MAY 15.]

King James at this time attempted what Dr Robertson, with somewhat

too much complaisance, calls a work worthy of a king. Many of his

nobility were at feud with each other on account of past grievances.

For example, Glammis bore deadly hatred against the Earl of Crawford,

in consequence of the killing of his father by some of Crawford’s

people at Stirling in 1578. With the Earl of Angus, whose piety and

love of the clergy induced James to call him _the Ministers’ King_,

it was sufficient ground of hostility against the Earl of Montrose

that he had sat as chancellor on the jury which adjudged Morton to the

Maiden. The Earls of Huntly and Marischal had some mutual grudge of

their own, perhaps little intelligible to southern men. So it was with

others. The nobility being now assembled at a convention, James, who

never could check outrages amongst them by the sword of justice, did

what a good-natured weak man could to induce them to be reconciled to

each other, and call it peace when there was no peace. Assembling them

all at a banquet in Holyrood on a Sunday, he drank to them thrice, and

solemnly called on them to maintain concord, threatening to be an enemy

to him who should first disobey the injunction. Next day, after supper,

then an early meal, and after ‘many scolls’ had been drunk to each

other, he made them all march in procession ‘in their doublets’ up the

Canongate, two and two, holding by each other’s hands, and each pair

being a couple of reconciled enemies. He himself went in front, with

Lord Hamilton on his right hand, and the Lord Chancellor Maitland on

the left; next after, the Duke of Lennox and Lord Claud Hamilton; then

Angus and Montrose, Huntly and Marischal, Crawford and the Master of

Glammis. Coming to the Tolbooth, his majesty ordered all the prisoners

for debt to be released. Thence he advanced to the picturesque old

market-cross, covered with tapestry for the occasion, and where the

magistrates had set out a long table well furnished with bread, wine,

and sweetmeats. Amidst the blare of trumpets and the boom of cannon,

the young monarch publicly drank to his nobles, wishing them peace and

happiness, and made them all drink to each other. The people, long

accustomed to sights of bloody contention, looked on with unspeakable

joy, danced, broke into songs of mirth, and brought out all imaginable

musical instruments to give additional, albeit discordant expression,

to their happiness. All acknowledged that no such sight had ever

been seen in Edinburgh. In the general transport, the gloomy gibbet,

usually kept standing there in readiness, was cast down, as if it could

never again be needed. Sweetmeats, and glasses from which toasts had

been drunk, flew about both from the table of the feast and from the

responsive parties on the _fore-stairs_. When all was done, the king

and nobles returned in the same form as they had come.--_Moy._ _Bir._

_Cal._ _H. K. J._

Healing measures like these were not nearly so good as they seemed. In

less than two months, we find six or seven of the nobles quarrelling

about priority of voting, and Lord Home passing a challenge to Lord

Fleming--‘wha were not sufferit to fecht, albeit they were baith weel

willing.’

King James had a sincere antipathy to deadly feuds and quarrels,

because he loved peace and good-humour; but timidity, want of

strong will, and partly, perhaps, his very _bonhomie_, prevented

him from taking those severe measures with offenders which alone

could effectually repress such practices. He desired to correct men

by proclamations, or at the most ‘hornings;’ and when one gentleman

had literally killed his neighbour in a casual rencontre, the king

was satisfied if he could induce the son or other relations of the

deceased to meet the guilty person, make up matters for a sum of money,

shake hands, and agree there should be no more of it. He liked to be

personally busy in effecting reconciliations, and at length came to use

what he considered as compulsory measures for bringing the parties to

his presence, that he might see to their renewing friendship. Thus, on

the 22d November 1599, an edict of council was sent to James Hoppringle

of Galashiels, and George Hoppringle of Blindlee, commanding them to

come and submit the quarrel standing between them to the arbitrament

of friends, on pain of being charged with rebellion. On the 12th of

January ensuing, James Tweedie of Drumelzier and William Veitch of

Dawick were charged, under like pains, to come and subscribe letters

of assurance, for ‘the feid and inimitie standing betwixt them.’--_P.

C. R._

* * * * *

In consequence of a bad crop in 1586, there was ‘great scant and

dearth’ this year, ‘and great death of people for hunger.’--_H. K. J._

Elizabeth issued a proclamation regarding scarcity, 2d January

1586-7. She speaks of ‘foreseeing the general dearth of corn and

other victuals, partly through the unseasonableness of the year past,

whereby want hath grown more in some countries than in others, but

most of all, generally, through the uncharitable greediness of great

corn-masters, &c.’ This was the invariable cry on all occasions of

dearth. All would be well if only those possessing grain would not

reserve it in hope of higher prices. No one ever dreamed of that

benefit which the modern political economist sees in the reservings of

the corn-merchant--namely, an equalising of consumption over the whole

period of the scarcity, as contrasted with the over-free use of the

victual at first, and increased scarcity afterwards. Perhaps there was,

after all, some grounds for the wrath at forestallers, for in former

days, as we well know, there was less means of obtaining information

regarding the extent of the failure of a crop than there is now, and

those gentlemen, accordingly, were rather speculators on a possible,

than on an ascertained case. They would hence appear as men aiming at

the making of a scarcity where there was perhaps no great occasion for

it. What offence greater, the poor public would naturally say, than

that of deliberately trying to starve us!

[Sidenote: 1587.]

King James had lately sent Vans of Barnbarroch, and his own

ex-preceptor, Peter Young, as ambassadors to Denmark, to negotiate a

match with the daughter of Frederick II. He now (June 14, 1587) wrote

to those gentlemen, ordering them to see to certain Scotch ships which

had gone to Dantzic for grain, designing to carry it to other foreign

ports for a profit: he demands that they shall not be passed by the

_tollender_ at Elsinore, till the skippers enter into an obligation to

bring the grain to Scotland, ‘for the relief of the puir and supply of

the dearth and scarcity.’[150] How would a modern corn-merchant feel if

his vessels were now stopped at the Sound with such a demand as this!

Patrick Hamilton, brother of the Laird of Preston, and captain of

Brodick Castle in Arran, was denounced rebel for not appearing before

the king and Council, to answer a complaint of Abacuck Bisset, writer

to the Signet in Edinburgh. It appears that Patrick, accompanied by two

nephews, had attacked Mr Bisset in St Giles’s Kirk in Edinburgh, during

the sitting of parliament, with a sword, and cut off ‘the haill fingers

of his left hand.’

This Abacuck Bisset was clerk to Sir John Skene, Lord Clerk Register.

He compiled a treatise entitled _The Rolment of Courtis, contenand the

Auldest Lawis, Actis, Statutis, Constitutionis, and Antiquities of His

Majesties Native and maist Ancient Realme of Scotland, as ane Frie

Kingdome, &c._

We have hitherto heard the name of Queen Mary chiefly in connection

with tragic matters: verily a name of tears. For once we find her

connected with a piece of pleasantry, and it was in association with

the author of the _Rolment of Courtis_. The father of this worthy

writer was caterer to the queen. One day, as she was passing to mass,

he acquainted her with his having a child to be baptised, and desired

her to assign the infant its name. She said she would open the Bible in

the chapel, and whatever name she cast up, that should be given to the

child. The name cast up was that of the prophet Habakkuk, which, in the

form of Abacuck, was accordingly conferred on the future writer.

[Sidenote: 1587.

Domestic Annals of Scotland from the Reformation to the Revolution, Volume 1 (of 2) · 第 111 / 198 题