upon the first of
January, commonly called New-year’s Day, and that this realm only is
different frae all others in the count and reckoning of the years;’ for
which reason they ordained that, in all time coming, Scotland shall
conform to this usage, and that the next first of January shall be the
first day of the year of God 1600.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: DEC. 27.]
A singular combat being intended betwixt Alexander Livingstone of
Pantaskin and John Kennedy, appeirand of Baltersand, without any
warrant from his majesty, the Privy Council denounced and prohibited
the encounter as contrary to law, and ‘not likely to settle the
trouble whereupon the challenge proceeded and procure peace to baith
parties.’--_P. C. R._
On the 1st of April 1600, there was a strong edict for the execution of
the laws against single combats, which were said, through slackness of
the law, to have become frequent.
* * * * *
During this year ‘there were divers incursions in the Highlands and
Borders, and sundry slaughters committed in divers parts of the
country. Five sundry men were slain in one week within two miles of
Edinburgh.’--_Cal._
[Sidenote: Circa 1599.]
M’Alexander of Drumachryne in Ayrshire had a lease of the teinds of his
estate from the Laird of Girvanmains, who in his turn was head-tenant
of these teinds from the Earl of Cassillis. ‘But this Drumachryne,
being ane proud man, wald now be tenant to my lord himself, and his
man. [That is, he preferred being _man_ or vassal to the earl.] The
Laird of Girvanmains came to my lord, and said his lordship “had [done
him wrang] in setting of his teinds to his awn man ower his head; and
for ony gains he sall reap by that deed, the same sall be but small.”
My lord answerit and said: “Ye dar not find fault with him; for, an
ye do, we knaw whare ye dwell.” The other said: “An he bide by that
deed, he should repent the same, do for him wha likit!” My lord said:
“Ye dar not steir him for your craig [neck]!” and bade him gang to his
yett [gate]. The Laird of Girvanmains rides his ways, and thinking that
the Laird of Drumachryne wald come after him, he stayit, and his twa
servants with him, on a muir called Craigdow, behind ane knowe [knoll],
while that he saw him coming. His brother, the Laird of Corseclays,
being with him, and Oliver Kennedy of ... ; but they strake never ane
strake in his defence. Girvanmains pursues him, and his twa men with
him, callit Gilbert M‘Fiddes and William M‘Fiddes, ane boy, wha was the
spy. They come to them on horseback, and strake him on the head with
swords, and slew him. My lord was very far offendit at this deed, and
avowit to have ane mends thereof, and causit denounce Girvanmains to
the horn; and did all he could to have his life, and wrack him in his
geir.’--_Hist. Ken._
A less tragical, but equally characteristic affair occurred in the same
district about the same period. Let it first be understood that Kennedy
of Bargeny and the Earl of Cassillis had long been on hostile terms.
[Sidenote: Circa 1599.]
‘My lord, having ane decreet against ane servant, of the Laird of
Bargeny’s, callit John M‘Alexander, of the lands of Dangart ... wald
put the same in execution, and intromit with the haill corns that was
upon the grund; and send his household servants, and gart [caused]
intromit with some of the corns, and shore ane part thereof. This
coming to the Laird of Bargeny’s ears, he loups on in Ardstinchar, and
rides to the land, and with horse and carts brought the corns that
they had shorn with him to Ardstinchar; for, he said: “My lord had nae
richt to the corns, albeit he had obteenit decreet against the land.”
This being on the Saturday, my lord provides with all his force he
can, against Monday, to shear the rest of the corns. And the Laird of
Bargeny, in the same manner, provides for the same effect. The Laird of
Bargeny, [being] the nearest hand, comes first to the grund, and to the
number of six hundred men on horse, with twa hundred hagbutters. And my
Lord of Ochiltree came also, with the number of ane hunder horse; so
that, in all, he was, or [ere] twelve hours, the number of nine hunder
men, on foot and horse. My Lord of Cassillis come also, with his haill
force that he might mak, to the like number or few mae [more]. But the
Laird, being in the house and yards, and he having many basses and
hagbuts of found with him, the same was onpossible for my lord to mend
himself. But my Lord of Cathcart, being ane nobleman wha had married to
his wife ane near kinswoman of my Lord Cassillis, and his son having
married the Laird of Bargeny’s sister, travelled amang them, and took
up the matter in this sort, that the laird should have the haill corns
that was on the grund to his servant, and should find caution for the
duty of the land, whilk was my lord’s; and that my lord should come to
the grund of the lands, and, according to his decreet, tak possession
of the same, but not to steir the corns; and the Laird of Carleton
and the Gudeman of Ardmillan to be cautioners for the foresaid duty,
and my lord fand caution not to trouble the corns, nor the man in the
shearing of them. And [according] to this agreeance, the laird rade his
way to Ardstinchar; and my lord came to the land and took possession;
and John M’Alexander shore his corns in peace.’--_Hist. Ken._
[Sidenote: 1600.