MAR. 11.]

The ex-Regent now lay a hopeless prisoner in Dumbarton Castle, chiefly

occupied, we are told, in reading the Bible, which, though he had

forced the people to buy it under a penalty, he had hitherto much

neglected himself. One of his servants, named George Fleck, ‘was

apprehended in Alexander Lawson’s house [in Edinburgh], together with

the said Alexander, not without their own consents, as was alleged, to

reveal where the Earl of Morton’s treasure lay. The bruit [rumour]

went--when the boots were presented to George Fleck, that he revealed a

part of the treasure to be lying in Dalkeith yard, under the ground; a

part in Aberdour, under a braid stone before the gate; a part in Leith.

Certain it is, he [the earl] was the wealthiest subject that had been

in Scotland for many years.’--_Cal._

Sir James Melville tells us that, long before the trial of Morton, his

gold and silver were transported by his natural son, James Douglas,

and one of his servants called John Macmoran. ‘It was first carried in

barrels, and afterwards hid in some secret parts; part was given to be

kept by some who were looked upon as his friends, who made ill account

of it again; so that the most part thereof lighted in bad hands, and

himself was so destitute of money, that when he went through the street

to the Tolbooth to undergo his assize, he was compelled to borrow

twenty shillings to distribute to the poor, who asked alms of him for

God’s sake.’

In May, he ‘was brought to Edinburgh, and kept in Robin Gourlay’s

house,[118] with a band of men of weir.’ James Melville says: ‘The

very day of his putting to assize, I happened to be in Edinburgh,

and heard and saw the notablest example, baith of God’s judgment and

mercy that, to my knowledge, ever fell out in my time. For in that

Tolbooth, where oftentimes, during his government, he had wrested and

thrawn judgment, partly for gain, whereto he was given, and partly for

particular favour, was his judgment overthrown; and he wha, above any

Scotsman, had maist gear, friendship, and cliental,[119] had nane to

speak a word for him that day; but, the greatest part of the assizers

being his knawn unfriends, he was condemned to be headit on a scaffold,

and that head, whilk was sae witty in warldly affairs and policy, and

had commanded with sic authority and dignity within that town and

judgment-seat, to be set upon a prick upon the hichest stane of the

gable of the Tolbooth that is towards the public street.’

[Sidenote: 1581.]

Morton was condemned for being ‘airt and part’[120] concerned in the

murder of Darnley. He was more clearly an actor in the cruel slaughter

of Riccio. After doing his best to insnare Mary into a marriage with

Bothwell, he had headed a rebellion against her on hypocritical

pretences. The extortions he had practised during his regency, in

order to enrich himself, shewed an equally sordid and cruel character.

Throughout all the time of his government, he had outraged decency

by the grossness of his private life. Yet ‘he had great comfort that

he died a Christian, in the true and sincere profession of religion,

whilk he cravit all the faithful to follow, and abide thereat to the

death.’--_Moy._ ‘He keepit the same countenance, gesture, and short

sententious form of language upon the scaffold, whilk he usit in his

princely government. He spake, led about and urgit by the commanders

at the four nooks of the scaffold; but after that ance he had very

fectfully[121] and gravely uttered, at guid length, that whilk he had

to speak, thereafter almaist he altered not thir words: “It is for my

sins that God has justly brought me to this place; for gif I had served

my God as truly as I did my king, I had not come here. But as for that

I am condemned for by men, I am innocent, as God knows. Pray for me.”

... I [am] content to have recordit the wark of God, whilk I saw with

my ees and heard with my ears.’--_Ja. Mel._

[Illustration: The Maiden.]

‘After all was done, he went without fear and laid his neck upon the

block, crying continually: “Lord Jesus, receive my spirit,” till the

axe of the Maiden--which he himself had caused make after the pattern

which he had seen at Halifax in Yorkshire--falling upon his neck, put

an end to his life and that note together. His body was carried to the

Tolbooth, and buried secretly in the night in the Greyfriars. His head

was affixed on the gate of the city.’--_H. of G._

The Maiden, which still exists in the Museum of the Society of the

Antiquaries of Scotland, is an instrument of the same nature as the

guillotine, a loaded knife running in an upright frame, and descending

upon a cross-beam, on which the neck of the culprit is laid. It is

not unlikely that the ex-Regent introduced the Maiden; but another

allegation, which asserts him to have been the first to suffer by it,

is untrue.

