APR. 7.]

John Lord Maxwell was at this time the most powerful man in the

south-west province of Scotland. He possessed Caerlaverock Castle

and many fair estates. The next man in the district was the chief of

the clan Johnston, usually called Johnston of that Ilk, or the Laird

of Johnston. The jealousy in which these great lords of the land

usually stood of each other chanced at this time to be inflamed into

hostilities, and Maxwell took such an attitude towards the profligate

government of the Earl of Arran, as to cause himself to be denounced as

a rebel. According to the common practice, the court gave a commission

to Johnston to proceed against Lord Maxwell, only helping him with two

companies of hired troops under the command of Captains Cranstoun and

Lammie.

[Sidenote: 1585.]

This proved an unfortunate movement for the house of Johnston. The

two hired bands were cut to pieces on Crawford Moor[130] by Robert

Maxwell, natural brother to the earl. The same bold man proceeded to

Johnston’s castle of Lochwood, and at the date noted set fire to it,

jestingly remarking that he would give Lady Johnston light ‘to set

her hood.’ Johnston himself sustained a defeat at the hands of the

Maxwells, was made prisoner by them, and died of a broken heart.

This was only the beginning of a protracted feud between the Maxwells

and Johnstons, which cost each family, as will be seen, the destruction

of two of its chiefs.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: APR. 30.

1585.]

John Livingstone of Belstane[131] complained to the Council of an

assault which had been made upon him on the 3d of the preceding

February by sundry persons, whose motive in so assailing him does not

appear. The affair is most characteristic--indeed, a type of numberless

other lawless proceedings of the time. John quietly leaves his house

before sunrise, meaning no harm to any one, and expecting none to

himself. He walks out, as he says, under God’s peace and the king’s,

when suddenly he is beset by about forty people who had him at feud,

‘all bodin in feir of weir;’ namely, armed with jacks, steel-bonnets,

spears, lance-staffs, bows, hagbuts, pistolets, and other invasive

weapons forbidden by the laws. At the head of them was William, Master

of Yester--a denounced rebel on account of his slaughter of the Laird

of Westerhall’s servant--Alexander Jardine, younger of Applegarth;

his servants, Stephen Jardine and Matthew Moffat in Woodend, James

Borthwick of Colela, John Lauder of Hartpool, Michael Hunter of

Polmood, John Hoppringle in Peebles, James Hoppringle of the same

place, William Brenarde [Burnett?] of the Barns, John Cockburn of Glen,

and Colin Langton of Earlshaugh, were among the company, evidently all

of them men of some figure and importance. Having come for the purpose

of attacking Livingstone, they no sooner saw him than they set upon

him, with discharge of their firearms, to deprive him of his life. He

narrowly escaped, and ran back to his house, which they immediately

environed in the most furious manner, firing in at the windows and

through every other aperture, for a space of three hours. A ‘bullon’

pierced his hat. As they departed, they met his wife and daughter, whom

they abused shamefully. In short, it seems altogether to have been an

affair of the most barbarous and violent kind. The offenders were all

denounced rebels.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: MAY 7.]

The pest, which had commenced in Perth in the previous September,

was believed to be now brought thence by a servant-woman to the

Fishmarket in Edinburgh (_Moy._), where it ‘was first knawn to be in

Simon Mercerbanks’s house.’ (_Bir._) From accident or otherwise, the

king acted on this occasion exactly as he had done at Perth, when the

plague first declared itself there. On the very day when the disease

appeared in Edinburgh, he left the city, and ‘rode to Dirleton[132]

to a sumptuous banquet prepared by the Earl of Arran.’ (_Cal._) The

pest continued in the capital till the subsequent January, sometimes

carrying off twenty-four people in a single night. ‘The haill people

whilk was able to flee, fled out of the town: nevertheless there died

of people which were not able to flee, fourteen hundred and some odd.’

(_Bir._) It was at St Andrews in August, ‘and continued till upwards

of four hundred people died, and the place was left almost desolate.’

(_Moy._) Dunse is cited as a place where this pestilence ‘raged

extremely.’ (_Mar._). In Perth, between 24th September 1584, and August

1585, when it ceased, it carried off fourteen hundred and twenty-seven

persons, young and old, or thereby. (_Chron. Perth._) This could not be

less than a sixth of the entire population.

June 23, 1585, on account of the pest being in Edinburgh, the business

of the cunyie-house was ordered to be transported to Dundee, and the

coining of gold, silver, and alloyed money to go on there as it had

hitherto done in Edinburgh. On the alloyed pennies, OPPIDUM DUNDEE

was to be substituted for OPPIDUM EDINBURGI. The Exchequer was also

removed to Falkland, and the Court of Session to Stirling. On the 21st

of October, the pest being now in Dundee, the coining was ordered to be

removed to Perth, and the name of that burgh to be substituted in the

circumscription.--_P. C. R._

[Sidenote: 1585.]