At the death of Morton, the common people were much occupied in

discussing a prophecy that the Bleeding Heart should fall by the

Mouth of Arran. Morton, as a Douglas, bore the Bleeding Heart in his

coat-armorial. Captain Stuart having been made Earl of Arran between

the time of the accusation and the execution, here, said they, is the

prediction realised, though what the Mouth of Arran meant it would have

puzzled them to tell. It was probably to this unintelligible stanza in

the prophecies of Merling that they referred:

In the mouth of Arran an selcouth[122] shall fall,

Two bloody harts shall be taken with a false train,

And derfly dung down without any dome,

Ireland, Orkney, and other lands many,

For the death of those two great dule shall make.[123]

Morton may be taken as an example of a class of public men in that

rude and turbulent time, who were to all appearance earnest Christians

of the reforming and evangelical stamp, and nevertheless allowed

themselves a licence in every wickedness, even to treachery and murder,

whenever they had a selfish object in view, or, more strangely still,

when the interests of religion, in their view of the matter, called on

them so to act.

[Sidenote: 1581.]

Nothing is more remarkable in the history of this period than the

coincidence of wicked or equivocal actions and pious professions in

the same person. Adam Bothwell, Bishop of Orkney, who performed the

marriage-ceremony of Mary and Bothwell, and afterwards in the basest

manner took active part against her--who was in constant trouble

with the General Assembly on account of his shortcomings--writes

letters full of expressions of Christian piety and resignation. He is

constantly ‘saying with godly Job, gif we have receivit guid out of

the hand of the Lord, why should we not alsae receive evil--giving

him maist hearty thanks therefore, attesting our godly and stedfast

faith in him, whilk is maist evident in time of probane.’ Sir John

Bellenden, justice-clerk, who had a share in the murder of Signor

David, and who, on receiving a gift of Hamilton of Bothwell-haugh’s

estate of Woodhouselee from the Regent Moray, turned Hamilton’s wife

out of doors, so as to cause her to run mad--this vile man, in his

will, speaks of ‘my saul, wha baith sall meet my Maister with joy and

comfort, to hear that comfortable voice that he has promisit to resotat

[resuscitate], saying, Come unto me thou as ane of my elect.’[124]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: JUNE 11.]

An entry in the Lord Treasurer’s books reveals the mood of the gay

king and his courtiers, nine days after the bloody end of Morton. It

is Sunday, and James is residing with the Duke of Lennox at Dalkeith

Castle. He attends the parish church within the town, and, after

service, returns, with _two pipers playing before him_.[125]

[Sidenote: 1581.]

It was, however, only four days after the death of Morton, and while

his blood was still fresh upon the streets, that the man who had

brought him to the block passed through the gay scenes of a marriage.

Captain Stuart--for Scottish history can scarcely be induced to

recognise him as Earl of Arran--had formed a shameful connection with

a lady of high birth and rank now figuring at the Scottish court. Born

Elizabeth Stewart, as daughter of the Earl of Athole, she had first

been wife of Lord Lovat--then, after his death, wife of the Earl of

March, brother of the Regent Lennox. Her intrigue with Captain James,

her divorce of the Earl of March on alleged reasons which history would

blush to mention, her quick-following marriage to Arran while in a

condition which would have given her husband a plea of divorce against

herself, and this occurring so close to the time when Arran had shed

the blood of his great enemy, form a series of events sufficient to

mark the character of the court into which the young king had emerged

from the strictness of Presbyterian rule. When the lady brought her

husband a son in the subsequent January,[126] the king was invited to

the baptism, and we only learn that he was prevented from attending in

consequence of a temporary quarrel which had by that time taken place

between Lennox and Arran.

A contemporary writer, speaking of the countess, calls her ‘the

maistresse of all vice and villany,’ and says she ‘infectit the air

in his Hieness’ audience.’ He accuses her of controlling the course

of justice, and alleges that she ‘caused sundrie to be hanged that

wanted their compositions, saying: What had they been doing all

their days, that had not so much as five punds to buy them from the

gallows?‘--_Cal._

The Presbyterian clergy regarded the frivolity of Lennox and

Mombirneau, their foreign vices and oaths, joined to the coarser native

profligacy of Arran and his lady, as forming a bad school for the young

king. A love of amusement and buffoonery he certainly contracted from

this source; but it is remarkable that he was not drawn into any gross

vice by the bad example set before him.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: NOV.]

At this time, upwards of twenty years after the Reformation, it was

still found that ‘the dregs of idolatry’ existed in sundry parts of

the realm, ‘by using of pilgrimage to some chapels, wells, crosses

..., as also by observing of the festival-days of the sancts, sometime

namit their patrons; in setting furth of banefires, [and] singing of

carols within and about kirks at certain seasons of the year.’ An act

of parliament was now passed, condemning these practices, and imposing

heavy fines on those guilty of them; failing which, the transgressors

to endure a month’s imprisonment upon bread and water.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: 1582.

Domestic Annals of Scotland from the Reformation to the Revolution, Volume 1 (of 2) · 第 97 / 198 题