The severity of this pestilence excited the rage of the people against

the Earl of Arran and his lady, the then ruling power of the country,

to whose infamous life, and to the banishment of the Protestant

leaders, the evil was attributed. In the course of the summer, the

air being ‘perpetually nebulous,’ and the growing crop ‘universally

corrupted,’[133] the popular feeling was further excited in the same

direction, and the general cry was that the Lord would not stay his

hand till the banished lords were brought home again. These lords

actually did draw nearer to the Border, under the encouragement which

the plague thus afforded them (_Ja. Mel._), and by reason that the

citizens of Edinburgh were not now able to come forward and act, in

blind obedience to court-orders, as they were wont.

The revolution effected by the ultra Protestant party at Stirling

(November 2, 1585), was followed by a stoppage of the pestilence, ‘not

by degrees or piecemeal, but in a instant, as it were; so that never

any after that hour was known to have been infected, nor any of such

as were infected before, to have died. The lane, also, in Stirling by

which they [the banished lords] entered, was wholly infected; yet no

man [of their party] was known to have been tainted with it, or to have

received any hurt: nay, the men of Annandale did rob and ransack the

pest-lodges which were in the field about Stirling, and carried away

the clothes of the infected, but were never known to have been touched

therewith themselves, or any others that got or wore the clothes. They

also that were in the lodges, returned to their houses, and conversed

with their neighbours in the town, who received them without fear,

suspicion, or reproof, and no harm did ensue upon it. As for Edinburgh,

before the 1st of February, within three months it was so well peopled

and filled again with inhabitants, as none could perceive by the number

that any had died out of it.’ This change--‘nothing can be alleged to

have brought it to pass but the very finger of God. Let mankind advert

and admire it; and whosoever shall go about to bereave God of his glory

by laying it upon fortune, may his chance be such as his perverseness

deserveth!‘--_H. of G._

The assumed immunity of the Border thieves is extremely amusing. Being

here engaged in the right cause, it mattered not that they committed

the monstrous inhumanity of plundering the sick and cheating the heirs

of the dead.

[Sidenote: 1585.]

James Melville remarks the same connection of circumstances, but places

the improvement of the public health a month later. From the meeting

of the parliament in December, under the auspices of the king’s new

advisers, ‘the pest abated, and began to be strangely and remarkably

withdrawn by the merciful hand of God, sae that Edinburgh was

frequented again that winter; and at the entry of the spring, all the

towns, almost desolate before, repeopled--St Andrews among the rest.’

Melville relates a remarkable anecdote of this pestilence, under

November, when he had occasion to return from banishment at Berwick,

and to proceed through Edinburgh on his way to attend a General

Assembly at Linlithgow. ‘On the morn, we made haste, and, coming to

Losterrick [Restalrig], disjuned, and about eleven hours, came riding

in at the Water-gate, up through the Canongate, and rade in at the

Nether Bow, through the great street of Edinburgh, to the West Port,

_in all whilk way we saw not three persons_, sae that I miskenned

Edinburgh, and almost forgot that I had ever seen sic a town.’

* * * * *

[Sidenote: NOV. 2.]

‘The news of the taking of Stirling was at the court of England and in

London within aught and forty hours; for it being done on Tuesday in

the morning, on the Thursday thereafter Mr Bowes tauld us, and on the

Friday it was common in the mouths of all London.’--_Ja. Mel._

Under March 17, 1578, is another instance of extraordinary quickness

in the communication of intelligence from Stirling to Edinburgh. In

that case, we might suppose that the event only fulfilled a previous

design. Such could scarcely be the case here. Sir John G. Dalyell

remarks, that ‘rumours subsequently verified are undoubtedly sometimes

in circulation. The author recollects very well that the result of the

battle of Trafalgar, or of Corunna, was currently reported in the city

of Edinburgh, previous to any certain intelligence known to have been

received of the fact through what was esteemed the speediest channel:

nor, on subsequently computing the intervals, could satisfactory

conjectures be formed how it had arrived.’[134] It may be remembered

by many that, in the war in Afghanistan in 1842-3, the natives were

remarked often to be possessed of intelligence of events occurring

at a distance, long before any information had come to the British

through recognised channels. The author just quoted expresses his

opinion that, in such cases, there has merely been an anticipation on

probable grounds of an event which was subsequently ascertained to have

happened.

Domestic Annals of Scotland from the Reformation to the Revolution, Volume 1 (of 2) · 第 105 / 198 题